Before reading further, I’d like to preface this article with an important disclaimer. It is clear that, in the research surrounding moko and Māori culture, there is a severe lack of the Māori voice. Most publications available on this topic are of European origin, which brings into question both the trustworthiness of outsider information, and the risks of inherent bias. This article is not a scholarly source and is not meant to add to that pool; it is a brief introduction for new inquisitive minds, and commentary on the link between moko and identity based on the few Māori and overwhelming European sources I have found. If the reader’s interest holds, I encourage them to learn more and learn truly from an expert, such as an experienced tohunga.
20%, or one in five. That’s the number of people in Canada who reported a mother tongue other than English or French in 2011 (Statistics Canada, 2001). It’s also the number of people in New Zealand who have a tattoo. One in five people in New Zealand and one in three under the age of 30, reported having a tattoo in 2011 (Ministry of Health, 2011). Among the tattooed population of New Zealand are its first settlers, the Māori people. Another statistic: Māori people make up about 15% of New Zealand’s population, and about 15% of them have moko, a Māori word whose closest English equivalent is tattoo. It’s best to say “closest equivalent” because moko isn’t just a tattoo; it’s a critical element of cultural identity, a form of communication, and a key life event in itself. Its meaning is more than skin-deep. Keep reading to learn about the process of moko, the meaning behind them, and what influence it has on Māori culture and people today.
History
There’s a myth behind how the Māori people began the practice of moko. While there are variations, all begin with a marital argument between Mataora (“Face of Vitality”) and Niwareka, the princess of the underworld. During the argument, Mataora beat Niwareka. She ran back to the underworld to her father, and Mataora realized his wrongdoing. Heartbroken, he dressed ceremoniously, painted his face, and went to retrieve her. After facing many trials and challenged along the way, he arrived before her and her family, who mocked his disheveled appearance. Mataora stayed humble, asked Niwareka for forgiveness. Niwareka did, and her father taught Mataora the art of Tā Moko to use in place of face paint (Barfield & Uzarski, 2009). Some variations allege that Mataora was taught Tā Moko and Niwareka was taught taniko, the art of weaving with coloured fibres (Te Awekotuku, 1997 p.109).
As far as archeological evidence goes, “tattoo chisels have been found in the earliest excavations in Aotearoa” (Te Awekotuku, 1997 p.109). Additional traditional tools include combs made from shark teeth and the bones of sea birds fastened to wood (p.110). Around the 18th century, metal was introduced in New Zealand by settlers. For a while, new blades and handles were crafted from metal, somewhat changing the process. However, settlers in the 19th century included missionaries which worked to wipe out traditional Māori practices including moko. John Lediard Nicholas, a settler who arrived in New Zealand in the early 19th century, was quoted, “it is hoped that this barbarous practice will be abolished in time among New Zealanders: and that the missionaries will exert all the influence they are possessed of to dissuade them from it” (Simmons, 1989 in Rua, 1999 p.2 & Nikora, Rua, Te Awekotuku, 2013). They somewhat succeeded; the practice of moko became increasingly rare in the 1800s and early 1900s. Conflicting reports suggest moko died out in the 1920s (Rua, 1999 p.2), while others claim that there are accounts of practicing female tohunga during World War I and II (Te Awekotuku, 1997 p.110). Close to the end of the 20th century, moko has seen a revival, particularly among Māori youth.
Meaning
You may not have heard of moko before, but more likely you’ve heard the term Tā moko (face tattoo), or moko kauae (chin tattoo). Traditionally, face tattoos were received by men, and chin tattoos by women. While many people around the world get tattoos, usually they are inked on arms, legs, one’s back…places that could be hidden. In effect, these tattoos are personal. While Māori culture includes tattooing on other parts of the body, moko on the face are meant to be seen because they communicate identity. The sense of identity inherent to Tā moko is often referred to as mana, or personal power. Māori people believe the skin to be symbolic, connecting the living realm with their ancestors. Thus carving one’s identity into the skin identifies an individual not only to other living Māori, but to the ancestral realm (Pawlik, 2011 p.7 & Palmer & Tano, 2007). The designs and their placement are identifiers of Māori people’s community composed of social rank, tribe, sub-tribe, and landscape in the area. For example, designs on the forehead, indicate one’s social status within a tribe (and consequently, no designs on the forehead or cheeks reflected a low social status). Occupation is noted on the cheeks, name on the nose, and tribal membership around the eyes (Pawlik, 2011). Recording on a part of the body that is always in view means that identity is immediately communicated to viewers. In fact, Tā moko were so integral to communicating identity, that some scholars have suggested it was impolite to ask a person who they were, particularly if one could not recognize a chief (Simmons, 1989, in Rua, 1999). Although not on the face, other moko also communicate important events and achievements in a person’s life (Palmer & Tano, 2007).
