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Reading Blog

Agriculture as a mark of civilization

In Royal Commentaries, Garcilosa opens with a transcription of the oral retellings he grew up with of the origins of the Inca Kings. He writes that before the Incas came, the people lived “without tilling or sowing the soil”. Then, the first Inca prince and princess taught the people to “till the soil, and grow plants and crops, and breed flocks, and use the fruits of the earth like rational beings and not like beasts.” During our visit to the Pisaq ruins today, the tour guide said the Incas brought “civilized society” to the peoples of these mountains through the introduction of agriculture. It wasn’t very clear, but I think he explained that before the Incas, the people gathered wild foods.

I think it’s interesting that in both these narratives, the implementation of organized agriculture is a defining factor for what makes a society “civilized”. I think about this in relation to “Canada”, where European agriculture was very much weaponized by the government as a tool of assimilation. Perhaps you’ve heard of the forest food gardens of the Coast Salish and Ts’msyen peoples along the northwest Pacific coast. For the longest time, academics believed these forests were untouched and that these peoples were solely hunter-gatherers before they were introduced to European agriculture, because they failed to recognize that ways of actively cultivating food existed outside of our narrow idea of what agriculture entails. People were actually harvesting from very carefully managed gardens designed to be in-tune with the surrounding forest. The dispossession of Indigenous peoples from their lands was justified by the claim that they were not using their lands to their full potential; that their lands weren’t productive enough. The idea was that a claim to land was only legitimate if you intended to cultivate it in the way the Europeans did. This destroyed Indigenous food systems, both physically and through the severance of lineages of intergenerational knowledge transfer, and severely disrupted Indigenous diets.

So, I wonder about pre-Incan systems of agriculture. Were the people really just gatherers? Maybe agriculture wouldn’t even be the right word for their way of growing food. How do we define agriculture? Is any human system of working with plants in a way that benefits them an “agricultural” system? In my classes where we’ve discussed Indigenous food systems in “Canada”, we don’t (or we very rarely) use “agricultural” to describe Indigenous systems of growing food because in this context, the colonial connotations outweigh it’s usefulness as a descriptive term. In this case, the sign or the representation (our knee-jerk image of what agriculture looks like) is too far off from the reality to be of use.

But even if a people were solely hunters and gatherers, does that make them less “civilized”? Or less deserving of respect? Since we’ve really been on a let’s define things streak recently, how would we define civilization? And under that definition, is it an ideal that we should or must strive towards?

Edit: Changed my question and title according to Jon’s comment.

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Uncategorized

languages??? how did I get here?

After my post about trees, I don’t think Jon is going to like this one either.

On page 7 of The First New Chronicle and Good Government, Quechua and Inca are listed as separate languages. I was under the impression that Quechua was the language spoken by the Incas. Was Quechua not the official language of the Inca empire? Is Inca perhaps referring to an more professional/elite/secretive form of Quechua used for administrative purposes? Also, there are so many variations (?) of Quechua, what would have been considered just “Quechua” back then?

On the same page, several other Indigenous languages are listed: Aymara, Puquina Colla, Canche, Cana, Charca, Chinchaysuyu, Andesuyu, Collasuyu, and Condesuyu. This sent me down a tangent.

