Contemporary Canada has been deeply affected by the War on Drugs. Yet drugs and drug law enforcement are not new. How do nation and identity factor into early 20th century Canadian attitudes towards drug usage and law enforcement?
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Drug laws vary quite significantly from country to country. Nation and identity play a massive role in shaping society’s views of certain drugs and their usage. One only needs to compare certain countries with opposing drug laws. Countries like UAE for example, hand out lengthy jail terms for small possession of harmless drugs such as marijuana. This is because of the fact that UAE has a Islamic identity that greatly frowns upon drug use of any kind.
If one is to observe Canadian drug policy, especially in regards to marijuana, there is a very different situation. I feel that Canadian identity is embodied in liberal progression and Canadians do not necessarily feel pride in holding true to age old conservative practices. Vancouver is a perfect example of the leniency that has developed around marijuana. In Vancouver’s downtown core, there are two establishments, The Amsterdam Cafe, and Cannabis Culture, that allow customers to openly smoke marijuana inside. The police are very aware that these stores operate in this capacity, but when it comes to enforcing the federal criminal law that states marijuana is illegal, the police turn a blind eye. Marijuana is openly smoked in the streets of BC, and on special occasions, such as April 20th (420, national pot day), free marijuana is handed out on the lawn of the art gallery. Marijuana is sold there on that date, (another illegal practice) in mass quantities, all under the watch of the police.
I think, in terms of policies towards drug use and enforcement, the rules are very fluid despite the fact that the criminal code is legally binding. Canada is a country based very heavily on conventions and precedent, and I feel that this is a defining aspect of our national identity. This in mind, I am not surprised that marijuana has slowly been accepted as a kind of “pseudo-legal” drug in Canada. We as a nation have moved towards a more liberal progressive stance regarding this drug due to its very minimal health risks. The majority of federal political parties have even endorsed in their platforms that the full legalization and regulation of the drug will be a fantastic boost for the Canadian economy. This progression is a part of Canadian identity. It is in our nature as a nation to move in a liberal direction.
As far as more dangerous drugs go, citizens and law enforcement understand the risks involved. Naturally, tougher sentences and jail time are given to those who disobey these laws. But even in regards to these drugs, Canadians react with a more liberal stance towards things like a “War on Drugs”, and mandatory minimums proposed by Harper’s Conservatives. The reason mandatory minimums proposed by Harper were never adopted is because he knew there was very little public support. The Canadian Department of Justice says that “in reality, the public supports mandatory sentencing only when asked to consider the most serious crimes of violence”, and that there is a “growing public disenchantment with the ‘War on Drugs'”.
It is hard to imagine Canada as a country that would be as strict on drug use as nations such as the USA, UAE, Qatar, etc., I believe this is strictly due to the fact that contemporary Canadian perspectives on drug use are much more liberal. Moreover, I believe that these perspectives stem from a broader national Canadian identity that naturally moves in a liberal progressive fashion.
After reading this week’s two articles, I feel pretty confident in saying that the drug law enforcement in the early 20th century wasn’t necessarily all about the use of opium. In fact, the new law seemed more about protecting Canada as a nation and the identity they had built for themselves. I see the drug law enforcement in the early 1900s more as a way to keep certain groups, specifically the Chinese, as aliens in Canada, and even removing them from the nation through deportation. The white, middle-class and elite who ran the country, were afraid of a large group of newcomers or immigrants who they thought to believe would undermine social stability (yellow peril). As the Hewitt article says, Chinese were thought as unable to be “Canadianized,” and fear was beneath the visible racial hatred.
The situation reminded me of the act initiating compulsory education; similar to that law, the drug enforcement really only targeted one group of people. In addition, the law was used to either ensure assimilation into the “Canadian” way, or use as a reason to punish those who could not integrate.
Of course, another big part of both articles was the use of the drug enforcement as a way to convince Canadians of the importance of the RCMP and ensure their survival as a group; if they were able to beat the drug problem, they would be seen as necessary. Again, this plays into the nation of Canada keeping their superior ways, especially because the people who were being convicted were largely Asian. In addition, the typical image of the RCMP would be a white man, one who is masculine, kind and just. This image would become the ideal and play into the national Canadian identity. Lastly, having a national police force also seems quiet European compared to Indigenous, which is another way to enforce assimilation of all non-European groups.
In the early 20th century Canada faced a situation of social unrest caused by the growing antagonism between Euro-Canadians and Asiatic labourers. The wide availability of narcotics, largely imported from Asia became the face of the socio-political battle ground. Following the anti-Asiatic riot, the government took a more focused look at the popularity of narcotics in its country. They used the ‘war on drugs’ in a way that undeniably had racist connotations, particularly when looking at the Opium Act, considered a drug predominately used by those in the Chinese-Canadian community. The fight against the Opium market, widely propagandised, became a symbol of the Canadian struggle against the Chinese. The introduction of the RCMP into the law enforcement agenda made it harder for the responsibility for the ongoing drug trade to be placed solely on the Chinese community, as the activities of white buyers and sellers were uncovered during the investigations. Not only lower class whites that the government could simply label the worst of their race, but also middle-class and professionals too. However the understaffed and underfunded department allocated to investigating the drug trade also can be seen to be providing the government and newspapers with the exact kind of fodder necessary to ensure that the racial antagonism prevailed.
Nation and identity definitely influenced and shaped early 20th century Canadian attitudes with reference to drug and law enforcement. To begin, when referring to the articles for this week’s reading, we can see how the nation felt in regards to immigration and the affects it may or may not have had on Canada’s identity as a whole. While the nation was concerned with drug usage and the negative affects that come with drugs, Canada was more concerned with the desire of preventative measures for immigration. Yvan touches on this when he explains that whites were in fear that Chinese opium users would soon take an affect on white Canadians. I believe that whites used the excuse of drugs as a scapegoat to alienate Chinese immigrants. Had the nation been honestly concerned with the use of drugs, the whites involved in Ban Kwong Lee’s case of Yvan’s article would have been charged as well. Another example demonstrating Canada’s lack of concern toward drugs is described in the latter article as well. Yvan explains that in August of 1923, officers residing in BC were said to have trafficked in drugs and could have possibly accepted bribes. Finally, due to the fact that some officers felt it be appropriate to drop charges against those immigrants whom they knew personally, displays the epitome of what kind of nation Canada was at the time. In attempting to prevent the nation from being looked upon as inferior, the Canadians decided to isolate the immigrants. Despite their efforts to look a certain way, the nation ceased to look “great.”
Essentially, what these articles say is that the 1920s war on drugs is historically contingent. That is, it is rooted in its historical context of industrialization, urbanization, immigration, nationalism, and racism.