Anthropologists have pointed out that, prior to the introduction of writing systems, moko were the primary form of recording important events and stories (Pawlik, 2011 p.9). As such, they were not received lightly, and chiefs would use their moko as signatures later in contracts (Gilbert 2000:67, Robley 1998:11 in Palmer & Tano, 2007).
Process
A key element of Tā moko were the tools. As mentioned above, both chisels and serrated combs were used to create moko, and such combs are common to other Polynesian cultures. However, the use of chisels to carve is unique to Māori practice, and moreover, chisels were used only for the face, while combs for other parts of the body (Palmer & Tano, 2007). With a chisel and small hammer, skin was cut in clean grooves, with the dark ink then rubbed into the ridge. The combs on the other hand had ink on them, which was inserted under the skin as the artist worked. Following the replacement of bird bones with metal tools were bundles of needles (Te Awekotuku, 2002 p.246). Since the late 1900’s resurgence, these alternative tools have mostly been replaced with traditional electric inking machines as with contemporary tattooing. The reason behind the change is thought to be two-fold; traditional moko methods greatly damaged the skin, cost heavy blood loss, and necessitated long and acute pain. Additionally, current medical regulations stipulate certain safety measures in practice and materials, to decrease the risk of infection, septic shock, and death.
Traditional ink for moko was made from soot and either water or oil, depending on the practitioner. For the soot, foliage, vegetables, and small insects were burned (Te Awekotuku 1997 p.110). Some researchers also accounted that ink was made using burned tree resin mixed with dog fecal matter (Pawlik, 2011 p.8), although no other reports corroborate this claim, and current medical institutions in New Zealand heavily regulate the substances used in tattoo ink.
Both Tā moko and moko kauae are received by Māori during important life events, with the first one usually around the time a youth begins maturing. It is an individual experience, usually done in a small temporary establishment with only the recipient, the tohunga, and helpers present. The work is done by at least two practitioners; a tohunga, or artist, and one or more assistants. Due to the blood loss and swelling of skin during the process, several hands were needed to keep the wounds clean with clear spring water and in some cases, karaka leaves to soothe damaged skin (p.110). The process takes several days, done in sessions, concluded when the swelling and bleeding impede the carving process. During this time, the individual receiving moko may not speak, touch anyone, or feed themselves to prevent contamination. Instead they are fed by assistants using special ornamental funnels (Pawlik, 2011 p.8).
Current perceptions and practice
Although tattooing is an increasingly popular practice in New Zealand, its popularity is mixed with western notions of tattoo symbolism, reasoning, and design. A 2002 survey at a Tauranga Tangata Festival aimed to gather preliminary data about the significance, prevalence, and identity associated with Tā moko as well as its distinction from tattoos (Cairns, 2002). The demographics of the festival were majority Māori or Māori ancestry (85%). 60% of survey respondents indicated that they had a tattoo or Tā moko, and one in five indicated that they intended to get one in the future. Additionally, although participants overwhelmingly agreed that there was a difference between Tā moko and tattoos, less than half of those with markings indicated that their markings had some meaning. Considering the traditional communicative nature of Tā moko and looking at further responses to questions about the difference and meanings of Tā moko, it appeared that the practice is associated with Māori customs, however, there is less knowledge about what the designs may indicate about identity, social status, and so on—only that they mean something.
