La semana pasada, se murió un hombre que tenía 22 anos de edad. Se llama Jeremy Abraham Barrios Lima de la Ciudad de Guatemala. Él fue golpeado de dos balas y los asesinos huyeron la escena al mediodía en un parte urbano en Zona 4 del capitolio. Nada de las cosas personales de Barrios Lima fueron robado.

“Justicia x Genocidio” Zona 1, Ciudad de Guatemala

Él trabajaba por CALAS (Centro de Acción Legal Ambiental y Social de Guatemala), un ONG que lucha por los derechos medioambientales en Guatemala contra los abusos de las industrias de minería y de las empresas gigantes de agricultura. Él trabajaba como un asiste al director de CALAS, y antes de su ejecución no recibió nadas amenazas ni advertencia. No me puedo imaginar los sentimientos de su colegas durante este tiempo ni el miedo y los pensamientos de quien será próximo. No fue un accidente. Por Guatemala, una cosa como eso es única. En los últimos anos, el capítol ha crecido más seguro, poco a poco, especialmente en lugares como Zona 4. Cuando yo vivía en Guatemala, cruzaba tantas veces a varios lugares en Zona 4. Su familia ahorita espera una investigación de la policía en Guate, pero los estadísticos del sistema penal no da mucho esperanza – solo 5% de asesinatos en Guatemala son procesados por los tribunales de justicia criminal.

La cosa que me da cuenta mi privilegio actualmente y vergüenza es que ahorita yo estudio en una universidad que recibe tantas donaciones de las empresas minerías. Yo no sufre nada del otro lado de la industria de minería, y yo aprochevo de los edificios bonitos. Además muchos de mis cuates trabajan por GoldCorp e otros, y ahora tengo miedo de tomar más de una chela en la compañía de ellos, porque yo sé que les voy a discutir los abusos de la gente chapín y del ambiente de Guate por la codicia de GoldCorp, todo abajo el nombre de la responsabilidad social corporativa y por el PIB de Canadá. Pero por Barrios Lima, el joven que solo estaba luchando por un mejor país, un país de igualdad, un país que no saca el 3% ingresos de cada mina canadiense en Huehuetenango o Jutiapa o San Miguel Ixtahuacán y están usado para engordar los bolsillos de los gobernantes – y por sus casas de vacación en Juan Gaviota. Los gobernantes que no aceptan que si hubo un genocidio.

“Demencia es negar el genocidio” Zona 1, Ciudad de Guatemala

Estas cosas que me da cuesta mucho, quiero hacer mi parte a arreglarlo y proteger ni solo la gente en Guate que está luchando (y mis patojos, que siga la lucha porfa), pero doy cuenta que el paso primero para aumentar más conciencia acá. Siempre me sentía cuando vivía en Guate que estaba una extranjera, la canchita, la gringita – yo sé que es la verdad, pero tenía la opinión que no podría hacer nada en Vancouver pa’ arreglar la situación y la explotación de recursos naturales y de la gente allá. Y nunca me sentía que mi trabajo allá estaba suficiente, pero tal vez de mi hogar acá puedo hacer más que yo había imaginado cuando yo vivía en Guate.

Martin Mowforth’s 2014 book, “The Violence of Development: Resource Depletion, Environmental Crises and Humans Rights Abuse in Central America,” analyses the failures of Western-led development in Central America. The book is divided by resources: agriculture, water, mining, logging, energy, and then maquílas, or sweatshops. Mowforth incorporates empirical examples of development failures to contrast neoliberal development theories. Mowforth shows how globalization, or as he calls it, “Westernization”, uses reductions in trade barriers and private-sector growth promotion to enable neocolonial capitalist forces to exploit Central American resources, production, and infrastructure. Mowforth’s core argument is that high regional rates of violence are attributed to clashes between development project proponents, environmental activists, and human rights defenders.