In all history, there are instances of idealizing the past. With intense industrialization and urbanization, this idealization came in a pastoral form, in the idea that rural Canada was the most pure, untouched, and ideologically representative of everything that was good about Canada. Therefore there was an effort to violently subdue anything that could be considered immoral – for Canada in the 1920s, this came in the form of policing opium, which was an easy target as it was mostly used by immigrants (i.e. not rural white people).
The RCMP at this time was experiencing what Prkachin calls a “crisis of legitimacy” (80). This crisis was due to a quickly changing environment (in the form of industrialization and urbanization) and a stagnant police force. It followed that in order to keep up with changing ideologies and institutions, the RCMP had to reinvent itself in the minds of Canadians, to stay relevant. And the things that were highly relevant were nationalism and racism by Anglo-Canadians – engendered by the aforementioned industrialization and urbanization – against new immigrants (or old ones), specifically Chinese-Canadians. They were an easy and relevant target, and the RCMP took the opportunity to police drugs to the fullest extent, fining, incarceration, and even deporting people for opium possession. A fact that I think proves the level of ideological policing (versus criminal policing) is that both articles cite the Great Depression as a turning point in RCMP activity, in which they move away from policing drugs and turn to the new internal conflict – the rise of radical ideologies and labor movements during the Great Depression. In other words, the war on drugs was completely historically contingent, based on an unfounded fear and hatred of a racial group – not a legitimate societal problem.
During the early 20th century, nation and identity factored heavily into Canadian attitudes towards drug usage as well as law enforcement directed at putting a stop to such drug usage. As made evident by Steve Hewitt’s article, an idea of who and what made – or did not make – an ideal Canadian impacted the “War on Drugs” to a high degree; furthermore, one of the most prominent symbols which is considered to represent Canadian identity played a significant role in this war: the RCMP.
During this time period, Canadian attitudes generally included fear and even hatred against those who didn’t belong; namely, Asian immigrants. It was thought that certain kinds of immigrants could be successfully assimilated into Canadian culture and molded to become ideal Canadian citizens, but that Asian immigrants could not. The fact that many Asian immigrants participated in the use of opium provided strong justification for action against them. As Hewitt states, the RCMP were a representative symbol of middle-class Anglo-Celtic masculinity as they sought to put a stop to the evil behaviours of those who are evil. People saw them as patriarchal protectors of Canadian security and white purity.
It seems that nation and identity propelled the war on drugs by focussing heavily on a common enemy. The fact that drug usage among other ethnic group – even whites! – was not a focus; rather the “War on Drugs” was largely interconnected with the war against those who didn’t belong.
We have seen that the post-Confederation era was marked by a desire to define what being Canadian meant and what was distinctively Canadian, and that most of it revolved around the idea of North. Part of it was the theory according to which immigrants to Canada were people of the North, with Norse descent and consequent “superior” features and characteristics. This might have contributed to the suspicion and distrust in Asian immigrants, which was the context of the War on Drugs.
Associated with it was the fact that drugs, and specifically opium, was said to come from Asia, and used predominantly by Chinese-Canadians. From there, drug served as both a catalyst and a pretext for racism towards the population of Asiatic origins. As a matter of fact, the first law on drug in Canada was passed after the Vancouver riots that consisted in racist slogans and the vandalizing of Chinatown.
This period is also marked by the decline of the RCMP which was less and less useful. As a result, it is not far-fetched to imagine that, in an effort to recreate a need for them, the fears of the white Canadian population were artificially exacerbated by creating a sort of hysteria surrounding drugs.
I hope everyone enjoyed my contemporary view on drugs in Canada and the world posted above ^. Here is my actual response to the articles.:
These articles shed enormous light on the racial discrimination and national identity that existed in Canada during the early twentieth-century. The primary theme behind these articles addresses both racial and national aspects, especially in regards to the perpetuation and reinforcement of a waning Canadian nationalist sentiment. The drug laws introduced in this area were in fact a way to create propaganda in favour of anglo-Canadian interests, and ensure security of Canadian identity. The war on drugs was defined by the Opium Act, and the racist connotations that it entailed. It was a political tool used to create a pseudo-war against Chinese immigrants who did not reflect a Canadian nationalist point of view. The Chinese, with whom were the major players involved in the opium trade, did not reflect the stereotypical master race settler that we read about in Carl Berger’s article. In fact, many, including the Asiatic Exclusion league, aimed at preventing Chinese immigrants from entering Canada altogether. This only reinforces the point that the drug laws were aimed at distinguishing certain groups as distinct minorities. The laws also were important in the sense that they pushed immigrants to conform to a Canadian way of life, and in essence acted as an important method of promoting assimilation.
Another important aspect of these articles, and building on the idea of national identity, is the role played by the RCMP. As we talked about in class, the RCMP embodied a symbol of Canadian nationalism. The readings make it clear that the RCMP had had difficulty remaining a legitimate force in the eyes of the public. However, with the implementation of the drug laws, there needed to be an authority to enforce these laws. This brought legitimacy back to the RCMP, and again, the white northern stereotypical RCMP member could pit Canadians against foreign insurgence of immigrants. The RCMP used this authority to their advantage, and were not hesitant to strictly enforce the opium laws.
I think these articles speak heavily to the fact that what we have been taught to learn about Canadian multicultural acceptance, especially in terms of those trying to make a life in our country, is skewed. What we have learned in this course so far is only reinforced by these articles. These articles make it clear that anglo-Canadian interests often lead to racial tension between minorities. During the pre-confederation years, it was the indigenous Canadians who were discriminated against. While one cannot overlook the racism targeted at first nations during the twentieth-century, it is also important to look at the growth of racism, and how Canadian nationalist sentiment carried racist undertones.
In the early 20th century , opinions of a few major groups in the nation of Canada and the belief that a certain moralistic image of Canadian identity must be upheld resulted in increasingly hostile and aggressive attitudes towards drug usage and law enforcement before those attitudes finally mellowed out in the later part of the century. Before the first world war, most Canadians had little to no concern for the issue of drug usage. They saw it as a “dirty and deplorable” practice, of course, but one that was confined to the Chinese population. They tolerated their use of opium as an acceptance of just how the Chinese were — a racial stereotype that appeared to have no harm at first. There was very light law enforcement by the mounted police; they mainly worked on intelligence reports and investigative work. However, in 1907 a riot against asiatics occurred in Vancouver and William Lyon Mackenzie King, the deputy minister of labour, was sent to investigate the cause. He performed an amateur investigation and deemed that opium was a grave cause for concern, subsequently he created and helped pass the Opium and Narcotics Drugs Act a few weeks later. Despite that, for a dozen years after the creation of the act, law enforcement on drug crimes did not increase. In the early 1920’s, however, after the first world war, Canadian attitudes regarding the enforcement of the law on drug usage began to shift. People did not want the Great War to have been in vain and wanted greater social reform. Groups such as the RCMP and middle-class reformers such as Emily Murphy began to espouse the horrors of the drug opium, particularly as it pertained to the much-hated Chinese people. Views such as the one Mackenzie King announced began to take root; he bluntly expressed how the manhood of the nation would be destroyed and how if more stronger policing did not occur, we could expect Canadians’ morals to be corrupted and the feminization of the nation. As many Canadians strongly believed in and desired to uphold the image of Anglo-Canadian dominance, they welcomed the aggressive behavior with which the RCMP persecuted, at first, distributors of drugs and later, the victims or users of drugs. Though the RCMP did want to persecute those in violation of the law, they were a symbol of nationalism, of something good and right fighting against what is evil and disliked which would be both the Chinese and drugs, and this is why stricter policing was allowed by the Canadian public. As the RCMP took on puritanical airs and the media and judicial system became increasingly intolerant and hostile towards drug usage, the moral pressure from the urban areas began to filter into rural developments and resulted in a higher number of convictions and stimulated fear that otherwise would not have existed. In the end, the prevailing attitudes that resulted in the strong level of enforcement of drug usage by the RCMP was not simply done “for humanity”, but it was a greater symbol of how racism had evolved from targeting indigenous groups, defenseless people trying to survive in an anglicized nation, to another: the Asiatic population.
