Unit 2

Assignment 2.6: Roaring Maps

Write a blog that explains Sparke’s analysis of what Judge McEachern might have meant by this statement: “We’ll call this the map that roared.”

As a child, I dreaded September—not for a lack of love for learning—but because I would have no swashbuckling vacation tale to flaunt on the school playground. While my peers came back with camp songs, road trip souvenirs, and great tans, my routine summer “pastime”, if it could so be called, was studying for RCM music exams. Needless to say, no one else was moved to tears by the too-young death of Franz Schubert or the fugal genius of J.S Bach’s Das Wohltemperirte Clavier. My story was soon lost in the cacophony of excited classroom chatter.

In his article, A Map that Roared and an Original Atlas: Canada, Cartography, and the Narration of Nation,” Sparke also pays attention to another voice drowned in the clamour of opposing historical perspectives. Overlaying musical and geographical metaphors, the author imagines Canada’s heterogenous past as a polyphonic composition. No story other than that of the Gitxsan people’s attempt to outline their sovereignty in a way the Canadian court might understand better captures Spark’s reimagining of Canadian history as “contrapuntal cartography.” He writes, “the contrapuntal dualities of Delgamuukw v. the Queen made the location of national discourse a contentious question through a repeated return to maps” (468). While unfolding a map of traditional Gitxsan and Wet’suwet’en territory, Chief Justice Allan McEachern was alleged to have declared, “We’ll call this the map that roared.”

There are many layers to Judge McEachern’s seemingly innocuous quip. Taken at face value, he may have been gesturing to the colloquial term “paper tiger,” a popular contemporary reference to large sheaths of paper. The First Nations map under scrutiny was indeed a large one. Sparke also considers a more weighted reference to the film “The Mouse that Roared” (1959), a Peter Sellers film that satirized Cold War politics. Read in this light, this statement may imply that that the Gitxsan were a pathetic, backward nation.

Finally, the Gitxsan people’s contrapuntal cartograph or roaring map evokes the idea of loud resistance or dissent. During the 1800’s, mapmakers often left maps unprinted where the topography is unknown to European. Globe owners often subscribed to updates provided by their local print shop as European cartographers filled in more details of parts of the world previously uncharted by Europeans. The updates were pasted over the existing surface of the model globes. This concrete representation of terra nullius no doubt reinforced the popular conception of spaces unvisited by Europeans as “blank spaces.”

Africa-map-Cary-007

Given this history, the Gitxsan were cognizant of that politics was at work even in geographical boundaries. Remapping the land demonstrated a “refusal of the orientation systems, the trap lines, the property lines, the electricity lines, the pipelines, the logging roads, the clear-cuts, and all the other accoutrements of Canadian colonialism on native land” (Sparke 468). It was an effort, first, to “white out” the arbitrary lines in the sand that White people had laid down as law. Having chased “white out,” however, the Gitxsan were wiser than to let the map stay blank. Subscribing to place names outside of the Western geographical canon was the Gitxsan’s assertion of a countersubject that sought to drown out the voice of the dominant discourse.

Each community has an intimate connection with place, which affects the relationships between community members, their sense of responsibility for their environment, and collective memory. As Wallace Stegner puts it, “no place is a place until the things that have happened in it are remembered in history, ballads, yarns, legends, or monuments.” For the Gitxsan, these maps were transliterations of their adaawk, stories that inscribed the land with the history of the Gitxsan peoples. “Reading maps that chart territory,” writes Dr. Erika Patterson in Lesson 2.3, “we are in a contact zone that stretches across the disjunction of time and history.” I would argue that these maps served as bridge that connected the Gitxsan nation to both their past and future. Not only were the Gitxsan reaching into the past to affirm their right of place in the present, but they were thinking proleptically, imagining a future for themselves based on the past—a future when they would no longer be governed by white laws, names, or maps. So, while unlike the Rastafarians, the Gitxsan do not make up their stories—their adaawks are true—by creating these maps, they too participate in storytelling that will “bring them back home while they wait for reality to catch up to their imaginations  (Chamberlain 77).