Similarly, a survey on the perception of tattooing among university students was conducted in the University of Waikato (Nikora & Te Awekotuku, 2002). 22% of respondents identified as Māori, 26% had tattoos and 36% intended to get a tattoo in the future. The main two responses to the question Why Get Tattooed? were identity and for the design. Answers elaborating on identity expression included marking key events in their lives, and to be identified by others, an idea reflected in Tā moko. Lastly, the respondents were asked to comment on cultural tattoos. The majority of respondents had a positive view of cultural tattoos, citing reasons such as appeal, showing identity and allegiance, and political statement. 17% of respondents thought negatively of cultural tattoos.
In terms of cultural literacy, this puts the practice of Tā moko in a unique light: on one hand, the increasing rate of youth getting Tā moko shows a sense of cultural identity, pride, and interest in one’s roots. This could go a long way in improving the perception of tattoos, face tattoos, and cultural bias against Māori (or tattooed) people. As the world becomes more globalized and cultures interact, Māori people will increasingly be faced with challenges from those who do not respect their culture or practices, or opportunities to educate such individuals and eliminate the bias that accompanies that lack of understanding. On the other hand, the finer elements of Tā moko seem to be getting lost in passing generations. In the Tauranga survey, 40% of respondents with a tattoo or Tā moko responded that they wanted to get one because they liked the design, it seemed trendy, or to make a political statement (Cairns, 2002 p.136). One individual replied that they got it because they had been asked to by their whānau, or extended family. This practice is in line with the idea that getting a moko was traditionally socially decided, between an individual, their family, and superiorly-ranked tribe members. The question that remains, then, is: is the loss of cultural nuance worth the survival of traditional practice? This is a question each Māori will have to answer for themselves.
References
Barfield, S. & Uzarski, J. (2009). Integrating indigenous cultures into English language teaching. English Teaching Forum 1. p.2-4. Retrieved from
Cairns, P. (2003). He Taonga te Ta Moko ki Tauranga Moana: A survey of attitudes, opinions, whakāro noa iho, towards ta moko during the Tauranga Moana, Tauranga Tangata Festival (Labour Weekend 2002). Retrieved from https://researchcommons.waikato.ac.nz/bitstream/handle/10289/847/N..?sequence=1
Ministry of Health. (2013). Survey of Selected Samples of Tattoo Inks for the Presence of Heavy Metals. Wellington: Ministry of Health. ISBN: 978-0-478-40289-6
Nikora, L. W. & Te Awekotuku, N. (2002). Cultural tattoos: meanings, descriptors, and attributions. The Proceedings of the National Maori Graduates of Psychology Symposium 2002. p.129-132. Retrieved from
Palmer, C., & Tano, M. L. (2007). Mokomokai: commercialization and desacralization. New Zealand Electronic Text Centre. Retrieved from http://www.theslideprojector.com/pdffiles/art195/mokomokai.pdf
Rua, M. (1999). Contemporary attitudes to traditional facial Ta moko: A working paper. In Robertson, N. (Ed.) Maori and psychology: research and practice – The proceedings sponsored by the Maori and Psychology Research Unit. Hamilton: Maori & Psychology Research Unit. Retrieved from
Pawlik, D. (2011). Maori ritual body embellishments. IDO Movement for Culture, 11, 111-116. Retrieved from http://www.idokan.pl/txt/tomXI/4/(2)%20Dorota%20Pawlik%20-%20Maori%92s%20ritual%20body%20embellishments.pdf
Statistics Canada. (2011). Linguistic Characteristics of Canadians. Statistic Canada Catalogue no. 98-314-X. Retrieved from https://www12.statcan.gc.ca/census-recensement/2011/as-sa/98-314-x/98-314-x2011001-eng.cfm
Stats NZ. (2015). Iwi statistics from Te Kupenga 2013 – tables. Retrieved from http://archive.stats.govt.nz/browse_for_stats/people_and_communities/maori/te-kupenga.aspx
Te Awekotuku, N. (1997). Ta moko: Maori tattoo. Retrieved from https://researchcommons.waikato.ac.nz/bitstream/handle/10289/798/?sequence=1
Te Awekotuku, N. (2002). More than skin deep: Ta Moko Today. Claiming the Stones Naming the Bones: Cultural Property and the Negotiation of National & Ethnic Identity. Los Angeles, Getty Research Institute. Retrieved from http://homework.sdmesa.edu/drogers/Art%20113/claiming%20maori.pdf