Like we discussed last week, identity and nationalism played huge roles in forming a truly “the Great White North.” Playing on this notion, the War on Drugs was perhaps not only to control a spreading epidemic, but also to protect the identity of “true Canadians” that had been built. Often times, drug users are branded as lazy, which is in direct opposition to the hard working, Northern immigrants that Canada sought to draw in during the push to settle the West. This more “southern” way of living could have been perceived as a threat to the new Canada. Here, Chinese-Canadians provided an easy opportunity for oppression and targeting, which eventually led to intense racism (like my above classmate eluded to about the riots due to Chinatown vandalism). The RCMP also played a huge role in this aspect of Canadian history – with decreasing numbers, they had to show their strength, with the white men in uniform cracking down on drug use and possession of Chinese-Canadians, sometimes deporting individuals, and also (to their surprise) find first and second generation Canadians also engaging in drug use. There was also an ideology that some immigrants could be shaped or molded into “real” Canadians, and some (aka drug users) could not.
However, in modern day, we are seeing more and more liberal use of drugs, specifically marijuana, in places like here in Vancouver. A noticeable percentage of community members are users, and there are even establishments where the drug can be used, as well as its use outside on April 20th (4/20). With the current push to legalize marijuana, it will be interesting to map the possible changes in marijuana and other harder drug enforcement, and to see if history repeats itself (which we all know, it usually does!)
Canadian attitudes towards drug usage and law enforcement was highly influenced by nation and identity in the early 20th century. The way drug law enforcement was approached during this period shows us a lot about how Canadians identified themselves, and who was not included in this identity. Hewitt discusses how the Asian Canadians faced a lot of discrimination at this time, as shown by the anti-asian riots. They were seen as ‘unassimilable,’ mainly due to their appearance that could never fit the current Canadian ideal of strong, white and masculine males. Hewitt notes that the Chinese opium smokers were mostly old men who were ‘peaceful and docile,’ and would have given the police little trouble, but for the fact that they were Chinese. This strong dislike of Asians would explain the many Opium Acts, since the drug was seen as predominately Chinese in nature. Canadian attitudes towards drug law enforcement was no doubt very racist during the early 20th century.
I agree with Vinciane’s argument that this period was characterized by attempts to create a Canadian culture that could be distinct from the Americans and the British, which would serve the purpose of uniting the country. However, they had not yet come to the conclusion that multiculturalism could be Canada’s trademark, and so Canada’s identity still included the exclusion of other cultures, which was exhibited in their use of drug law enforcement.
This behavior of targeting the Asians, most of whom worked menial jobs is not unlike the targeting of African-Americans in by policemen in America today. Throughout history we have seen that the lower classes or minority races were often oppressed and singled out by authority to pay as scapegoats or discriminated against. I do not think that the discrimination of Asian Canadians in this way was exceptional, but it is still disappointing.
Nation and identity play a massive role in shaping society’s views of certain drugs and their usage. The drug law enforcement in the early 1900s kept certain groups, specifically the Chinese, as aliens in Canada, and even removing them from the nation through deportation. Drugs are frowned upon, it doesn’t matter what the nation is or its identity. Opium was the major drug used in the 19th century The RCMP played a major role here as well as they targeted many Chinese seeking “revenge” and was associated with Asia, therefore the aliens (chinese) were categorized with this drug and racial tensions occurred. At this time Canada did not know it would be later known by multiculturalism , so at this time, Canada still excluded cultures at this time as stated by Chilaine.
As seen from early on, the war on drugs has proved to be problematic and issue that Canada has had to deal with. However how we look at drugs now and now deal with issue is much different the way it was seen and “controlled” in the past, particularly during the interwar wars. Today we mainly worry of the harm it does to our youth and therefore we focus much attention on educating the youth of the harmful effects of drugs and the reason why they should say “no” to them. In the early 20th century, the use of drugs was detrimental not only in a physical sense, but symbolically also.
Drugs in the early 1900s were seen to degrade the system and tarnish the “Great Canadian Image.” Therefore, nation and identity played a major role in this issue. Before the Great War the drug issue in Canada had minimally been focused on but following the war there was “an increase in popular concern for preserving human life an moral character; as result attitudes towards drug users in Canada began to harden.” The target were immigrants. Particularly, the Chinese were targeted in the new strict drug laws as they were the one seen as having introduced opium to Canada. Often they would be the people searched and deported for usage of use of narcotics, and white men caught doing the same were given more leniency. Canadian police were able to play up their actions by convincing the people that drugs was no longer exclusive to foreigners, but was also becoming rampant among the white community, including women and the youth.
Foreigners, particularly the Chinese, became the targets, whether in search warrants given to look for drugs, in newspaper headlines, etc., in order to bring forth this idea that this degradation by drugs was a foreign intervention and not a disposition of the Canadian nature. Therefore, despite the involvement of many white people in the use of drugs, the immigrants were still blamed for being the bad influence in Canada, thus destroying our “Great Canadian Image.” Canada at this time saw themselves as a superior country to others, a country with a superior race and a pure image. Thus, it was vital that it was that the immigrants would be portrayed as the source of the drug problem for the preservation of the canadian image and the nation.
