{"id":177,"date":"2016-03-30T17:43:03","date_gmt":"2016-03-31T00:43:03","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/blogs.ubc.ca\/ancientmagic\/?p=177"},"modified":"2016-04-01T20:38:21","modified_gmt":"2016-04-02T03:38:21","slug":"expanded-the-annals-of-tacitus-the-depiction-of-the-witch","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/blogs.ubc.ca\/ancientmagic\/2016\/03\/30\/expanded-the-annals-of-tacitus-the-depiction-of-the-witch\/","title":{"rendered":"Expanded: The Annals of Tacitus & the Depiction of the Witch"},"content":{"rendered":"

In building the image of the Roman witch, the extant sources provide an abundance of literary motifs and evidence. Authors such as Lucan, Seneca and Horace have all contributed to the crafting of the classical witch. Yet, while these narratives are great sources for my research, they are literary in nature, and thus problematic in some areas \u2013 as many motifs associated to the witch may be used solely for dramatic purposes. The Annals <\/em>of Tacitus offer an opposing, and unique, perspective into the depiction of the Roman witch. Written as a historical narrative, his coverage from the reign of Tiberius to the reign of Nero gives modern scholars insight into a politically tumultuous period during the Roman Empire. Tacitus\u2019 recount of the use of magic as a means for political attack is absolutely fascinating. However, it is his reconstruction of women and magic that provides a potential construction of a real-life \u2018witch\u2019. Through an analysis of the accusations of artes magicae <\/em>laid against these women, Tacitus also indirectly speaks to a socio-cultural theme of associating women with dark magic. However, in as much as his narrative provides, it also presents a few areas of difficulty; namely, he serves as a reminder that obtaining a unified image of the Roman witch from both the fictional and non-fictional evidence is nearly impossibly and furthermore, his inherent bias towards women and the hackneyed use of magical accusations in our ancient sources do not lend favour to the credibility of his work.<\/p>\n

To begin, my area of research focuses on the association of women and dark magic \u2013 and what social and cultural phenomena are taking place that are giving rise to this association. My focus is both in the earlier Roman Imperial period (1st<\/sup> century BCE \u2013 1st<\/sup> century CE) and the early European period. By comparing and contrasting these two periods, I hope to be able to shed light on some common social themes \u2013 or differences \u2013 that took place in both periods that gave rise to women as witches. One of my objectives is to build a culturally specific image of witch in both the early Roman imperial and the early European period by combining the literary evidence with legal and historical documentation. In this objective, Tacitus proves to be an invaluable source for my research<\/p>\n

In Tacitus\u2019 Annals, <\/em>there are many accounts relating charges of magic with women. Two such women I wish to focus on are Munatia Plancina and Aemilia Lepida. In the former, Plancina is accused \u2013 alongside her husband Gnaeus Piso \u2013 of the poisoning of Germanicus. Tacitus recounts the poisoning and subsequent death of Germanicus in Book 2.69-88 and lists many of the items linked to witchcraft; leaden tablets with Germanicus\u2019 name, remains of human bodies, blood-smeared ashes, spells and curses were all discovered under the floorboards of Germanicus\u2019 house (2.69). In Book 3, he recounts the charges of magic laid against Piso and Plancina. Among such charges are the accusation of assisting in \u201cblack arts\u201d, and performing \u201cblasphemous rites and sacrifices\u201d after the death of Germanicus (3.13). Early in his narrative, Tacitus mentions Plancina\u2019s \u2018beloved\u2019 friendship with Martina \u2013 a famous provincial poisoner (2.74). Later on, he explains that the only witness to prove Plancina\u2019s involvement in Germanicus\u2019 death \u2013 Martina \u2013 is herself killed when poison is wrapped up in her hair, giving the implicit suggestion that it was Plancina who committed this (3.7).<\/p>\n

In the case of Lepida, amongst other charges, Tacitus tells us that she is accused of venena <\/em>against her ex-hubsand, Quirinius, of feigning to be a mother, of poisonings, of adultery and of seeking out the advice of Chaldean astrologers (3.22).<\/p>\n

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Both passages offer benefit in Tacitus\u2019 account of accusations of artes magicae. <\/em>They illuminate possible actions that would land under artes magicae \u2013 <\/em>an accusation often thrown at people who are associated with magic. This term has caused much debate among scholars, as it seems that ancient sources had no defined meaning of the concept. So while this cannot work as a defining source for artes magicae, <\/em>Tacitus can at least provide us with some actions that would be assumed of as such: blood-smeared ashes, body parts, poisoning, false-birthing and lead tablet possession can all be considered. It is beneficial for me to have a working definition for artes magicae \u2013 <\/em>as it is often used against women who have been accused of using witchcraft and magic \u2013 and thus can help me build an image for the Roman witch.<\/p>\n