McEarchern’s offhand remark is a simultaneous dismissal and recognition of the Gitsxans’ claim. By recognizing, albeit disparagingly, that he heard a noise, McEarchern allowed that the Gitsan people did have voice and agency—and a strong and roaring one indeed. In doing so, McEarchern unsuspectingly affirms and welcomes the Gitsan’s songs and stories into the complex contrapuntal fabric that makes up Canada’s history—a history that neither begins nor ends with European Native first contact, a history whose voices are harmonically interdependent yet independent in rhythm and contour, and finally a history which is beautiful and alluring precisely due to its perpetual cycles of dissonance and resolution.

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Works Cited:

Chamberlin, Edward. If This is Your Land, Where are Your Stories? Finding Common Ground. AA. Knopf. Toronto. 2003. Print.

Glenn Gould. The Well-Tempered Clavier. Youtube. Web. 02 Mar. 2016.

“Our Land” Gitxsan First Nations. Web. 02 Mar. 2016.

Patterson, Erika. “Lesson 2.3.” ENGL 470A: Canadian Studies. Web. 02 Mar. 2016.

Rogers, Simon. “Africa Mapped: How Europe Drew a Continent.” The Guardian. Guardian News and Media, 2012. Web. 02 Mar. 2016.

Sparke, Mathew. “A Map that Roared and an Original Atlas: Canada, Cartography, and the Narration of Nation.” Annals of the Association of American Geographers 88.3 (1998): 463- 495. Web. 04 April 2013.

Stegner, Wallace. The Sense of Place.” Random House,1995. Web. 02 Mar. 2016.

Assignment 2.4: First and Ongoing Contacts

We began this unit by discussing assumptions and differences that we carry into our class. In “First Contact as Spiritual Performance,” Lutz makes an assumption about his readers (Lutz, “First Contact” 32). He asks us to begin with the assumption that comprehending the performances of the Indigenous participants is “one of the most obvious difficulties.” He explains that this is so because “one must of necessity enter a world that is distant in time and alien in culture, attempting to perceive indigenous performance through their eyes as well as those of the Europeans.” Here, Lutz is assuming either that his readers belong to the European tradition, or he is assuming that it is more difficult for a European to understand Indigenous performances – than the other way around. What do you make of this reading? Am I being fair when I point to this assumption? If so, is Lutz being fair when he makes this assumption?

In “First Contact as Spiritual Performance,” Lutz explains that “one must of necessity enter a world that is distant in time and alien in culture, attempting to perceive indigenous performance through their eyes as well as those of the Europeans” (32). Although it may seem at first that Lutz is reinforcing differences between indigenous and European perspectives, this is in fact a false dichotomy which Lutz is quite cognizant of and latter collapses. Lutz argues that the first and ongoing contacts between indigenous peoples and Europeans as spiritual as well as material encounters.

Lutz cautions against the downplaying of indigenous belief systems by pointing out how “the attribution of rationality to other peoples [is] a projection of European ideas to the rest of the world.” Many indigenous accounts of first encounters reveal how Native peoples linked the arrival of Europeans and their ships with the supernatural world. The Gitxaala, for example, protect themselves from supernatural beings by rubbing themselves with urine, which is why the native fisherman in the story doused himself in pee when a strange vessel landed on a beach sacred to the transformer Raven (featured image: the only Raven Transformer I knew of before “First Contact”).

But Lutz argues that Western explorers, merchants, and missionaries were equally influenced by spiritual motivations. He writes, “a closer look at the Europeans shows that their rational behavior [too] was determined… by their non-rational spiritual beliefs” (32). A prime incentive for Spanish exploration was evangelism, and Enlightenment Christianity saw science as a way to appreciate God’s creation while seeking to justify the superiority of European Christians to pagans.

At the end of the day, these narratives of first contact reveal how both indigenous peoples and Europeans demonstrate Anthony Pagden’s principle of attachment. Instead of immediately destabilizing traditional beliefs, they interpreted their encounters as ongoing proof of these beliefs, processing the new through the familiar.

Remarkably, Lutz himself forms assumptions about his audience. In asserting that “one must of necessity enter a world that is distant in time and alien in culture [and] perceive indigenous performance through their eyes as well as those of the Europeans,” Lutz assumes his readers belong to the European tradition. This is ironic because this text not only seeks to dismantle the binary between “mythic and historical modes of consciousness” in first contact stories but also in the reader. Lutz calls for the audience to “step outside and see one’s own culture as alien and to discern the mythic in the performances of one’s own histories” (Lutz 32), while himself falling trap to the assumption that it is more difficult for Europeans to understand Indigenous performances, thereby reinforcing the Eurocentricity that he criticizes other cultural scholars of.