  • Aymara is an official language in both Peru and Bolivia.
  • Puquina Colla appears to have gone extinct in the early 19th century, but has influenced the existing (but endangered) Kallawaya language spoken by the Kallawaya people in modern-day Bolivia.
  • I can’t seem to find anything about the Canche language, though perhaps there is an alternative spelling that I’m unaware of.
  • When I tried spelling Cana as “Kana”, I could only find a language in Nigeria and a dialect in the Philippines.
  • Charca seems to be a dialect? subgroup? subcategory? of Aymara. I’m not in linguistics so I’m not sure what I would refer to it as.
  • Chinchaysuyu referred to the northwestern region of the Inca Empire and was likely named after the Chincha people. Today, Chincha is a province in southwestern Peru where many dialects of Quechua are spoken, collectively referred to as Chincha-Quechua. However, the Chincha people themselves disappeared a few decades after the start of the Spanish conquest. I’m confused as to whether Chinchaysuyu refers to the language spoken in the northwestern region, to the language of the Chinca people, or to the variation of Quechua spoken in the southwestern province. Perhaps all three are actually the same language? Hence, I also can’t figure out if Chinchaysuyu is still spoken today.
  • I am also experiencing a dilemma with Andesuyu. Andesuyu refers to Antisuyu, the eastern part of the Inca Empire. Numerous distinct Indigenous peoples call that region home, such as the Asháninka and Tsimané, and are now collectively known as Antis. These peoples also speak their own distinct languages. However, during the Inca reign, it seems only the Asháninka were referred to as Anti, so perhaps Andesuyu refers specifically to their language, which is still spoken today despite countless threats over the past five centuries.
    • Fun fact: “Andes” likely came from “Anti”. Although Anti was only used by the Incas to refer to the eastern portion of the modern-day Andes mountain chain, the Spanish may have generalized the term and used it to refer to the entire mountain chain.
  • “Suyu” means “quadrant” in Quechua. The Inca Empire was divided into quadrants: Chinchaysuyu and Antisuyu as previously mentioned, as well as Qullasuyu (Collasuyu) (southeastern) and Kuntisuyu (Condesuyu) (southwestern). The latter two are also the last two languages listed that I have yet to discuss. Note that these quadrants are not of equal size, with Chinchaysuyu and Qullasuyu significantly larger than the other two, and that the corners of the quadrants met at Cuzco. Qullasuyu likely got its name from the Qulla people, who speak a form of Quechua called Northwest Jujuy Quechua (or simply Qulla). “Collasuyu” is likely referring to this language, which is still spoken to this day.
  • Last but not least, Kuntisuyu, the smallest suyu of them all. There doesn’t seem to be much information about this suyu. As my understanding of the geography and peoples of Peru is not yet that deep, I’m unsure who inhabits this region and what language(s) they speak. Maybe another Quechuan language?

The Indigenous peoples of modern-day Peru include much more than the Inca, and there are many more languages than Quechua (or a form of Quechua?). This was a very shallow deep-dive that stemmed from my childhood habit of reading Wikipedia pages for fun. My word should in no way be taken as absolute because 1) I am an outsider with internet access but no real connection to these communities and 2) I have not even come close to encapsulating the depth and vitality of these cultures.

P.S. I read a cool fact about chinchillas that I need to fact check. I may also read up on ayllus because I briefly skimmed the Wikipedia page and realized I don’t understand local Indigenous self-governance (?) in the Andes at all.

Categories
Experience Blog

big rocks, also rivers, and a bit of tree

My questions about what materials the Spanish would have used to construct their buildings has been answered (at least in Cusco). I’m deeply saddened. I think the grandeur of the Catedral del Cuzco would not even have come close to the grandeur of Saqsaywaman.

When we visited Qorikancha, the tour guide told us the walls of the temple had been painted over with plaster, and holes had been made for the hanging of colonial paintings. But all that was shaken off in an earthquake (I can’t recall which one). In the aftermath of earthquakes, the Spanish buildings would lie in ruins on the ground, while the Inca walls would remain standing. I felt grimly satisfied. Perhaps this is Pachamama’s revenge. Pachamama feels the damage inflicted by the colonizers firsthand and decides to act on behalf of her children. Pachamama said NO to plasters and paintings, and YES to potatoes.

I was also deeply saddened to learn the Avenue El Sol is built on top of a large river. The river still runs beneath the road and, according to the tour guide, should become visible again further down. I have yet to confirm this for myself, but it’s in my plans for the next few days. I wish I got the name of the river.

Arguedas writes about the lines and stones of the Inca walls as rivers:

“The wall was stationary, but all its lines were seething and its surface was as changeable as that of the flooding summer rivers which have similar crests near the center, where the current flows the swiftest and is the most terrifying.”

At Saqsaywaman, the tour guide told us about the drainage systems built into the walls. I wonder if they’re still operational to some degree, even with most of the stones robbed. The walls would have literally become rivers during the six months of rain. I wonder if this runoff, and the runoff from the agricultural terraces, would have fed the river below the Avenue El Sol.

