March 2016

stuprum (3.2)

The unchastity of a Vestal virgin was a religious offence punishable by death. According to Plutarch, a Vestal virgin was first executed for incestus during the reign of Numa Pompilius, the mythical second king of Rome (Life of Numa Pompilius 10.4). Yet Domitian’s execution of three Vestals for incestus in 83 CE indicates that this practice was observed well into the time of the Roman Empire.

Rome’s longstanding fixation on the sexual purity of the Vestal virgins is rooted in their symbolic function as the total embodiment of the city and its people. Not only was their chastity held to be representative of the state’s moral character, but their bodies symbolized the inviolability of Rome’s walls and the strength of her society. It follows that in times of great violence, the Vestals were occasionally suspected of incestus and sentenced to death. Such was the fate of Oppia in 483 BCE (Livy 2.42.9-11), when Rome was at war with the Veii and the Volsci, and of Opimia and Floronia in 216 BCE (Livy 22.57.3), amid the throes of the Second Punic War.

For a more extensive discussion, refer to Holt N. Parker’s article on the sexual status of Rome’s Vestal virgins.

Translation Aid – Petronius, Cena Trimalchionis 39.4

Nam mihi nihil novi potest afferri, sicut ille fer[i]culus †ta mel habint praxim†.

If we take ta mel and habint as a corruption of tamen and habuit, we can tentatively read this sentence as: “For nothing new can be brought to me, as that dish has nonetheless proved”. In the context of his speech, the implication is that Trimalchio, no longer entertained by the delights of a feast, must turn to philosophizing.

This sentence, however, is contentious for several reasons:

  1. There is some disagreement as to whether fer[i]culus should be read as fericulum (“that wild thing”) or ferculum (“dish”). The latter makes more sense in the context of the course previously served.
  2. Ta mel has also been construed as corruptions of iam semel (which doesn’t match Trimalchio’s exaggerated show of refinement, because it would imply that the dish had been served before and that Trimalchio allowed it to be served again), camella (“goblet”; Trimalchio has just invited his guests to have a drink), or tam el[egans] (in reference to the dish).
  3. Praxim comes from the Greek praxis (“good result”, “success”, “action”, “business”), which doesn’t really translate to “proof”. This has led Brent Vine to hypothesize that praxim ought to be taken as taxim, from the Greek taxis (“arrangement”) (Vine, 130). This would translate to “just as that dish had a [careful] arrangement”.

Est Tamen Subalapa Et Non Vult Sibi Male

The main issue in this sentence (from Petr. 38) is the “subalapa”.

To begin, is it the one-word “subalapa” or is it the two-word phrase “sub alapa”?

SUBALAPA, Definition
According to Smith’s commentary, “subapala” means “something of a boaster”. (Commentary – Smith, 86) This definition comes from the word “alapari” which means “to boast.” This word seems to be a Late Latin word and doesn’t appear in any of the Latin dictionaries. However, the Spanish word “alabar” comes from this word and means the same thing.

SUBALAPA, Translations
Some translators have used this Late Latin definition:

  • “But he’s a bit of a braggart and not slow in putting himself forward” (Walsh)
  • “But he’s kind of a blowhard, wants to show how good he’s doing” (Ruden)

SUB ALAPA, Definition
Unlike “subalapa”, “alapa, alapae, fem.” does appear in the Latin dictionaries, both the Lewis and Short (LS), and the Oxford Latin Dictionary (OLD).

“Alapa” means “a stroke or blow upon the cheek with the open hand, a box on the ear” (LS, 79) and “a blow (with the flat of the hand), smack, slap”. (OLD, 92).

Regarding slavery, alapa describes “when a slave was emancipated, his master gave him an alapa” (LS, 79). The symbolic act of a master slapping his newly-freed slave is called “manumission”, which is from “manu” + “emitto”, “by hand” + “sent out”. With this slavery definition, Smith offers this phrasing, “he has only recently been given his freedom”. (Commentary – Smith, 86)

A non-Petronius example of this idea of “alapa” is used by Phaedrus in The Fables of Phaedrus, Book 2, Fable 5, Line 25. The line, “multo maioris alapae mecum veneunt,” can be translated as “with me freedom is much more dearly purchased” (LS, 79)

“Sub” would need a better translation than the generic “under”, “below” or “beneath” translations because of the symbolic and ceremonial nature of manumission. The LS provides the tropical and figurative translations of “under, subject to, in the power of; during, in the time of, upon, etc” (LS, 1772, Definition I. C. 3.). And the OLD provides “(indicating the occasion of an action) under the influence or stimulus of, at.” (OLD, 1835, Definition 14)

Ulitmately, “est tamen sub alapa” can be thought of “He is still under the influence of the slap (of freedom)” in the sense that this man has just recently been manumitted.

SUB ALAPA, Translations
“Sub alapa” seems much more popular to translate than “subalapa”, yet there are many different interpretations and additions.