Mowforth, a professor at the University of Plymouth, works within a pool of academics, most notably Noam Chomsky, that see globalization and free trade as colonialism’s latest iteration. Mowforth at times incorporates dependency theory, whose champions include Andre Gunner Frank and David Collier. Dependency theory is predicated on unequal core-periphery relations, where the periphery is exploited, underdeveloped, and economically reliant on export goods.[1] Where Mowforth makes his argument distinctive is the attribution of market liberalization to increased regional violence, to the point where Central America’s northern triangle (Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras) has some of the highest global homicide rates.[2]

Mowforth makes an accessible and convincing argument about how free trade has not benefitted the vast majority of Central America. By demonstrating the number of activist assassinations, and case studies such as abuses by the Canadian mining sector in Guatemala and El Salvador, readers are led to agree that “development” has done more detriment than good. [3] However, Mowforth’s argument, while clear and compelling, is lacking several crucial components.

First, Mowforth falls short of emphasizing the importance of the region’s historic precedent in hindering state capacity and development. Mowforth focuses on post-liberalization of countries under the Dominican Republic-Central America Free Trade Agreement, with minimal framing of colonial legacies and subsequent American socioeconomic influence. Mowforth does not fully explore path dependency theory and the impact of corporations like the United Fruit Company (UFCo), only mentioning UFCo once in discussion of the 1954 U.S.-assisted coup of the Guatemalan president.[4] While detailing 400 years of pillaging of Latin America by (neo)colonial forces as the root of all systemic failure à la Eduardo Galeano’s “Open Veins of Latin America,” would not fit with Mowforth’s piece, the lack of historical framing leads to disproportionate blame of current institutions. This is problematic because Central American states’ rule of law, impunity, and economic stratification issues that are exacerbated by modern forms of inequality and foreign exploitation are built on past precedent.

Second, Mowforth takes a naïve perspective on social issues within Central America, positing those excluded from the upper oligarchic echelons as noble victims in a polarized system of campesinos and pastoral rural populations versus corrupt elites. In doing so, Mowforth omits a discussion on the systemic corruption that exists at almost all levels of society, glosses over deep-rooted racism between ladino societies (European descendants) towards indigenous groups, and ignores the high femicide rates unconnected to activist assassinations.[5] While these issues are linked to state incapacity, arguably from foreign exploitation of the region for centuries, Mowforth overlooks concurrent social issues and therefore limits the applicability of his argument.

Third, Mowforth’s key error is his attribution of regional violence to human rights and environmental defenders clashing with corporate forces. While Central America has high activist assassination rates, it is parochial to ascribe all of the violence to activism against natural resource development. The majority of violence in the region is attributed to criminal gangs like Mara Salvatrucha 13 or Calle 18, formed in the United States from Central American migrants who fled armed conflicts in the 1970s-1990s. Gang members upon deportation home often continue criminal activities, resulting in spiked homicide rates.[6] While the United States politically, and IFIs economically, exacerbated the Central American armed conflicts and economic stagnation causing citizens to flee north – Mowforth does not incorporate this into his argument and instead links regional violence to transnational corporate activities. Mowforth therefore fails to make a crucial link that could strengthen and expand his argument, and widely overstates the amount of activist deaths as a portion of total homicide rates.

In sum, Mowforth’s book does an excellent job of showing how post-liberalization of markets in Central America has not contributed to significant “development” by any means. Mowforth uses compelling examples and interviews across many sectors and regions within Central America, complemented by data tables. Mowforth makes an overall persuasive argument for the role of globalization and neoliberal trade policy as detrimental to Central America by exposing its natural resources and communities for exploitation. Darkly cogent to his thesis, Mowforth’s source in Honduras, activist Berta Caceres, was assassinated at her home in 2016.[7] The missing components of Mowforth’s analysis do not impale his argument, but rather demonstrate it as overly simplistic and somewhat rash in its identification of causality.

[1] Mowforth, Martin. Violence of Development : Resource Depletion, Environmental Crises and Human Rights Abuses in Central America. London, GB: Pluto Press, 2014. Page 2.

[2] Renwick, Danielle. 19 January 2016. “Central America’s Violent Northern Triangle,” Council on Foreign Relations. http://www.cfr.org/transnational-crime/central-americas-violent-northern-triangle/p37286

[3] Mowforth, Martin. Violence of Development : Resource Depletion, Environmental Crises and Human Rights Abuses in Central America. London, GB: Pluto Press, 2014. ProQuest ebrary. Web. 15 October 2016. Page 93.

[4] Ibid, page 25.

