Monthly Archives: October 2013

Subtle Elitism Embedded in Van Peer’s Argument

As much as I hate to be the keener with an extra post on her ASTU blog, it looks like that’s the way things are going to pan out- because  I’m hoping the post for the next deadline will be about Obasan, so this one isn’t going to be it.  On the other hand I still have one last point to flush out about Van Peer.

___________________________________________________________________

I’ve really enjoyed reading Van Peer.  As a reader, I find his assertion of the importance of literature as an agent of social change and progress very compelling, and so academically I found it very easy to jump on the Van Peer bandwagon.  But after some closer reading and consideration of the in-class discussion on the stance he takes opposing romanticism, I began to notice a more sinister logic embedded in his arguments.

Although I wrote my summary on, in part, the danger of seeing literature as an entertainer and not an educator (a challenge to educational literature being, in van Peer’s vein of logic, a challenge to social progress and the advancement of human rights) I still strongly feel that van Peer is, in spite of his focus on enlightening encapsulated cultures, an elitist at heart.  Politically, he is for disencapsulation.  Socially, he supports encapsulation to a nearly archaic degree.  The canon van Peer holds so dear is exclusive and socially stratifying, undemocratic at the core and therefore, in opposition of the advancement of true equality.

I draw my claims about van Peer’s elitism from two main aspects of his argument.  First, his protest against Romanticism.  While the romantic movement in some ways diluted the educational impact of art, it was also a democratizing force in the art world, suggesting that art and its appreciation wasn’t something exclusive to the upper classes.  While van Peer might be right to question its effect on some of the effects it had on the quality of art, that doesn’t mean its effects on society itself were negligible.  Second, van Peer’s argument for the creation of social change through literature depends on the members of the encapsulated culture being the ones to read literature and shape change.  His argument completely ignores and undermines the valuable impact of the lower, or excluded classes and cultures as shapers and creators of social change.  Even when he addresses other publications outside of the category of fiction that shape society (like The Communist Manifesto) he isn’t adressing other, unwritten factors in cultural progress.

In short, van Peer isn’t writing from an inclusive perspective of society, but an exclusive one.  He isn’t writing a narrative from the perspective of the excluded as well as the encapsulated members of a society, but one from a strictly elitist perspective.  His words claim social progress, but it’s a progress that exists in legislation alone, not in thought or culture, and the bias of his argument shows that.  In van Peer’s article, there is no mention of the revolution of the masses and its impact on society after the industrial revolution.  There is no mention of the suffragettes or the Civil Rights Movement.  Van Peer spins a pretty narrative about Hard Times and how literature shaped the thoughts of the upper classes and says absolutely nothing about the lower classes.  The lower classes are as voiceless in van Peer as they are in the encapsulated worlds he writes of.  And that’s not really indicative of progress, is it?

How We Expand Horizons

Both Martha Nussbaum and Willie Van Peer offer valuable insights when they elaborate on the ways in which literature allows us as readers to view the world around us more complexly.  In Democratic Citizenship and the Narrative Imagination Nussbaum posits that a literary education from early childhood onward provides a reader with the tools required to view the people around them as “spacious and deep, with qualitative differences from oneself as well as hidden places worthy of respect”.  In a similar vein, Van Peer, in Literature, Imagination and Human Rights asserts that literature creates societal change on a much larger scale, prompting greater discussion about what it means to be human and thereby encouraging encapsulated cultures, that is, people groups with firmly defined and exclusive boundaries, to extend the definition of “human” to peoples they previously excluded.

Both argue that literature prompts people to expand their horizons.  Nussbaum even goes so far as to suggest that literature, among not only the arts but also a great many other disciplines, uniquely shapes minds and broadens thought.  As an avid reader myself, my first inclination is to agree with them.

However, I struggle to simply accept the claim that literature is the most basic, essential eye-opener.  I have two objections to this claim.  First, that the language of literature is, in and of itself, a factor in creating and preserving encapsulation.  Second, that the open-mindedness purveyed through literature cannot find its solitary source in literature, leaving open the question as to where the writer of a book received the idea that their definition of “human” was limited.