From the two articles provided, it’s clear that Canadian attitude towards drug usage and law enforcement in Canada during the 20th century was based in nationalism and national identity. The “Myth of the Yellow Peril” was a racially prejudice driving force that was constructed by the Western world in response to what they considered a threat: the growing presence of Asiatic peoples in Canada. In terms of nationalism and identity, it can be gathered that this myth spawned from the innate Western desire to preserve Western culture and identity amidst the arrival and presence of immigrants from variant ethnically, cultural, and religious backgrounds. Westerners felt that the Chinese, in particular, lacked the ability to assimilate into Canadian culture, and thus they were widely disliked. This dislike correlates with the drug usage and law enforcement issue at the time, and although the issue was not entirely that prominent to begin with, the fixation on eliminating drug usage and those who used and sold it became a top priority of the state, and of Canadian law enforcement in particular. The RCMP saw a decline in their presence and relevance during the interwar period, and thus to focus their efforts on narcotic elimination, specifically on opium, an Asiatic drug that was ultimately linked to the Chinese. This intense fixation played off of the racial currents that were circulating during the 20th century. By specifically focusing on decimating opium from Canadian territory, the Chinese were targeted by the RCMP as perpetrators of opium sales and usage. Furthermore, they were labeled as threats to the stability of Canadian culture and the population, expressly being labeled as negative influences on women and children. Thus, due to the nationalistic value of the time, which was preserving the Canadian culture and identity and having it progress, there was a push to stereotype the Chinese as perpetrators of drug trafficking, and therefore they were prosecuted heavily, and ultimately deported as a result of racial bias and accusation.
Canada’s moral compass and Nationalist identity were driven by early 20th century politicians with agenda’s based on racial indifference and intolerant attitudes. With great influx of Chinese immigrant labour force, the likelihood of a clash of cultures and social behaviors was going to happen. Unfortunately, the politicians took aim at the largest single group that had arrived on Canadian soil; the Chinese brought with them strong backs and recreational drug use. Where there is a large work force in a urban centres, there will be a demand for drug(s) or alcohol (which is a drug) and other recreational entertainment. Canada’s moral compass was thrown off center when opium and cocaine became the drugs of choice; the largest user group, the Chinese workers were targeted by the Federal authorities. The RNWMP/RCMP weren’t given a choice, they were following orders handed down from the Minister of Justice to the RCMP Commissioner and finally the front line Officers. One must not lose sight that the RCMP’s role prior to the 1920’s was reactionary, there dealt with issues as they were reported. The proactive drug enforcement approach initiated by the Federal Government under McKenzie KING was driven by intolerance and media mayhem as a means to an end. Most drug prosecutions today are measured whether it’s in the public interest or not to proceed and whether there likelihood of a successful conviction. In KING’s day, racial drug prosecutions were driven by their Political masters, there was no fairness at trial for the less fortunate Chinese labourer.
By the late nineteenth century, a profitable opium importation business had developed in Vancouver Island, where numerous opium refineries operated openly. Nine drugs were used by many members of Canadians society, from the wealthy and educated to immigrant laborers such as the numerous Chinese sojourners in BC’s urban and rural communities (who smoked opium). The drug panices of the 1920s certainly had a strong impact on the lives of Chinese individuals living in Canada by 1932, 4,900 had been convicted under the onda. 103 however, some studies suggest that these moral panics were more prevalent and longer lasting in urban BC than the were in rural BC, where key features of ethnic and social organization had previously prevented widespread concern. Furthermore, opium smoking was certainly practiced by the large number of sojourning Chinese labourers in BC’s rural areas. Mostly male immigrants from China’s Pearl River Delta region brought the habit with them during the gold rushes of the midnineteenth century. Opium use in rural BC is recorded indirectly in local newspapers as early as the 1860s. As Lily Chow suggests, the nature of Chinese life in the interior likely contributed to the desire to use drugs. Working menial jobs as labourers, cooks, domestic servants, laundry operators, and occasionally small-business owners, the Chinese in rural BC were often isolated from forms of amusement and escapism popular with whites. Recalling life in the interior. Drug use was criminalized in Canada in 1908 following the passage of the Opium Act, which was indirectly the result of the 1907 Vancouver anti-Asiatic riot. In response to the riot, then deputy minister of labour William Lyon Mackenzie King was sent to investigate, claims made for compensation and was surprised to receive two claims from opium manufacturerers who had been operating legally in Vancouver for many years. Concerned with the possibility that the Chinese practice was spreading to whites, Mackenzie King began an amateurish investigation into the opium trade in Vancouver and began corresponding with members of the Chinese Anti-Opium league. Two weeks later King submitted his Report on the Need for the Suppression of the Opium Traffic in Canada, and in the following weeks the Opium Act passed without debate. This act initially prohibited “the importation, manufacture and sale of opium for other than medicinal purposes.” In 1911, the charge of smoking opium was added to the revised Opium and Narcotic Drugs Act (onda). The new law made smoking opium an offence that carried a maximum penalty of a fifty-dollar fine and one month in prison. It is worth mentioning that drug laws vary quite significantly from country to country. Nation and identity lay an important role in shaping society’s prospective of certain drugs, and their usage. One only needs to compare certain countries with opposing drug laws. For instance, a country like Afghanistan sentence to jail whoever is caught with drug even in terms for small possession of harmless drugs as such as marijuana. In Canada today RCMP has the Enforcement Action Plan and it has increased law enforcement’s capacity to proactively target organized crime involvement in illicit drug production and distribution operations, with a focus on marihuana grow operations and clandestine laboratories. Funding has also enhanced the capacity of the criminal justice system to investigate, interdict and prosecute offenders. Two main articles from National Anit-Drug Strategy are: • Ensures that serious penalties are in place for serious drug crimes;
• Increases the capacity of Canada Border Service Agency to inhibit the cross-border movement of precursor chemicals and illicit drugs. Eric Slinn, director of the Drug Branch at the RCMP headquarters in Ottawa, is responsible is responsible for branch activities including those related to the Drugs & Organized Crime Awareness Service (DOCAS). Supt Slinn provided a brief overview of the present situation of Canadian drug products, the drug landscape and related drug problems in our country. He stated that The Canadian drug situation typically consists of cannabis, cocaine, MDMA (ecstasy), other hallucinogens, PCP, Meth (Methamphetamine) but in the past 5 to 10 years, many things have changed in drug enforcement with the emergence of MDMA and Meth and the re-emergence of PCP on a lesser scale. Due to this emergence and new drug availability, in the past 5 years some drug products have remained relatively stable in terms of amounts seized in Canada. Unfortunately, the drug data is not as current as we would like to see it and is approximately one year behind. I suggest it should be kept illegal because its dangerous affects on human health.
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tyler5 5:57 pm on January 26, 2014 Permalink | Log in to Reply
Drug laws vary quite significantly from country to country. Nation and identity play a massive role in shaping society’s views of certain drugs and their usage. One only needs to compare certain countries with opposing drug laws. Countries like UAE for example, hand out lengthy jail terms for small possession of harmless drugs such as marijuana. This is because of the fact that UAE has a Islamic identity that greatly frowns upon drug use of any kind.