So I think about what it means for colonial forces to steal the stones take away the river. In a way, they’re robbing Cusco of the same thing. I think about the painting over of the stones and the paving over of the river. Is this meant to cover what was here before; to make invisible the forces that shaped the land before the Spanish arrived? The colonizers are rewriting the narrative through reshaping the land.

I believe the colonization of the people is intimately intertwined with the colonization of the land. On our walk up to Saqsaywaman yesterday, I observed the sheer number of eucalyptus trees growing on the slopes of the mountains. And it was pretty much only eucalyptus trees. Eucalyptus has long since taken up the space previously occupied by various native Andean species, in the same way that archbishops took up the space previously occupied by Inca Roca.

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Reading Blog

The trees of Arguedas’ Andes

I know this is an arts course so we’re supposed to analyze the texts or whatever, but this is my blog so I can do what I want. Here’s a rundown of the trees mentioned in Arguedas’ The Old Man and The Journeys. Stay tuned for a rundown of other flora, and also fauna, in my next reading blogs. The names in bold are the names used in the book.

(All images are public domain. Also the formatting is kind of messed up but I can’t figure out how to fix it. Thanks for understanding).

Cedrón (Aloysia citrodora)

  • Quechua: sitrun
  • English: lemon verbena
  • 2-3 m tall perennial shrub, rough leaves emit lemon scent when rubbed
  • used to add lemon flavour to many foods (main ingredient of Inka Cola), used in traditional medicine

Lemon verbena, Verbena triphylla Traité

Pepper Trees (Schinus molle)

  • Quechua: mulli
  • Spanish: anacahuita
  • up to 15 m tall evergreen tree, produces bright pink fruits
  • many traditional uses, I’ll just list a few briefly here
  • pink peppercorn (seasoning), treat wounds and infections (antibacterial and antiseptic properties), leaves used for cleansing and blessing, leaves used for textile dyeing, Incas used oil from leaves in mummification practices, Wari empire used the fruit in chicha

Schinus molle L. Anacardiaceae. Schinus molle - Jardín Botánico de Barcelona - Barcelona, Spain - DSC09304

K’enwa (Chenopodium quinoa)

  • English: quinoa
  • Spanish: quinua
  • (it’s the same pronunciation in all 3 languages, just different spelling)
  • low (1-2 m tall) “tree” with red bark (generally not considered a tree, but its stem is woody and Arguedas refers to it as such)
  • grows on valley floor and in some ravines
  • first domesticated in the Peruvian Andes from wild or weed populations (non-cultivated varieties still exist alongside cultivated)
  • able to thrive even in saline, nutrient-poor, and drought-stressed soils!
  • the “History” section of the Wikipedia page on quinoa is very interesting if you want to know more

ch'iva, ch'ivaqhora [chile], chula, quingua, quinoa, quínoa, quinua, reis-gänsefuß

Lúcumo (Pouteria lucuma)

  • Quechua: lluku uma (Spanish almost definitely came from the Quechuan)
  • English: none, just the Spanish
  • grows around houses of small haciendas
  • tall trees (up to 20 m) with straight trunks and high, leafy crowns
  • gray-ish brown, fissured bark which produces a milky white exudate
  • fruit eaten raw (very sweet!); also used in juice, milkshakes, and ice cream (apparently the most popular ice cream flavour and most popular fresh fruit in Peru???)
  • puree is used in a special kind of dulce de leche called manjar de lúcuma!

Pouteria lucuma

The following are known as “clean-wooded trees”, which Arguedas explains are trees where the branches and leaves may be trimmed frequently. I’m not quite sure what that means.

Lambras (Alnus acuminata)

  • Spanish: aliso andino
  • English: Andean alder
  • up to 25 m tall with a straight trunk, many yellowish lenticels, produces catkins
  • used in traditional medicine to treat acute inflammation

Alnus acuminata

Willow (Salix humboldtiana)

  • Quechua: sawsi/wayaw
  • Spanish: sauce criollo
  • grows along watercourses, evergreen OR deciduous depending on climate, grows up to 25 m tall, narrow triangular/columnar shape
  • Quechua-speaking communities recognized the thick clump of roots that help stabilize the soil and prevent the river from destroying crop fields and stone walls

Salix humboldtiana Willd.