These passages also give us insight into how Roman witches and witchcraft might appear in Roman reality. Although these women are not labeled directly as witches, their association with magic is probably a much more realistic depiction of a witch than what literature tells us. The artes magicae <\/em>as listed above are attested in literary depictions of witches, alongside other artes magicae <\/em>that Tacitus recounts \u2013 such as poison through hair, false-birthing and erotic love (see Horace\u2019s Canidia <\/em>and Apuleis\u2019 Metamorphoses<\/em>). Thus, the accounts of Plancina and Lepida create a more realistic depiction of a witch, because the artes magicae <\/em>used by them are also used by the fictional witch.<\/p>\n

These passages also point to a potential answer for one of my research questions; namely, what sociological factors are happening in the Roman world at this time that leads to an association with women and witchcraft. Both Plancina and Lepida hold positions of high power \u2013 they are the wives of governors of Syria. Thus, their accusations fit into a notable theme of this period \u2013 one in which women of significant power are often undermined and accused of wicked acts by our sources, in an attempt to curb their independence.<\/p>\n

But in as much as this source provides me with information to create the image of a Roman witch, it also serves as a reminder that I will not be able to create a seamless correspondence between the literary narrative of a witch and her realistic counterpart. Instead, I will have to attempt to analyze both the discrepancies and commonalities to create a perhaps disjointed, but hopefully culturally-specific, idea of a witch<\/p>\n

While the Annals <\/em>of Tacitus have given me much knowledge to work with, as a source he is problematic. One issue \u2013 and this applies for most ancient sources regarding magic \u2013 is the issue of translation. Many of the ancient Latin terms surrounding witch (i.e. saga, maga<\/em>) translate into English words involving witchcraft and magic. And this is problematic, because the modern translations carry much different cultural connotations than during the Roman period (Pollard 6). This then needs to be a constant factor in my research.<\/p>\n

One of the most problematic issues with Tacitus is his voice within the narrative. He presents a misogynistic, Republican attitude towards both society and women. As a historical writer, Tacitus must remain relatively close to the historical truth \u2013 regardless of his Republican ideals. However, he has an inherent bias towards women, specifically women within positions of power. This is evidenced when we consider that the senatus consultum de Gnaeo Pisone Pater <\/em>does not even mention any artes magicae <\/em>that Tacitus says is accused of Plancina (9). There is possibly an explanation for this discrepancy between the legal and historical documents, but it does call into question the motives of Tacitus. Furthermore, Pollard points out that our ancient sources used accusations of magic against women as attacks against their families (1). Again, this in itself makes some of his work \u2013 especially work directed at women \u2013 much less reliable.<\/p>\n

Tacitus\u2019 narrative provides us with much to work with in terms of women and magic and the female witch; his accounts of artes magicae <\/em>illuminate potential actions that fall into this category, and their close association with fictional witches help cultivate a better understanding of the \u2018real-life\u2019 Roman witch. His work then helps create a culturally specific idea of the Roman witch, and ties into the growing theme of associating women with magic. And as a source, Tacitus also serves as a reminder that I will never achieve a seamless association between literary text and historical and legal documents. Yet, he also presents as a problematic source. His bias towards women and his use of accusations of magic suggest that I must remain wary of his motives when trying to pull fact from the narrative. While Tacitus is a useful source, his voice has removed agency from these women, and has made assumptions for their actions (if they even happened) and is a reminder that we will never understand the real motives behind women and magic, but only glimpse it through the lens of misogynistic, male sources.<\/p>\n

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References<\/p>\n

Pollard, E. A. \u201cMagic Accusations Against Women in Tacitus\u2019s Annals.\u201d <\/em>In Daughters of Hecate: Women & Magic in the Ancient World <\/em>K. B. Stratton & D. S. Kalleres eds. (New York, 2014) 41-70<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Tacitus, Cornelius. The Annals of Tacitus, Books 1-6<\/em>. Trans. Francis F. D. Goodyear. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1972.<\/p>\n

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 <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

In building the image of the Roman witch, the extant sources provide an abundance of literary motifs and evidence. Authors such as Lucan, Seneca and Horace have all contributed to the crafting of the classical witch. Yet, while these narratives are great sources for my research, they are literary in nature, and thus problematic in […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":39275,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[1590061,1590080,1590075],"class_list":["post-177","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-uncategorized","tag-primary-source-discussion","tag-tacitus","tag-witches"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/blogs.ubc.ca\/ancientmagic\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/177","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/blogs.ubc.ca\/ancientmagic\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/blogs.ubc.ca\/ancientmagic\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blogs.ubc.ca\/ancientmagic\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/39275"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blogs.ubc.ca\/ancientmagic\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=177"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/blogs.ubc.ca\/ancientmagic\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/177\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":186,"href":"https:\/\/blogs.ubc.ca\/ancientmagic\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/177\/revisions\/186"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/blogs.ubc.ca\/ancientmagic\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=177"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blogs.ubc.ca\/ancientmagic\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=177"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blogs.ubc.ca\/ancientmagic\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=177"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}