If one is to observe Canadian drug policy, especially in regards to marijuana, there is a very different situation. I feel that Canadian identity is embodied in liberal progression and Canadians do not necessarily feel pride in holding true to age old conservative practices. Vancouver is a perfect example of the leniency that has developed around marijuana. In Vancouver’s downtown core, there are two establishments, The Amsterdam Cafe, and Cannabis Culture, that allow customers to openly smoke marijuana inside. The police are very aware that these stores operate in this capacity, but when it comes to enforcing the federal criminal law that states marijuana is illegal, the police turn a blind eye. Marijuana is openly smoked in the streets of BC, and on special occasions, such as April 20th (420, national pot day), free marijuana is handed out on the lawn of the art gallery. Marijuana is sold there on that date, (another illegal practice) in mass quantities, all under the watch of the police.
I think, in terms of policies towards drug use and enforcement, the rules are very fluid despite the fact that the criminal code is legally binding. Canada is a country based very heavily on conventions and precedent, and I feel that this is a defining aspect of our national identity. This in mind, I am not surprised that marijuana has slowly been accepted as a kind of “pseudo-legal” drug in Canada. We as a nation have moved towards a more liberal progressive stance regarding this drug due to its very minimal health risks. The majority of federal political parties have even endorsed in their platforms that the full legalization and regulation of the drug will be a fantastic boost for the Canadian economy. This progression is a part of Canadian identity. It is in our nature as a nation to move in a liberal direction.
As far as more dangerous drugs go, citizens and law enforcement understand the risks involved. Naturally, tougher sentences and jail time are given to those who disobey these laws. But even in regards to these drugs, Canadians react with a more liberal stance towards things like a “War on Drugs”, and mandatory minimums proposed by Harper’s Conservatives. The reason mandatory minimums proposed by Harper were never adopted is because he knew there was very little public support. The Canadian Department of Justice says that “in reality, the public supports mandatory sentencing only when asked to consider the most serious crimes of violence”, and that there is a “growing public disenchantment with the ‘War on Drugs'”.
It is hard to imagine Canada as a country that would be as strict on drug use as nations such as the USA, UAE, Qatar, etc., I believe this is strictly due to the fact that contemporary Canadian perspectives on drug use are much more liberal. Moreover, I believe that these perspectives stem from a broader national Canadian identity that naturally moves in a liberal progressive fashion.
Source: http://www.justice.gc.ca/eng/rp-pr/csj-sjc/ccs-ajc/rr05_10/rr05_10.pdf
tazizi 2:13 pm on January 27, 2014 Permalink | Log in to Reply
After reading this week’s two articles, I feel pretty confident in saying that the drug law enforcement in the early 20th century wasn’t necessarily all about the use of opium. In fact, the new law seemed more about protecting Canada as a nation and the identity they had built for themselves. I see the drug law enforcement in the early 1900s more as a way to keep certain groups, specifically the Chinese, as aliens in Canada, and even removing them from the nation through deportation. The white, middle-class and elite who ran the country, were afraid of a large group of newcomers or immigrants who they thought to believe would undermine social stability (yellow peril). As the Hewitt article says, Chinese were thought as unable to be “Canadianized,” and fear was beneath the visible racial hatred.
The situation reminded me of the act initiating compulsory education; similar to that law, the drug enforcement really only targeted one group of people. In addition, the law was used to either ensure assimilation into the “Canadian” way, or use as a reason to punish those who could not integrate.
Of course, another big part of both articles was the use of the drug enforcement as a way to convince Canadians of the importance of the RCMP and ensure their survival as a group; if they were able to beat the drug problem, they would be seen as necessary. Again, this plays into the nation of Canada keeping their superior ways, especially because the people who were being convicted were largely Asian. In addition, the typical image of the RCMP would be a white man, one who is masculine, kind and just. This image would become the ideal and play into the national Canadian identity. Lastly, having a national police force also seems quiet European compared to Indigenous, which is another way to enforce assimilation of all non-European groups.
ecopeland 7:31 pm on January 27, 2014 Permalink | Log in to Reply
In the early 20th century Canada faced a situation of social unrest caused by the growing antagonism between Euro-Canadians and Asiatic labourers. The wide availability of narcotics, largely imported from Asia became the face of the socio-political battle ground. Following the anti-Asiatic riot, the government took a more focused look at the popularity of narcotics in its country. They used the ‘war on drugs’ in a way that undeniably had racist connotations, particularly when looking at the Opium Act, considered a drug predominately used by those in the Chinese-Canadian community. The fight against the Opium market, widely propagandised, became a symbol of the Canadian struggle against the Chinese. The introduction of the RCMP into the law enforcement agenda made it harder for the responsibility for the ongoing drug trade to be placed solely on the Chinese community, as the activities of white buyers and sellers were uncovered during the investigations. Not only lower class whites that the government could simply label the worst of their race, but also middle-class and professionals too. However the understaffed and underfunded department allocated to investigating the drug trade also can be seen to be providing the government and newspapers with the exact kind of fodder necessary to ensure that the racial antagonism prevailed.
jpellegrino 8:10 pm on January 27, 2014 Permalink | Log in to Reply
Nation and identity definitely influenced and shaped early 20th century Canadian attitudes with reference to drug and law enforcement. To begin, when referring to the articles for this week’s reading, we can see how the nation felt in regards to immigration and the affects it may or may not have had on Canada’s identity as a whole. While the nation was concerned with drug usage and the negative affects that come with drugs, Canada was more concerned with the desire of preventative measures for immigration. Yvan touches on this when he explains that whites were in fear that Chinese opium users would soon take an affect on white Canadians. I believe that whites used the excuse of drugs as a scapegoat to alienate Chinese immigrants. Had the nation been honestly concerned with the use of drugs, the whites involved in Ban Kwong Lee’s case of Yvan’s article would have been charged as well. Another example demonstrating Canada’s lack of concern toward drugs is described in the latter article as well. Yvan explains that in August of 1923, officers residing in BC were said to have trafficked in drugs and could have possibly accepted bribes. Finally, due to the fact that some officers felt it be appropriate to drop charges against those immigrants whom they knew personally, displays the epitome of what kind of nation Canada was at the time. In attempting to prevent the nation from being looked upon as inferior, the Canadians decided to isolate the immigrants. Despite their efforts to look a certain way, the nation ceased to look “great.”
liorbarel 12:13 am on January 28, 2014 Permalink | Log in to Reply
Essentially, what these articles say is that the 1920s war on drugs is historically contingent. That is, it is rooted in its historical context of industrialization, urbanization, immigration, nationalism, and racism.
In all history, there are instances of idealizing the past. With intense industrialization and urbanization, this idealization came in a pastoral form, in the idea that rural Canada was the most pure, untouched, and ideologically representative of everything that was good about Canada. Therefore there was an effort to violently subdue anything that could be considered immoral – for Canada in the 1920s, this came in the form of policing opium, which was an easy target as it was mostly used by immigrants (i.e. not rural white people).