Eucalyptus (mainly Eucalyptus globulus)

  • Quechua: kalitsu
  • Spanish: eucalipto
  • introduced to Andes from Australia in the early 20th century (yes, fairly recently!), has since become an important cash crop
  • introduced by priests to the hills that had become barren as European development had destroyed native Andean tree populations
  • fast growing and adaptable; able to survive the harsh Andean climate
  • has since developed a number of local uses: medicine, construction, cooking
  • very deep-rooting and dries up groundwater, other species unable to grow around them

165 Eucalyptus Globulus, AKA Tasmanian Blue Gum (1)

Capuli (Prunus serotina)

  • Spanish: cerezo criollo
  • English: black cherry
  • tall, leafy trees with luminous trunks that line town walls
  • Arguedas says they are the only fruit trees in the valley
  • long branches allow for dense undergrowth that houses toads
  • cultivated long before European contact, fruit was an important food

Tara (Tara spinosa)

  • Commonly called tara in English and Spanish too
  • English: Peruvian carob
  • Spanish: guarango
  • 2-5 m tall, yellow to orange flowers
  • resistant to most pathogens and pests, tolerates dry climates and poor soils (i.e., with lots of sand and rocks)
  • traditionally made into an infusion to treat inflamed tonsils, fever, cold, and stomachache
  • now used as a source of tannins in automotive and furniture leathers, made into gum to be used as a thickening agent and stabilizer in foods

Tara spinosa Tara spinosa

Broomwood (Spartium junceum)

  • Quechua: I couldn’t find one
  • Spanish: retama de olor
  • low, long belts (2-4 m tall) growing just beyond the shores of rivers
  • fragrant yellow flowers in May and June
  • Fun fact! Broomwood primarily photosynthesizes using its green shoots, so its leaves serve little use! This is a water-conserving strategy that allows it to thrive in dry climates.
  • native to Mediterranean, introduced and often invasive in Peru
  • has since become important in Quechuan and Aymaran ethnobotany, believed to protect against evil
  • nitrogen fixing! (essentially takes nitrogen from the air and puts it into the soil)

Retama de olor (Spartium junceum).

Unfortunately, I had to omit myrtle and puna trees because I couldn’t figure out what plants these terms were referring to.

I’ll be looking out for these trees for the rest of our time in Cuzco!

Categories
Reading Blog

Cedrón trees

I started reading Deep Rivers instead of what we’re supposed to be reading for tomorrow because it’s making me nervous that we have to read two entire books by Friday. So far I am… confused but enjoying myself!

In the first story, The Old Man, Arguedas tells the story of a boy who visits Cuzco for the first time with his father, who is from here. They arrive in Cuzco at night and leave early the next morning. They are visiting so the father can exact some sort of revenge on the Old Man, whom he is related to and previously worked for, but whom he hates.

The Cuzco described by Arguedas is dirty and disappointing, full of shadows and drunkards who urinate in the middle of the street. The tone of the story is dark and foreboding, and after reading it last night, I wasn’t sure what to expect. This morning, as we broke through the clouds and Cuzco came into view, I couldn’t help but think Arguedas was so wrong. Was he though? We’ve only been here for a day and I have yet to stray far beyond the four corners of the Plaza de Armas. Is Arguedas’ representation of Cuzco more “real” than what I have experienced so far? By the end of our stay, and as we get more adventurous, will we glimpse the “reality” that Arguedas described?

In the story, it is implied that the boy’s father has been away from Cuzco for a long time, so the Cuzco in his stories is very different from what the boy is experiencing. The boy mourns a Cuzco that he will never see and in response, the father says, “It’s Cuzco… That’s what it does to the sons of those who have left.” In contrast, the cedrón tree growing in the middle of the courtyard in the “driest, hardest earth” is forced to witness the decay of the city, reflected in the tree’s slow death as its bark is peeled off. The boy claims that despite the destitution around it, the cedrón must be the unhappiest creature of all in that courtyard. The boy says perhaps the colonizers “poisoned the earth of the city with their breath”, and that is why the cedrón is so small and scraggly. The fragrance of the cedrón tree is a source of comfort to the boy, and it pains him to see the tree suffer.