At the same time, Lutz’s assumption may be grounded in historical fact. Over the past century, around 150,000 First Nation, Inuit and Métis children were removed from their communities and forced to attend residential schools.

Residential schools were established with the assumption that aboriginal culture was unable to adapt to a rapidly modernizing society. It was believed that native children could be successful if they assimilated into mainstream Canadian society by adopting Christianity and speaking English or French. Students were discouraged from speaking their first language or practicing native traditions. (“A History of Residential Schools”)

Perhaps this period of cultural genocide and forced assimilation has in some way made indigenous people more comprehending of (if not sympathetic to) Western ideologies than vice versa. One question I have for Lutz–and you–is where people who come from neither Western nor indigenous culture stand. Are we lumped in with the Europeans? Or, more generally speaking, do you think it is more difficult for Westerners to understand Indigenous performances?

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Works Cited:

“99 Golden Facts About Urine.” Random Facts. 2012. Web. 19 Feb. 2016

A History of Residential Schools in Canada.” CBCnews. CBC/Radio Canada, 07 Jan. 2014. Web. 12 Feb. 2016.

Lutz, John. “First Contact as a Spiritual Performance: Aboriginal — Non-Aboriginal Encounters on the North American West Coast.Myth and Memory: Rethinking Stories of Indigenous-European Contact. Ed. Lutz. Vancouver: U of British Columbia P, 2007. 30-45. Print.

Pagden, Anthony. European Encounters with the New World. New Haven: Yale University Press. 1993.

Assignment 2.3: Sharing is Caring is Home

Read at least 3 students blog short stories about ‘home’ and make a list of the common shared assumptions, values and stories that you find. Post this list on your blog.

I had the pleasure of reading Althea, Karen, and Cherie’s short stories, and here are a list of shared assumptions that I discovered:

  1. Cultural Traditions and Histories
  2. Communal Eating
  3. Family and Intergenerationality

What I found most interesting was that all three blog posts dovetailed on the subject of Chinese New Year. Althea and Karen’s stories were strewn with descriptions of traditional festivities—the red and gold banners, lai see, the fortune box—while Cherie, who reminiscences of a much quieter celebration, was brought to the pinnacle of homesickness by the sound of a lion dance. As Karen learns from her exchange with Uncle Ben, these communal celebrations are important conduit for the intergenerational exchange of cultural heritage, values, and stories. Being Chinese myself, I totally resonate with Althea, who writes, “When my house is decorated in a lot of red and gold decorations it always reminds me of how much my parents value their culture and when I grow up to be a parent I will probably do the same to instill the culture on to my kids.”

Another common vein I found was the centrality of food—quite literally, since Asian dinner tables are round and dishes are placed in the middle—in Asian culture. In Althea’s story, her family gathers for “Tun Yun Fan.” The first word means wholeness, while the second means round; together they reinforce the belief that a circle represents completion—the family is complete when they sit down and eat together. This same idea is conveyed in English through the saying, “everything comes full circle.” Karen’s “tray of togetherness” too is, unsurprisingly, a round box.

As Cherie points out with the #fishballrevolution, people can get really defensive about their food. In Hong Kong, any attempt to regulate street food culture is tantamount to an infringement on home. For Hong Kong native and restaurant chain entrepreneur Alan Yau, the fishball bears two meanings: “It is the quintessential Hong Kong street food and – culturally – it represents the Hong Kong working class like no other institutions can. Street food, and the fishball represent the values of entrepreneurship. Of capitalism. Of liberal democracy. Anthropologically, they mean more than a $5 skewer with curry satay sauce.”

Underlying cultural traditions and ethnic cuisines is the idea that home is first and foremost determined by our relationships and ties with people. Chinese New Year is a time where everyone sets aside their busy schedules in order to focus on re-establishing relationships. I love how Karen and Althea both bring up the fact that they get to interact with their grandparents and extended relatives. Home is one of the few places where intergenerational relationships can be nurtured. Traditionally, it was imperative for all members of the family to come home to eat “Tun Yun Fan” with the family, no matter how far away they were working during the rest of the year. Today, this festival continues to occasion the largest annual human migration worldwide, as migrant workers and Chinese diaspora from around the globe rush home for reunion dinner on New Year’s Eve. Home indeed, is where the heart is.