The RCMP at this time was experiencing what Prkachin calls a “crisis of legitimacy” (80). This crisis was due to a quickly changing environment (in the form of industrialization and urbanization) and a stagnant police force. It followed that in order to keep up with changing ideologies and institutions, the RCMP had to reinvent itself in the minds of Canadians, to stay relevant. And the things that were highly relevant were nationalism and racism by Anglo-Canadians – engendered by the aforementioned industrialization and urbanization – against new immigrants (or old ones), specifically Chinese-Canadians. They were an easy and relevant target, and the RCMP took the opportunity to police drugs to the fullest extent, fining, incarceration, and even deporting people for opium possession. A fact that I think proves the level of ideological policing (versus criminal policing) is that both articles cite the Great Depression as a turning point in RCMP activity, in which they move away from policing drugs and turn to the new internal conflict – the rise of radical ideologies and labor movements during the Great Depression. In other words, the war on drugs was completely historically contingent, based on an unfounded fear and hatred of a racial group – not a legitimate societal problem.
amandawoodland 1:44 pm on January 28, 2014 Permalink | Log in to Reply
During the early 20th century, nation and identity factored heavily into Canadian attitudes towards drug usage as well as law enforcement directed at putting a stop to such drug usage. As made evident by Steve Hewitt’s article, an idea of who and what made – or did not make – an ideal Canadian impacted the “War on Drugs” to a high degree; furthermore, one of the most prominent symbols which is considered to represent Canadian identity played a significant role in this war: the RCMP.
During this time period, Canadian attitudes generally included fear and even hatred against those who didn’t belong; namely, Asian immigrants. It was thought that certain kinds of immigrants could be successfully assimilated into Canadian culture and molded to become ideal Canadian citizens, but that Asian immigrants could not. The fact that many Asian immigrants participated in the use of opium provided strong justification for action against them. As Hewitt states, the RCMP were a representative symbol of middle-class Anglo-Celtic masculinity as they sought to put a stop to the evil behaviours of those who are evil. People saw them as patriarchal protectors of Canadian security and white purity.
It seems that nation and identity propelled the war on drugs by focussing heavily on a common enemy. The fact that drug usage among other ethnic group – even whites! – was not a focus; rather the “War on Drugs” was largely interconnected with the war against those who didn’t belong.
Vinciane Boisson 2:22 pm on January 28, 2014 Permalink | Log in to Reply
We have seen that the post-Confederation era was marked by a desire to define what being Canadian meant and what was distinctively Canadian, and that most of it revolved around the idea of North. Part of it was the theory according to which immigrants to Canada were people of the North, with Norse descent and consequent “superior” features and characteristics. This might have contributed to the suspicion and distrust in Asian immigrants, which was the context of the War on Drugs.
Associated with it was the fact that drugs, and specifically opium, was said to come from Asia, and used predominantly by Chinese-Canadians. From there, drug served as both a catalyst and a pretext for racism towards the population of Asiatic origins. As a matter of fact, the first law on drug in Canada was passed after the Vancouver riots that consisted in racist slogans and the vandalizing of Chinatown.
This period is also marked by the decline of the RCMP which was less and less useful. As a result, it is not far-fetched to imagine that, in an effort to recreate a need for them, the fears of the white Canadian population were artificially exacerbated by creating a sort of hysteria surrounding drugs.
tyler5 5:10 pm on January 28, 2014 Permalink | Log in to Reply
I hope everyone enjoyed my contemporary view on drugs in Canada and the world posted above ^. Here is my actual response to the articles.:
These articles shed enormous light on the racial discrimination and national identity that existed in Canada during the early twentieth-century. The primary theme behind these articles addresses both racial and national aspects, especially in regards to the perpetuation and reinforcement of a waning Canadian nationalist sentiment. The drug laws introduced in this area were in fact a way to create propaganda in favour of anglo-Canadian interests, and ensure security of Canadian identity. The war on drugs was defined by the Opium Act, and the racist connotations that it entailed. It was a political tool used to create a pseudo-war against Chinese immigrants who did not reflect a Canadian nationalist point of view. The Chinese, with whom were the major players involved in the opium trade, did not reflect the stereotypical master race settler that we read about in Carl Berger’s article. In fact, many, including the Asiatic Exclusion league, aimed at preventing Chinese immigrants from entering Canada altogether. This only reinforces the point that the drug laws were aimed at distinguishing certain groups as distinct minorities. The laws also were important in the sense that they pushed immigrants to conform to a Canadian way of life, and in essence acted as an important method of promoting assimilation.
Another important aspect of these articles, and building on the idea of national identity, is the role played by the RCMP. As we talked about in class, the RCMP embodied a symbol of Canadian nationalism. The readings make it clear that the RCMP had had difficulty remaining a legitimate force in the eyes of the public. However, with the implementation of the drug laws, there needed to be an authority to enforce these laws. This brought legitimacy back to the RCMP, and again, the white northern stereotypical RCMP member could pit Canadians against foreign insurgence of immigrants. The RCMP used this authority to their advantage, and were not hesitant to strictly enforce the opium laws.
I think these articles speak heavily to the fact that what we have been taught to learn about Canadian multicultural acceptance, especially in terms of those trying to make a life in our country, is skewed. What we have learned in this course so far is only reinforced by these articles. These articles make it clear that anglo-Canadian interests often lead to racial tension between minorities. During the pre-confederation years, it was the indigenous Canadians who were discriminated against. While one cannot overlook the racism targeted at first nations during the twentieth-century, it is also important to look at the growth of racism, and how Canadian nationalist sentiment carried racist undertones.
amrita 5:30 pm on January 28, 2014 Permalink | Log in to Reply
In the early 20th century , opinions of a few major groups in the nation of Canada and the belief that a certain moralistic image of Canadian identity must be upheld resulted in increasingly hostile and aggressive attitudes towards drug usage and law enforcement before those attitudes finally mellowed out in the later part of the century. Before the first world war, most Canadians had little to no concern for the issue of drug usage. They saw it as a “dirty and deplorable” practice, of course, but one that was confined to the Chinese population. They tolerated their use of opium as an acceptance of just how the Chinese were — a racial stereotype that appeared to have no harm at first. There was very light law enforcement by the mounted police; they mainly worked on intelligence reports and investigative work. However, in 1907 a riot against asiatics occurred in Vancouver and William Lyon Mackenzie King, the deputy minister of labour, was sent to investigate the cause. He performed an amateur investigation and deemed that opium was a grave cause for concern, subsequently he created and helped pass the Opium and Narcotics Drugs Act a few weeks later. Despite that, for a dozen years after the creation of the act, law enforcement on drug crimes did not increase. In the early 1920’s, however, after the first world war, Canadian attitudes regarding the enforcement of the law on drug usage began to shift. People did not want the Great War to have been in vain and wanted greater social reform. Groups such as the RCMP and middle-class reformers such as Emily Murphy began to espouse the horrors of the drug opium, particularly as it pertained to the much-hated Chinese people. Views such as the one Mackenzie King announced began to take root; he bluntly expressed how the manhood of the nation would be destroyed and how if more stronger policing did not occur, we could expect Canadians’ morals to be corrupted and the feminization of the nation. As many Canadians strongly believed in and desired to uphold the image of Anglo-Canadian dominance, they welcomed the aggressive behavior with which the RCMP persecuted, at first, distributors of drugs and later, the victims or users of drugs. Though the RCMP did want to persecute those in violation of the law, they were a symbol of nationalism, of something good and right fighting against what is evil and disliked which would be both the Chinese and drugs, and this is why stricter policing was allowed by the Canadian public. As the RCMP took on puritanical airs and the media and judicial system became increasingly intolerant and hostile towards drug usage, the moral pressure from the urban areas began to filter into rural developments and resulted in a higher number of convictions and stimulated fear that otherwise would not have existed. In the end, the prevailing attitudes that resulted in the strong level of enforcement of drug usage by the RCMP was not simply done “for humanity”, but it was a greater symbol of how racism had evolved from targeting indigenous groups, defenseless people trying to survive in an anglicized nation, to another: the Asiatic population.