Cedrón is used in Indigenous traditional medicine in the Andes. Cedrón is also the main ingredient of Inca Kola, a drink created by a British immigrant to Peru and now owned by Coca-Cola. Inca Kola is a patriotic symbol for Peruvians and is hence a tool in the state’s nation-building project. The cedrón tree was brought to Europe in the 17th century and has since become a popular ornamental plant, in addition to its popularity as a flavouring agent. Perhaps the physical decay of the cedrón in The Old Man is analogous to this decay of sacredness as the trees and their products become increasingly commodified. What does it mean to be sacred?

I’m going to be looking out for cedrón trees around Cuzco!

Categories
Experience Blog

Hey Jon, since you wanted a comparison so bad…

Jon, I hope you know that when I make digs at the Peru program in comparison to the Nepal program, it’s all jokes. I’m so grateful for this opportunity and I’m truly having a great time, and I’m learning a lot! Of course, I can’t help but to compare the two, but the more I try, the more I find that it can’t be fairly done. The programs differ in their context and goals, and therefore in their content, structure, and overall dynamics.

Yesterday, at Plaza Mayor, you told us the area is a UNESCO World Heritage Site. I immediately asked about the age because I had become used to the UNESCO sites within the city of Kathmandu being thousands of years old. They survived to this day through constant reparation and restoration with traditional techniques passed down through families. Here, you can already see how the context differs significantly from Peru. I’m sure parts of Kathmandu were also planned — I’m sure it was also an idealized sign before it was reality — but I think the ideal there was rooted in the spiritual and religious tenets of Buddhism, rather than a colonial conception of order. I’m not going to get into it (yuh), but the context and impact of colonization in Nepal is vastly different from that of Peru.

Briefly visiting Madrid before coming here was an interesting experience. It’s unsettling to see the same structures and designs repeated, maybe not exactly, but close to exactly (and with bonus palm trees) in a place that’s a 12 hour flight away. The Spanish really got around. Everywhere, I am seeing the physical manifestation of the Spanish colonial idea of the perfect city. I wrote out a whole bit about my thoughts on the Plaza Mayor in Lima versus the one in Madrid, before I realized the one in Madrid only gained its present name around 1939. Madrid’s Plaza Mayor was not meant to be the centre of power the way Lima’s was.

I’m also thinking about how gigantic that church at the Plaza Mayor was. I think the imposing physical grandeur of the church is symbolic not only of how much literal governing power it had, but also the power the church held over ways of thought. I’m thinking about the contrast between the Catholic-influenced art I saw in the Prado in Madrid, with its countless depictions of virginity and purity, and the ancient erotic art we had the opportunity to see in the Larco. I was going somewhere with this, but I lost my train of thought.

I just had a thought as I was writing this. Would the Spanish have used the same building techniques and materials in Peru as in Spain? Does the soil hold buildings in the same way? Are the same materials accessible here? If not, how did the Spanish adapt their vision of the ideal city? Is this land better suited to support a different kind of city? If so, did the imposition of this specific city structure have a lasting impact on the land?

Wow, I’m doing some of the worst writing in my life in this seminar. My thoughts are so scattered and I can’t gather them together. Hoping for better blog posts ahead. Thanks for understanding.

Categories
Reading Blog

Friday, May 24

If you’re going to respond to one of my blog posts, please don’t let it be this one thanks. This one is a mess.

I’ve been thinking about the idea of maps as ideological frameworks, and of the interplay between reality and representation.

“Thus, a sign contains two ideas – one of the thing represented, and the other, of the thing doing the representing.” (Rama, 1996, p. 7)

In an intro to Geographic Information Systems (GIS) class I took last term, we learned that all maps are projections. There is physically no way to display a sphere on a flat surface without distorting it. You are forced to make choices between what you believe is most important to accurately represent. For example, as you may already know, the most common Mercator projection severely distorts the size of countries so that those in the north are disproportionately large. However, the Mercator is one of (if not the best) projection for correctly displaying country shapes and, by extension, directions (this is why Google Maps uses the Mercator projection). Indeed, it was initially developed specifically for sea navigation. Maps are interpretations and, therefore, they can tell you a lot about who made the map.