Language, particularly written language, has a limited, though ever increasing, sphere of influence.  (I know that language is used by all humans, but the words we use are in and of themselves exclusive).  Language itself is a huge factor in encapsulation.  The language of literature is exclusive to those who are literate, and often, in the case of the authoritative cannon that Van Peer centers his argument around, exclusive to those with an advanced degree of literacy and access to books.

One of my favourite books is A Room With A View by E.M. Forster.  When it comes to whether or not the man was sexist or truly open minded, all bets are off, but he had a lot to say about viewing women as complex individuals at a time when they were not typically seen in so advanced a light.  In one of my favourite scenes in the novel, one character is forced, not by literature, but by the words of his fiance as she breaks off their engagement to acknowledge that she is not, perhaps, as different from him as he’d imagined.

“But to Cecil, now that he was about to lose her, she seemed each moment more desirable. He looked at her, instead of through her, for the first time since they were engaged. From a Leonardo she had become a living woman, with mysteries and forces of her own, with qualities that even eluded art.”

So how and where did Cecil recieve the wisdom that encouraged him to see Lucy as a human as much as himself?  And more interestingly, where did Forster find this notion?  Although, by 1908 the idea that women were as human and complex as men was a fairly common concept, it’s source could not exclusively be literature.  Something had to have prompted the first writer of a book on the subject to put pen to paper, something that wasn’t simply another book.

I would argue, that literature does not instill in readers the notion that our concept of humanity is limited, but rather that it is one of many things that may awaken us to the knowledge of this limitation, a knowledge which is innate in all of us.  Literature, though an effective tool for expanding our horizons, and an enjoyable one at that, is by no means the only method or the best.

What Happens When Laws are Just but Unconstitutional?

When Martin Luther King penned his Letter From The Birmingham Jail there was little question on anybodies mind as to the inequality of people of colour and Caucasian individuals in the United States.  There were those in favour of the inequality and those opposed to it, but no one would call into question that the country discriminated against non-whites.  Race disparity was plainly visible in the world the Americans of the cold-war era found themselves in, from schools and drinking fountains to the courts and the voting booths.

So when the Voting Rights Act was instated, as the first legislation of the American government that focused on amending the effect of the prior laws regarding voting rather than changing their intent it made sense in its social context.  Though the bill was uncommon in form and intent as well as uncommon in that it was a legislation on voting made at the federal level rather than at the state level, it served an incontestable purpose: ensuring that the inalienable American right of equality was preserved at the voting booths.

This past June, a section of the Voting Rights Act was overturned.  The section in question required that election changes in nine states (including Louisiana and Texas) gain approval by the American Justice Department prior to enactment.  Chief Justice John Roberts, among others, suggests that due to recent voter turnout statistics in these states showing that a larger percentage of ethnic minorities attending the voting booths, these states can no longer be subjected to extra scrutiny under the VRA.  Any claims and complaints issued by individual members of these states against the state government will be dealt with on a case by case basis by the courts.

My opinions are fairly divided on the matter.  Intellectually, I understand that there are several legitimate claims that can be made against the VRA, not the least of which is its outdated status.  If recent statistics show that voter turn out has improved in states in the south, then they cannot possibly be held to the current level of scrutiny they are under.  The amount of power this lends to the federal government in a federation such as the USA is unconstitutional.

I recognise, of course, that it is no small thing to call the constitution of a great nation into question.  But one (perhaps heretical) question has plagued me since I began regarding law and society at the start of this school year: if laws are unconstitutional but just, then what is wrong?  Is the law wrong and the constitution to be followed?  Or is the constitution inherently flawed and therefore deserving abandonment?  Though the power of a constitution is perhaps not worth calling into question over one law, how many laws must challenge its authority before it falls?  I am willing to respect a constitution so long as it upholds the justice of the people it serves.  But when it no longer serves even that simple purpose, it no longer serves any purpose worth serving.  Order, safety, and even democracy are petty things to consider when the equality of human beings is at stake.  For true democracy cannot exist in an unequal society, and when democracy crumbles, safety and order are never far in its wake.

Fighting a constitution with a long history of upholding injustice may be an uphill battle, but in the words of Atticus Finch, in Harper Lee’s To Kill A Mockingbird: “Simply because we were licked a hundred years before we started, doesn’t mean we shouldn’t try to win.”