Marissa Waldron 5:35 pm on January 28, 2014 Permalink | Log in to Reply
Like we discussed last week, identity and nationalism played huge roles in forming a truly “the Great White North.” Playing on this notion, the War on Drugs was perhaps not only to control a spreading epidemic, but also to protect the identity of “true Canadians” that had been built. Often times, drug users are branded as lazy, which is in direct opposition to the hard working, Northern immigrants that Canada sought to draw in during the push to settle the West. This more “southern” way of living could have been perceived as a threat to the new Canada. Here, Chinese-Canadians provided an easy opportunity for oppression and targeting, which eventually led to intense racism (like my above classmate eluded to about the riots due to Chinatown vandalism). The RCMP also played a huge role in this aspect of Canadian history – with decreasing numbers, they had to show their strength, with the white men in uniform cracking down on drug use and possession of Chinese-Canadians, sometimes deporting individuals, and also (to their surprise) find first and second generation Canadians also engaging in drug use. There was also an ideology that some immigrants could be shaped or molded into “real” Canadians, and some (aka drug users) could not.
However, in modern day, we are seeing more and more liberal use of drugs, specifically marijuana, in places like here in Vancouver. A noticeable percentage of community members are users, and there are even establishments where the drug can be used, as well as its use outside on April 20th (4/20). With the current push to legalize marijuana, it will be interesting to map the possible changes in marijuana and other harder drug enforcement, and to see if history repeats itself (which we all know, it usually does!)
chliane 5:39 pm on January 28, 2014 Permalink | Log in to Reply
Canadian attitudes towards drug usage and law enforcement was highly influenced by nation and identity in the early 20th century. The way drug law enforcement was approached during this period shows us a lot about how Canadians identified themselves, and who was not included in this identity. Hewitt discusses how the Asian Canadians faced a lot of discrimination at this time, as shown by the anti-asian riots. They were seen as ‘unassimilable,’ mainly due to their appearance that could never fit the current Canadian ideal of strong, white and masculine males. Hewitt notes that the Chinese opium smokers were mostly old men who were ‘peaceful and docile,’ and would have given the police little trouble, but for the fact that they were Chinese. This strong dislike of Asians would explain the many Opium Acts, since the drug was seen as predominately Chinese in nature. Canadian attitudes towards drug law enforcement was no doubt very racist during the early 20th century.
I agree with Vinciane’s argument that this period was characterized by attempts to create a Canadian culture that could be distinct from the Americans and the British, which would serve the purpose of uniting the country. However, they had not yet come to the conclusion that multiculturalism could be Canada’s trademark, and so Canada’s identity still included the exclusion of other cultures, which was exhibited in their use of drug law enforcement.
This behavior of targeting the Asians, most of whom worked menial jobs is not unlike the targeting of African-Americans in by policemen in America today. Throughout history we have seen that the lower classes or minority races were often oppressed and singled out by authority to pay as scapegoats or discriminated against. I do not think that the discrimination of Asian Canadians in this way was exceptional, but it is still disappointing.
madden34 5:44 pm on January 28, 2014 Permalink | Log in to Reply
Nation and identity play a massive role in shaping society’s views of certain drugs and their usage. The drug law enforcement in the early 1900s kept certain groups, specifically the Chinese, as aliens in Canada, and even removing them from the nation through deportation. Drugs are frowned upon, it doesn’t matter what the nation is or its identity. Opium was the major drug used in the 19th century The RCMP played a major role here as well as they targeted many Chinese seeking “revenge” and was associated with Asia, therefore the aliens (chinese) were categorized with this drug and racial tensions occurred. At this time Canada did not know it would be later known by multiculturalism , so at this time, Canada still excluded cultures at this time as stated by Chilaine.
lindswong 6:56 pm on January 28, 2014 Permalink | Log in to Reply
As seen from early on, the war on drugs has proved to be problematic and issue that Canada has had to deal with. However how we look at drugs now and now deal with issue is much different the way it was seen and “controlled” in the past, particularly during the interwar wars. Today we mainly worry of the harm it does to our youth and therefore we focus much attention on educating the youth of the harmful effects of drugs and the reason why they should say “no” to them. In the early 20th century, the use of drugs was detrimental not only in a physical sense, but symbolically also.
Drugs in the early 1900s were seen to degrade the system and tarnish the “Great Canadian Image.” Therefore, nation and identity played a major role in this issue. Before the Great War the drug issue in Canada had minimally been focused on but following the war there was “an increase in popular concern for preserving human life an moral character; as result attitudes towards drug users in Canada began to harden.” The target were immigrants. Particularly, the Chinese were targeted in the new strict drug laws as they were the one seen as having introduced opium to Canada. Often they would be the people searched and deported for usage of use of narcotics, and white men caught doing the same were given more leniency. Canadian police were able to play up their actions by convincing the people that drugs was no longer exclusive to foreigners, but was also becoming rampant among the white community, including women and the youth.