Assignment 2.2: Delineations of Home

Write a short story (600 – 1000 words) that describes your sense of home; write about the values and the stories that you use to connect yourself to, and to identify your sense of home.

I chose to write this assignment as a series of vignettes. What started as a project to describe my hometown Richmond turned into a meditation on what it means to feel “at home.” And that’s when I realized that my own city didn’t feel “at home” at all. In fact, it began to feel like a disembodied hand…

via Wikia.com

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In 2004, my family returned to the rural district of Pun Yu for the latter half of my grandfather’s funeral rites. That first night in a tiny farming village where squat toilets were a rarity, I was greeted by a parade of first, second, and third cousins, “This is your xiang! Welcome home, little sister!” This is home, they insisted. They took me to the Lew family house. They showed me the Lew family record: you are the 32nd generation. They pointed to each other: everyone had the same mole on their right cheek.

Xiang. Roots. Home.

Yet to say that roots are home, regardless of what the Canadian brand says, would not be altogether accurate. The first part of grandfather’s ceremony had taken place in Hong Kong. WWII refugees, my grandparents had uprooted and resettled in Hong Kong, raised a business and a family. Grandma calls Pun Yu xiang, but when the Vancouver chill starts to nip at her bones and grandma tells us that she’s booking the next flight home, we know she means Hong Kong.

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Back in grade one, if you wanted to know where someone came from, you didn’t think about their skin tone, or peer into their lunch box, or do the smartest thing–just ask. You looked at their clothes tag.

Micah was from ‘China.’ Tina’s shirt read ‘Taiwan.’ Shawn came from this mysterious place called ‘Do not Bleach.’

The wisest of us soon suspected that the grade two’s had been pulling our leg, since everyone seemed to come from either China, India, or Taiwan. Regardless, there was one label that stumped us every time, and that was ‘MIC.’ The trick about the MIC was that you could never be sure what “C” stood for. Chile. Cameroon. Czech Republic. Cote D’Ivoire?

When my parents immigrated to Vancouver in the 1990’s, my mother was already six months pregnant with me. So, if I was born with a t-shirt label, it would probably read “MIC.” Made in China? Delivered in Canada? Chinese-born Canadian? Canadian-born Chinese?

In many ways, Richmond too, is horrigably, ambiguously MIC. Located in Canada, but populated by ethnically and (until recently) stoutly non-politically Chinese citizens, it’s been touted as the laid-back, West Coast replica of Hong Kong. Home both is and isn’t Canada.

Oh, and it gets even more complicated.

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“The sad fact is that the history of settlement around the world is a history of displacing other people from their lands.” –Edward Chamberlin

Until UBC Imagine Day, I had never known that my home was built on the “unceded territory of the Musqueam and Squamish people.” What?! The True, North, Strong, and Free not actually free? When my parents settled in Richmond, they were only two in a sea of people who were fleeing the repatriation of Hong Kong in 1997. In a sense, they, like my grandparents, were political refugees as much as immigrants chasing the Canadian Dream. I don’t think my parents were ever aware that their new home was already a contested site, or that their homemaking only perpetuated the homelessness another people.

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So what is home? Richmond is a transplanted tree, twice removed from native soil. Richmond is a disembodied hand, a broken branch. My access to xiang, my cultural heritage and my roots, will always be through the prosthesis of my parents’ memory. And perhaps most troubling of all, to be transplanted is also to be foreign. Richmond, home, is an invasive species.

But I like to think that grafted branches can also bear good fruit, and when the old and the new adapt to one another, the whole tree is made stronger.

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Works Cited:

“3,500 Year Old Tree Transplant.” The Big Trees Blog. Web. 08 Feb. 2016.

Buzard, Kurt. “Myrrh and Frankincense.” Travel To Eat. 28 Dec. 2012. Web. 08 Feb. 2016.

Chamberlin, J. Edward. If This Is Your Land, Where Are Your Stories?: Reimagining Home and Sacred Space. Cleveland, OH: Pilgrim, 2004. Print. 78.

Donne, John. “Meditation XVII.” Devotions Among Emergent Occasions. 1624.  

“The Disembodied Hand That Strangled People.” The Calvin and Hobbes Wiki. Web. 08 Feb. 2016.

“Vignette Writing Tips.” Vine Leaves Literary Journal. Web. 08 Feb. 2016.