[5] “Femicide in Latin America,” UN Women. 4 April 2013. http://www.unwomen.org/en/news/stories/2013/4/femicide-in-latin-america

[6] Ribando Seelke, Clare. August 29, 2016. “Gangs in Central America,” Congressional Research Service. https://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/row/RL34112.pdf.

[7] Lakhani, Nina. 7 July 2016. “’Time was running out’: Honduran activist’s last days marked by threats,” The Guardian. https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2016/apr/25/berta-caceres-murder-honduras-death-threats-hitman-agua-zarca-dam

1. The good news about the Canadian mining sector.

For proponents, the mining sector in Canada is a major economic powerhouse. 75% of the world’s mining companies are headquartered in Canada.^[1] Around 1,500 mining corporations based in Canada operate approximately 8,000 sites in over 100 countries. The Government of Canada lauds the mining industry as a “major contribution to Canadian prosperity, and… making substantial contributions to economic development in other countries in which they operate.”^[2]

With 1994’s North American Free Trade Agreement, the mining industry in Canada expanded with opportunities to make agreements with foreign nations for the purpose of mineral extraction. Despite reports of violence, environmental grievances, and corruption associated with mining sites operated by Canadian companies abroad, operations have increased, primarily operating in parts of Eastern Europe and Central Asia, Asia, Africa, and Latin America. In 2013, mining accounted for $54 billion of the $1.87 trillion Canadian gross domestic product (GDP).^[3]

2. Why is Canada a haven for mining headquarters?

Canada has a long history with natural resource extraction, from early gold rushes and coal mining to now, with oil and gas industries and domestic and international mineral exploration. Over time, Canada has developed a competitive advantage in extractive sector finance and legal expertise. Furthermore, the corporate framework in Canada is lenient: mining corporations enjoy tax credits, one does not need to be run by a Canadian citizen or have Canadian shareholders to have headquarters in Canada and the requirements to list on the Toronto Stock Exchange are fairly casual, as are corporate disclosure conditions.^[4]

3. The bad news about the Canadian mining sector.

Despite claiming corporate social responsibility and “establishing and maintaining good relationships and strong partnerships with communities,”^[5] Canadian mining corporations and the work of their foreign subsidiaries have been fraught with reports of environmental degradation, lack of consent from local communities, increased violence, and human rights violations including kidnapping, extortion, extrajudicial killings, forced displacement, rape, intimidation, and land seizes.^[6] Activists who speak out in their countries against mining can face perilous circumstances. In Honduras, where 90% of mining is by Canadian corporations, 101 environmental activists were killed between 2010-2014, with scant prosecutory success.^[7]

4. Global calls for changes to the status quo.

From publications by groups like the Canadian Network on Corporate Accountability (CNCA) and Mining Watch, to protests in Vancouver,Toronto, Colombia, Nicaragua, Mauritania, Ghana, and Greece, public outcry has been occurring.^[8] Despite the protests and pushes to obtain prior and informed consent from locals before beginning mining operations, Canadian owned mining sites are still proceeding with development, even in areas like rural Guatemala where in July 2016 it was reported that 98.6% of local residents voted against a subsidiary of Vancouver-based Tahoe Resources’ El Escorpion mine.^[9]

5. The Canadian legal system and the dark side of overseas mining.

The Canadian legal system has historically protected Canadian parent corporations from the actions of their subsidiaries abroad. Traditionally, courts in Canada have not heard cases of human rights violations based on the doctrine of non conveniens, which defers the case to the state that the incident occurred in.^[10]

A 2005 report from the Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs and International Trade, or SCFAIT, outlined the key issue with poor behaviour at Canadian mining sites abroad as the undeclared impunity in operating in foreign zones with weak legal systems. The report concluded a need to “establish clear legal norms in Canada to ensure that Canadian companies and residents are held accountable.”^[11]

The 2005 SCFAIT report led to legal reform conversations and subsequent adoption of a Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) model in 2009 to promote “Canadian values and operate abroad with the highest ethical standards.”^[12] A landmark 2013 case in the Ontario Superior Court of Justice (Choc v Hudbay Minerals) alluded to an unprecedented move by a Canadian court to regulate and rectify human rights abuses abroad by Canadian companies^[13]. While the Choc v Hudbay and the move towards CSR are promising, bills to increase accountability such as 2010’s Bill C-300 flopped in Parliament. Activists remain skeptical of the tangible impact for those negatively impacted abroad, while United Nations panels have battle with Ottawa over treaties involving allegations with Canadian mines.