Foreigners, particularly the Chinese, became the targets, whether in search warrants given to look for drugs, in newspaper headlines, etc., in order to bring forth this idea that this degradation by drugs was a foreign intervention and not a disposition of the Canadian nature. Therefore, despite the involvement of many white people in the use of drugs, the immigrants were still blamed for being the bad influence in Canada, thus destroying our “Great Canadian Image.” Canada at this time saw themselves as a superior country to others, a country with a superior race and a pure image. Thus, it was vital that it was that the immigrants would be portrayed as the source of the drug problem for the preservation of the canadian image and the nation.
aviaah 7:04 pm on January 28, 2014 Permalink | Log in to Reply
From the two articles provided, it’s clear that Canadian attitude towards drug usage and law enforcement in Canada during the 20th century was based in nationalism and national identity. The “Myth of the Yellow Peril” was a racially prejudice driving force that was constructed by the Western world in response to what they considered a threat: the growing presence of Asiatic peoples in Canada. In terms of nationalism and identity, it can be gathered that this myth spawned from the innate Western desire to preserve Western culture and identity amidst the arrival and presence of immigrants from variant ethnically, cultural, and religious backgrounds. Westerners felt that the Chinese, in particular, lacked the ability to assimilate into Canadian culture, and thus they were widely disliked. This dislike correlates with the drug usage and law enforcement issue at the time, and although the issue was not entirely that prominent to begin with, the fixation on eliminating drug usage and those who used and sold it became a top priority of the state, and of Canadian law enforcement in particular. The RCMP saw a decline in their presence and relevance during the interwar period, and thus to focus their efforts on narcotic elimination, specifically on opium, an Asiatic drug that was ultimately linked to the Chinese. This intense fixation played off of the racial currents that were circulating during the 20th century. By specifically focusing on decimating opium from Canadian territory, the Chinese were targeted by the RCMP as perpetrators of opium sales and usage. Furthermore, they were labeled as threats to the stability of Canadian culture and the population, expressly being labeled as negative influences on women and children. Thus, due to the nationalistic value of the time, which was preserving the Canadian culture and identity and having it progress, there was a push to stereotype the Chinese as perpetrators of drug trafficking, and therefore they were prosecuted heavily, and ultimately deported as a result of racial bias and accusation.
richardj 10:53 pm on January 28, 2014 Permalink | Log in to Reply
Canada’s moral compass and Nationalist identity were driven by early 20th century politicians with agenda’s based on racial indifference and intolerant attitudes. With great influx of Chinese immigrant labour force, the likelihood of a clash of cultures and social behaviors was going to happen. Unfortunately, the politicians took aim at the largest single group that had arrived on Canadian soil; the Chinese brought with them strong backs and recreational drug use. Where there is a large work force in a urban centres, there will be a demand for drug(s) or alcohol (which is a drug) and other recreational entertainment. Canada’s moral compass was thrown off center when opium and cocaine became the drugs of choice; the largest user group, the Chinese workers were targeted by the Federal authorities. The RNWMP/RCMP weren’t given a choice, they were following orders handed down from the Minister of Justice to the RCMP Commissioner and finally the front line Officers. One must not lose sight that the RCMP’s role prior to the 1920’s was reactionary, there dealt with issues as they were reported. The proactive drug enforcement approach initiated by the Federal Government under McKenzie KING was driven by intolerance and media mayhem as a means to an end. Most drug prosecutions today are measured whether it’s in the public interest or not to proceed and whether there likelihood of a successful conviction. In KING’s day, racial drug prosecutions were driven by their Political masters, there was no fairness at trial for the less fortunate Chinese labourer.
FribaRezayee235 3:57 pm on January 31, 2014 Permalink | Log in to Reply
Drug law enforcement
By the late nineteenth century, a profitable opium importation business had developed in Vancouver Island, where numerous opium refineries operated openly. Nine drugs were used by many members of Canadians society, from the wealthy and educated to immigrant laborers such as the numerous Chinese sojourners in BC’s urban and rural communities (who smoked opium). The drug panices of the 1920s certainly had a strong impact on the lives of Chinese individuals living in Canada by 1932, 4,900 had been convicted under the onda. 103 however, some studies suggest that these moral panics were more prevalent and longer lasting in urban BC than the were in rural BC, where key features of ethnic and social organization had previously prevented widespread concern. Furthermore, opium smoking was certainly practiced by the large number of sojourning Chinese labourers in BC’s rural areas. Mostly male immigrants from China’s Pearl River Delta region brought the habit with them during the gold rushes of the midnineteenth century. Opium use in rural BC is recorded indirectly in local newspapers as early as the 1860s. As Lily Chow suggests, the nature of Chinese life in the interior likely contributed to the desire to use drugs. Working menial jobs as labourers, cooks, domestic servants, laundry operators, and occasionally small-business owners, the Chinese in rural BC were often isolated from forms of amusement and escapism popular with whites. Recalling life in the interior. Drug use was criminalized in Canada in 1908 following the passage of the Opium Act, which was indirectly the result of the 1907 Vancouver anti-Asiatic riot. In response to the riot, then deputy minister of labour William Lyon Mackenzie King was sent to investigate, claims made for compensation and was surprised to receive two claims from opium manufacturerers who had been operating legally in Vancouver for many years. Concerned with the possibility that the Chinese practice was spreading to whites, Mackenzie King began an amateurish investigation into the opium trade in Vancouver and began corresponding with members of the Chinese Anti-Opium league. Two weeks later King submitted his Report on the Need for the Suppression of the Opium Traffic in Canada, and in the following weeks the Opium Act passed without debate. This act initially prohibited “the importation, manufacture and sale of opium for other than medicinal purposes.” In 1911, the charge of smoking opium was added to the revised Opium and Narcotic Drugs Act (onda). The new law made smoking opium an offence that carried a maximum penalty of a fifty-dollar fine and one month in prison. It is worth mentioning that drug laws vary quite significantly from country to country. Nation and identity lay an important role in shaping society’s prospective of certain drugs, and their usage. One only needs to compare certain countries with opposing drug laws. For instance, a country like Afghanistan sentence to jail whoever is caught with drug even in terms for small possession of harmless drugs as such as marijuana. In Canada today RCMP has the Enforcement Action Plan and it has increased law enforcement’s capacity to proactively target organized crime involvement in illicit drug production and distribution operations, with a focus on marihuana grow operations and clandestine laboratories. Funding has also enhanced the capacity of the criminal justice system to investigate, interdict and prosecute offenders. Two main articles from National Anit-Drug Strategy are: • Ensures that serious penalties are in place for serious drug crimes;
• Increases the capacity of Canada Border Service Agency to inhibit the cross-border movement of precursor chemicals and illicit drugs. Eric Slinn, director of the Drug Branch at the RCMP headquarters in Ottawa, is responsible is responsible for branch activities including those related to the Drugs & Organized Crime Awareness Service (DOCAS). Supt Slinn provided a brief overview of the present situation of Canadian drug products, the drug landscape and related drug problems in our country. He stated that The Canadian drug situation typically consists of cannabis, cocaine, MDMA (ecstasy), other hallucinogens, PCP, Meth (Methamphetamine) but in the past 5 to 10 years, many things have changed in drug enforcement with the emergence of MDMA and Meth and the re-emergence of PCP on a lesser scale. Due to this emergence and new drug availability, in the past 5 years some drug products have remained relatively stable in terms of amounts seized in Canada. Unfortunately, the drug data is not as current as we would like to see it and is approximately one year behind. I suggest it should be kept illegal because its dangerous affects on human health.