Care: A Canadian Female Attribute?

This past weekend I volunteered at the CAP-C conference hosted at Frog Hollow Neighborhood House whose theme was ‘Healthy Families, Happy Future’. One of the activities involved information booths on various topics such as post-partum depression, staying active, gardening, eating grains, Canada’s Food Guide, eating breakfast, cooking healthy while on a budget and so on. Out of 61 parents that registered for the conference, only 2 were Dads, while the rest were all women with children between the ages of 0-6.

I was told by the coordinator of family programs, Lea Laberge that the theme for the conference had been picked by parents and program participants a few months ago, and while I expected it to be female dominated, I had no idea that ratio of Mothers to Fathers would be so skewed. In Global Woman, Rhacel Salazar Parrenas describes the care crisis in the Philippines as a product of the economically motivated migration of women in order to provide for their children back home by sending remittances. She says that there is a growing trend within developing nations in which economically, women are afforded more equality, often heading up the family and acting as the sole breadwinner, but they are held back by gendered cultural and religious ideals that construct them as morally bankrupt for depriving their children from the kind of love and care that only a mother can provide (Parrenas 2002: 52).

And while I do not mean to discount the difficulties women in the developing world face when they leave the domestic sphere in order to seek employment, after attending the conference this weekend, I think that it would be interesting to consider the pressures that immigrant women in Canada face. Often we allow ourselves to believe that Canadian society is free of the ridged gender binaries that consider women to be the primary caretakers of children and nurturers of the family. And yet, while at a conference concerning the health and welfare of young children which was open and accessible to all members of the community, the mostly female turnout evidences that ‘care’ remains a gendered concept in Canadian culture as well.

The station I ran at the conference was concerned with body image, and encouraging an inclusive view of beauty. The women that I spoke with told me stories about their daughters mostly, and you could tell how much they were pained by their daughters’ physical insecurities. One mother told me about how her daughter cried to her all the time while she was living with another family because they were all white and she wasn’t. When I asked the women to draw what what beautiful about themselves, many drew their families, or their children [see Figure 1] which to me signified a selfless existence, one in which ‘beauty’ was not a physical attribute but a lived experience, one for which these women are willing to hard for. And while this is by no means a significant statistical sample, but I would like to suggest that there is a reason that family health was voted as the topic of the conference and concurrently so, there is a reason that mostly women showed up to learn about how to prevent cavities in their children’s teeth, garden, encourage good self esteem, cook and shop for nutritious foods.

Refuting ‘the God Trick’

Literal portrayal of my positionality during the adult immigrant pre-employment class

 

The realization that qualitative research produced within a subject/observer framework is inherently flawed has been a long time coming in academic circles. Yet we are still just now acknowledging the power of academic text, which often attributes motive and meaning to the actions observed, constructing an ‘event’ out of daily life, while inconspicuously failing to recognize the presence and influence of the viewer (Smith 1988). Scenes such as an adult immigrant pre-employment class are painted through the rose-colored glasses of the privileged viewer. The written work that this viewer then produces  is presented to readers as an objective perspective on ‘real’ life, when in fact such a depiction constitutes what Donna Haraway calls ‘the God trick’ —the act of appearing to see everything from nowhere in particular, which, of course, is physically impossible. Feminist sociologists now posit that the only way in which significant qualitative work can be produced is through active participation in the material social practices of everyday life—and a subsequent production of narratives of personal consciousness, which can then be compared to those belonging to others (Smith 1988).

In my time at Frog Hollow for example, while participating in a pre-employment program for Spanish mothers  which focused on financial literacy, I happened to sketch the table around which we were all seated, facing the instructor, Billy Sinclair. I have included this sketch below in Figure 1, adding a circled star to indicate where I was sitting. Encouraged by the instructor and the Frog Hollow facilitator, Lea Laberge,the other IVEFS students and I participated in the class by contributing our financial questions to the list posted on the wall. The act of adding questions to the wall, while all sitting around the same table, and sharing personal stories along with the women, symbolized participation in the active creation of the material and social environment of the class. The photo above (from my field notes) is simply a representation of my physical position, which I can use to remind myself that while I may have understood the class from a certain personal standpoint, others may have their own standpoints, stemming both from the seating arrangement and from their social status.

 

While personal narratives of everyday life are valuable, in order to produce knowledge some analysis must be done. Through my active participation in my field site I am able to then compare the notes that describe my personal experiences, thoughts, questions with others. Instead of objectifying the other participants, feminist methodology empowers its subjects by allowing them the agency to experience their own consciousness, unaffected by the researcher, which later can be analyzed to understand the larger power structures at work.

Although my experience participating in the group was probably tainted by having my notebook out instead of devoting the entirety of my attention to the class, in other ways I did my best not to allow my role to become that of a ‘researcher’ observing subjects in their ‘natural habitat, rather, I was, just as everyone there was, eager to learn about money management. I did however diligently record that which permeated my consciousness that morning—which now rests of the pages of my notebook as a series of jokes, interspersed with questions, financial advice, etc. all of which speak directly to my experiences that day, but can be used in the future to attempt produce a feminist sociology of adult immigration classes at Frog Hollow Neighborhood House.

Work Cited

 

Smith, Dorothy E. The Everyday World as Problematic: A Feminist Sociology. Boston:   Northeastern UP, 1988.