Translation Aid – Apocolocyntosis 11.6

pedibus in hanc sententiam itum est.

Itum est is an impersonal form of the verb eo, ire.

Literally, this sentence reads, “There was a going with feet for this motion.” It can be translated as, “This motion was put to a vote”. During votes of the senate, the pedarii (1) demonstrated their decision by crowding around the speaker whose opinion they endorsed.

  1. The pedarii are thought to be non-speaking members of the senate, although who exactly constituted the pedarii is a matter of ongoing debate. Francis X. Ryan offers a detailed discussion of the pedarii here.

vittam (3.6)

The Vestals wore a headdress consisting of the suffibulum, a short, bordered veil; the infula, a woollen fillet wrapped several times around the head; and multiple vittae, woollen strands hanging down from the fillets.

Vittae were also worn by priests, brides, maidens, asylum-seekers, and sacrificial victims. Speculating on their symbolic function in The Marriage of Cadmus and Harmony, Roberto Calasso writes:

“Vittae dictae sunt, quod vinciant”: “The woollen ties are so called because they bind.” But what was this bond? It was the momentary surfacing of a link in that invisible net which enfolds the world, which descends from heaven to earth, binding the two together and swaying in the breeze. Men wouldn’t be able to bear seeing that net in its entirety all the time: they would get caught in it at once and suffocate. But every time someone achieves or is subjected to — but every achievement is subjection, and every subjection achievement — something that uplifts him and generates intensity and meaning, then the woollen strips, the ties, come out. [...] All these woollen strips, these vain, winged tassels, were nerves of the nexus rerum, the connection of everything with everything else, which alone gives meaning to life.

carnifex (3.7)

Cornelius Hispanus speaks of the carnifex stepping back as he pushed the condemned woman off the Tarpeian Rock. The word carnifex literally means “maker of meat”, but according to the OLD it was not used of an ordinary butcher; its primary meaning is executioner.

The Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities (John Murray, 1875) provides this definition:

CA′RNIFEX, the public executioner at Rome, who put slaves and foreigners to death (Plaut. Bacch. IV.4.47; Capt. V.4.22), but no citizens, who were punished in a manner different from slaves. It was also his business to administer the torture. This office was considered so disgraceful, that he was not allowed to reside within the city (Cic. Pro Rabir. 5), but he lived without the Porta Metia or Esquilina (Plaut. Pseud. I.3.98), near the place destined for the punishment of slaves (Plaut. Cas. II.6.2; Tac. Ann. XV.60;Hor. Epod. V.99), called Sessorium under the emperors (Plut. Galb. 28).

The information about the duties of a carnifex is not consistent with his presence at the execution of a Vestal. Since this information is drawn from Plautus, who lived in the late 3rd and early 2nd centuries BCE, it may be that the duties had changed by the time of Seneca. Indeed, in Epistle 4.11, Pliny, writing in the late 1st century CE, mentions that a carnifex was present at the entombment of a Vestal.

ista neglegentia pater tuus exercitum perdidit (3.10)

Cestus says this to Quintilius Varus, the son of the infamous general of the same name. The elder Quintilius Varus was in charge of the three legions stationed in Germany in 9 CE. He had as an advisor a German prince named Arminius who had been educated in Rome. As Varus was leading the legions from their summer to their winter camp he ran into an ambush in the Teutoburg Forest that had been planned by Arminius. 15,000-20,000 Roman soldiers were killed and many officers, including Varus, committed suicide; some soldiers were enslaved. Varus’ head was sent back to Rome. According to Suetonius, Augustus lamented “Quintili Vare, legiones redde!”

Archaeologists have found the remnants of a major battle between Romans and Germans that occurred during the reign of Augustus, with many Roman deaths, near Kalkreise Hill in Lower Saxony. This is generally accepted as the site of the defeat of Varus.

color (3.9)

This is a technical term used when discussing a declamation. A color is “a line of approach to the case”. (Winterbottom, p. xviii) It may represent an attitude on which a concrete argument is based. Seneca reviews the colores used by the various speakers and occasionally expresses his own view about them. For example, in 3.11 he refers to a color of Junius Otho as stultus.

repetendo (3.5)

Appeals were infrequent during the Republic. Applications were occasionally made to tribunes or praetors to interpose a veto that would delay the execution of a sentence. The sentence itself was rarely overturned (Burdick, 670). A formalized system of appeal, in the modern sense of the word, was introduced by Augustus (Suet. Aug. 33) and later developed by Nero (Suet. Nero 17).

Given the relative novelty of the process, the Vestal’s second attempt to secure an acquittal may very well be seen to convey a sense of impudentia – to use Argentarius’ word – towards the judgment of the pontifical college.

contactu suo polluit (3.4)

As the heart and hearth of the city, the Temple of Vesta demanded an exceptional level of ritual purity. Servius describes how the water used for cleansing the temple had to be brought from a nearby spring in a container that did not touch the ground (A. 7.150), while the dirt swept from the floor was ritually discarded in the Tiber (Ov. Fast. 6.227). Iulius Bassus claims that the sacred purity instilled in this space by such rituals has been desecrated by the return of the unchaste Vestal.

The idea that a supernatural, polluting force could be transmitted through contact was certainly not unique to the Romans. James Frazer famously argues in The Golden Bough that this “law of contagion” is a governing principle of magic across all human cultures.

fas (3.4)

Fas provides the divine counterpart to ius, the law of the people and the state. By invoking fas is his condemnation of the Vestal’s return from the Tarpeian Rock, Iulus Bassus recalls the extent to which her act of unchastity was a religious offence (cf. the comment on stuprum).

cum tot principum filiae sint (3.4)

A girl selected to serve as a Vestal virgin had to be the daughter of living, freeborn, Romans whose reputations were beyond reproach. As Tacitus notes, the divorce of Fonteius Agrippa from the girl’s mother was enough to exclude his daughter from the priesthood (Ann. 2.86).

Additional qualifications for a prospective Vestal virgin included being mentally sound, physically unblemished, and between the ages of six and ten.