Some add that it’s an “alapa” from his master:

  • “Still, he shows the marks of his master’s fingers, and has a fine opinion of himself.” (Heseltine)
  • “Besides, he can still feel his master’s slap and wants to give himself a good time.” (Sullivan)

Some translations elaborate that the “alapa” frees a slave:

  • “He still smarts from the slap which ended his servile career, but he looks after Number One” (Mitchell)
  • “But now that he’s been slapped into freedom, he wants a good time” (Branham)
  • “Not so long ago he was just a slave. Yes sir, he’s doing all right” (Arrowsmith)

And some translations focus on the “alapa”, itself:

  • “He still carries the marks of his box on the ear, and he isn’t wishing himself any bad luck” (Firebaugh)
  • “He’ll still take a box o’ the ear for all that, and keeps a keen eye on the main chance.” (Allinson)
  • “if God gives anything it is a bit of a blow, and wills no evil to himself” (Burnaby)

LATIN related word
In Latin, “alapa” is contrasted to the closely related word “colaphus”. “Colaphus, colaphi, mas.” is a “blow with the fist, a cuff, a box on the ear” (LS, 364) and “a blow with the fist, buffet, cuff” (OLD, 349). This Latin word is from the Greek word “κόλαφος” which means “slap, buffet”. (LIDDEL, 971).

Thus, alapa is a hit with an open hand while colaphus is a hit with a closed hand

GREEK related words
“Alapa” could be related to the Greek words, ἀλαπάζειν (alapazein) and λαπάζειν (lapazein). In context, Cueva translates these as “to comport oneself insolently” and “to boast arrogantly”. (Cueva, 4) And so the Latin word “alapari” may mean “to treat someone rudely and wantonly” and “to suffer his violent wantonness.” (Cueva, 4)

REFERENCES
Jstor

  • Cueva, Edmund P. “Petronius “Satyrica” 38.6-11: “Alapa” Revisited.” Classical Philology 96.1 (2001): 68-76. JSTOR. Web. 13 Mar. 2016.

Translations

  • Allinson, A. R. (1930]). The Sayricon of Petronius: Chapter Six. Retrieved March 12, 2016, from http://www.sacred-texts.com/cla/petro/satyr/sat07.htm. Section XXXVIII
  • Arbiter, P., & Arrowsmith, W. (1959). The Satyricon of Petronius. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. Page 47
  • Arbiter, P., & Mitchell, J. M. (1923). Petronius: The Satyricon. London: G. Routledge. Page 86, from https://archive.org/stream/satyricontransla00petruoft#page/86/mode/2up
  • Arbiter, P., & Ruden, S. (2000). Satyricon. Indianapolis: Hackett Pub. Page 26/27
  • Arbiter, P., & Walsh, P. G. (1996). The Satyricon. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Page 28/29
  • Arbiter, P., Branham, R. B., & Kinney, D. (1996). Satyrica. Berkeley: University of California Press. Page 33
  • Arbiter, P., Heseltine, M., Rouse, W. H., & Seneca, L. A. (1913). Petronius. London: W. Heinemann. Page 59, from https://archive.org/stream/petronius00petruoft#page/58/mode/2up
  • Arbiter, P., Sullivan, J. P., & Morales, H. (2011). The Satyricon. London: Penguin.
  • Burnaby, W. (2004, May). The Satyricon, by Petronius Arbiter. Retrieved March 12, 2016, from http://www.gutenberg.org/cache/epub/5611/pg5611-images.html
  • Firebaugh, W. C. (2006, October 31). THE SATYRICON OF PETRONIUS ARBITER. Retrieved March 12, 2016, from https://www.gutenberg.org/files/5225/5225-h/5225-h.htm

Dictionary

  • Glare, P. G. (1982). Oxford Latin dictionary. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
  • Lewis, C. T. (1980). A Latin dictionary: Founded on Andrews’ ed. of Freund’s Latin dictionary. Rev., enl., and in great part rewritten. Oxford: Clarendon Pr.
  • Liddell, H. G., Scott, R., & Jones, H. S. (1996). A Greek-English lexicon. With a revised supplement (1996). Oxford: Clarendon Press.

Commentary

  • Arbiter, P., & Smith, M. S. (1982). Cena Trimalchionis. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Page 86.

Ex altera parte (3.7)

Several of the declaimers refer to the idea that the accused woman did not die because she was saved by the gods, perhaps specifically by Vesta. Although they do not mention it, there are precedents for this. Dionysius of Halicarnassus (a close contemporary of Seneca the Elder) relates two cases of Vestals who were unjustly accused of incestus and were saved by calling on Vesta to aid them. (Antiquitates Romanae 2.68 and 2.69)

ampliatur a iudicibus in poenam? (3.2)

Historically, Vestal virgins convicted of unchastity were not hurled from the Tarpeian Rock but buried alive, sealed in a cave beneath the Colline gate with a small quantity of oil, milk, bread, and water (Plut. Num. 10.5). As Holt N. Parker remarks, this was a trial by ordeal: the condemned Vestal never met with physical violence and, nominally, the bare necessities of life were provided for her (586). She alone was held to be responsible for her life and death, and if she was innocent, then the goddess Vesta would come to her aid. Insofar as the fictional mode of execution presented in this controversia is functionally equivalent to the true penalty suffered by an unchaste Vestal, then the answer to Cestius Pius’ question, it would seem, is yes – the case of a Vestal virgin is technically adjourned until the time of punishment.

saxum (3.2)

While unchaste Vestals were executed by other means (live burial, cf. the comment on ampliatur a iudicibus in poenam?), the Tarpeian Rock from which Rome’s most loathed criminals were thrown was itself named after a Vestal virgin who had betrayed the Roman people: in the days of Romulus, the ill-fated Tarpeia had opened Rome’s gates to the attacking Sabines under promise of gold (Livy 1.11). The Sabines killed her shortly afterwords.