6. Speculation on Canada’s mining future and human rights abuses.

Canada’s current Prime minister, Justin Trudeau, has not directly addressed the violations associated with Canadian mining abroad, though he did back Bill C-300 and the Liberals wanted an impartial ombudsman office to monitor Canadian corporate conduct overseas. While Trudeau won with promises to increase consultation with Canadian indigenous groups, activists abroad are calling for this to be extended to affected indigenous and marginalized peoples where Canadian foreign mining occurs. Time will tell if the Trudeau maintains his promises, and similarly remains to be seen whether deleterious mining practices will be allowed to continue, or whether they will be remedied through the Liberal campaign platform that supported “innovation and the use of clean technologies” in mining, and usher in a “new era in Canadian international engagement.”^[14]

^[1] Andrew Lodge, “Dark side of Canadian mining activities overseas brought to light,” Vancouver Observer, November 12, 2014.

^[2] “Canada’s Enhanced Corporate Social Responsibility Strategy to Strengthen Canada’s Extractive Sector Abroad,” Global Affairs Canada, last modified Sept. 09, 2016, http://www.international.gc.ca/trade-agreements-accords-commerciaux/topics-domaines/other-autre/csr-strat-rse.aspx?lang=eng.

^[3] Michelle Mark, “Canadian Mining Human Rights Abuses: What Justin Trudeau’s Liberal Party Win Could Mean For Latin America,” International Business Times, October 21, 2015.

^[4] Dave Dean, “75% of the World’s Mining Companies are Based in Canada,” Vice News, July 09, 2013.

^[5] “Delivering Sustainable Value to Our Communities,” GoldCorp, Blog Posts, July 11, 2016. http://www.goldcorp.com/English/blog/Blog-Details/2016/Delivering-Sustainable-Value-to-Our-Communities/default.aspx

^[6] Rob Wipond, “Canadian mining races to the bottom,” FOCUS online, February 2013. http://focusonline.ca/node/503

^[7] Marina Jimenez, “Honduran activist wants Trudeau to pressure Canadian mining companies on human rights abuses,” August 16, 2016. https://www.thestar.com/news/world/2016/08/16/honduran-activist-wants-trudeau-to-pressure-canadian-mining-companies-on-human-rights-abuses.html

^[8] Santiago Ortega Arango, “Canadian mining companies subject of worldwide protests,” CBC, Apr 03, 2013. http://www.cbc.ca/news/world/canadian-mining-companies-subject-of-worldwide-protests-1.1368155

^[9] “Guatemalans Demand Answers from Distastefully-Named Gunpoint Exploration,” Mining Watch, July 16, 2016. http://miningwatch.ca/news/2016/7/6/guatemalans-demand-answers-distastefully-named-gunpoint-exploration

^[10] Susana C. Mijares Peña, “Human Rights Violations by Canadian Companies Abroad: Choc v Hudbay Minerals Inc”, UWO Journal of Legal Studies, 2014: http://ir.lib.uwo.ca/uwojls/vol5/iss1/3.

^[11] House of Commons, “Fourteenth Report”, Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs and International Trade, 38th Parliament, 1st Session, 2005. http://publish.uwo.ca/~cyano/UWOTrick/Past_Handouts_files/SCFAIT%20Report.pdf

^[12] “Canada’s Enhanced Corporate Social Responsibility Strategy to Strengthen Canada’s Extractive Sector Abroad,” Global Affairs Canada, last modified Sept. 09, 2016, http://www.international.gc.ca/trade-agreements-accords-commerciaux/topics-domaines/other-autre/csr-strat-rse.aspx?lang=eng.

^[13]“Choc v. Hudbay Minerals, Inc. 2013 ONSC 1414,” Ontario Superior Court of Justice, July 22, 2013. http://www.chocversushudbay.com/wp-content/uploads/2010/10/Judgment-July-22-2013-Hudbays-motion-to-strike.pdf

^[14] David Hill, “Can Canada’s new PM stop mining abuses in Latin America?” December 14, 2015. https://www.theguardian.com/environment/andes-to-the-amazon/2015/dec/14/canada-justin-trudeau-mining-abuses-latin-america