As Rama states, maps are often idealized representations – how a certain person wants the world to look. They are something to strive for and thus, they can be an assertion of power. I’m thinking specifically about that map that the Chinese government released a few months (?) ago showing what they consider the South China Sea, AKA their exclusive territorial fishing waters. If I remember correctly, the boundary looked arbitrarily drawn and infringed on many other countries’ territorial waters. In the real world, China has indeed been more aggressively asserting its presence in that area by bullying fishermen from other countries. Sorry, this isn’t a great summary, I recommend looking it up.

When Rama calls these written accounts “signs”, it confused me at first. What is the definition of a sign? From my interpretation, it seems to be any recorded interpretation of the world. I thought immediately of street signs, then protest signs. Though signs have been used to impose a colonial idea of hierarchy onto the planned cities, I think they can then be used to resist and dismantle that worldview. Art, and other forms of signs, are important to resistance movements because they are a medium to imagine alternative futures, which can then be made a reality. I think signs can be a tool of collective worldbuilding.

Also, I’m simply astounded that the city of Concepcion in the south of Chile was founded only 30 years after the founding of Panama City. By being bases for conquering forces and relay stations for information, these cities were very literally and physically contributing to colonization beyond their role as disseminators of colonial ideas and ideals. I think even the development of agriculture around the cities was meant to both provide the physical means to sustain the colonizing effort, and to impose European agrarian ideals on the land and the peoples of the land.

I don’t have a good question for this post. Did you see any maps of Lima before you arrived and how did that impact your expectations for the city?

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Intro

Hello and welcome!

Hello and welcome!

My name is Cissy (pronounced “see see” or yes yes in Spanish) Zhang and I’m writing this as I prepare to embark on the last two legs of my journey to Peru.

I’m doing this very last minute because I’ve been putting it off for as long as I possibly can. I have never written a blog before. I dislike how vulnerable writing is. No, that’s not the right way to put it. Rather, I’m scared of how vulnerable writing is. I feel I tend to overshare when I write because I cannot physically see my audience and so I cannot gauge reactions in real time. Where are the boundaries? For me, writing means deciding which thoughts deserve to be out there in the world, and which are better kept in my head. To leave these things for anyone to peruse whenever wherever for potentially the rest of time – because we all know there’s no such thing as deleting something off the internet permanently – is a terrifying thought. But alas, here we are.

I could use a pseudonym, but for me personally, that feels dishonest. I need to be accountable for what I put out there. Actually, we need to backtrack here. If I am to be honest, I must let you know the name Cissy doesn’t legally exist anywhere. All my legal documents say Zhiyi Zhang, but that’s a whole other can of worms. Please just call me Cissy. Thanks.

These days, I don’t know how to introduce myself. I like to think I am more than what I do in school, especially when I’m this close to finishing, but I find that it is an easy place to start. I’m studying Sustainable Agriculture in the Faculty of Land and Food Systems on the traditional, ancestral, and unceded lands of the Musqueam. I genuinely enjoy what I am studying… for the most part. I was born in Beijing, China, but grew up on the traditional and ancestral lands of the Anishinaabe, Haudenosaunee, and Wyandot (in so called “Richmond Hill, Ontario”). I feel honoured and humbled for the opportunity to come to know Indigeneity in the Andes.

I love writing and mailing letters, though university has kept me so busy I almost never get to do it. I started wushu last September because I always wanted to do a martial art, but I realized I don’t like actually fighting people, so wushu is perfect because it’s a very performance-based one. I love to read (or at least I used to), but I am a slow reader and an even slower writer. I am praying I can keep up with this arts course.

That’s all for now, I think. Jon, I really don’t know what you’re looking for with this intro post. I hope this is satisfactory.

Super excited to land in Lima!! I need a shower so badly…

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