Author Archives: keskine owusu poku

ARE SMALLHOLDER FARMS ENVIRONMENTALLY FRIENDLY? WHAT DO WE KNOW?

Posted on by under Uncategorized

Agriculture is noted to be among the major polluters in the world. The Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) estimates that agriculture emissions increased from “4.7 billion tonnes of carbon dioxide equivalents in 2001 to over 5.3 billion tonnes in 2011, a 14 percent increase (FAO, 2014).”  As the world envisages an increase in food production to feed its anticipated growth in population, questions have been asked regarding the sustainability of farming practices and their intrinsic impacts on humanity, biodiversity, and the ecosystem at large. It is in this contest that agriculturists, policy makers, and scientists have sought to promote a discourse on the environmental friendliness of different farms types. One of such farm types is smallholder farms.

Smallholder farms constitute about 80% of the 570 million farms around the world with nearly 80% of them covering less than 2 hectares (Vermeulen and Wollenberg, 2017). Smallholder farms are estimated to provide 70% and 80% of total food in the world and developing countries respectively (FAO 2013: IFA 2013). With the growing concerns about climate change and the need to promote sustainable agriculture while securing the livelihoods of smallholder farmers, questions have been asked about the practices of smallholder farms and how environmental friendly they are. Is smallholder farming the way to go? What do we know? To answer these question, smallholder farms will be compared to large farms on 3 variables; (1) biodiversity and soil quality (2) water use and energy use (3) green house gas emissions.

Data on biodiversity and soil quality of smallholder farms are country specific and not aggregated on regional scale. For example, in Canada, the bigger the farms the less woodlands and wetlands there are. There are twice more bird species and habitats in small Swedish farms. In Latin America, small farms often have a denser agroecological matrix (Belfrage K. et al. 2006). Available literature looks at different variables or items from different countries which make it difficult to make value judgements or comparative analysis of small and large farms. That said, activities of smallholder and large farm have different effects on soil quality. Large farms depend on synthetic chemical fertilizers to support high-intensity monocrop systems, polluting the soil whereas smallholders practice tilling and plowing of farmlands (Tilman, 1998).

Like biodiversity and soil quality, data on energy and water-use are location-specific and not aggregated globally. The available data however feeds into the economic theory of economies of scale. It is an economic term that explains how the cost of an additional output decreases as the volume of the output increases. Large farms benefit from the economies of scale. Large farms invest more in energy and water use efficiency technologies. The cost of investing in a unit of power or water is reduced because of the size of the farm and their operational efficient. Smallholders on the other hand, pay the real per unit cost of water and energy because they buy in small quantities and not necessarily because of inefficiencies. Large farms are thus better in the use of energy and water.

Vermeulen and Wollenberg (2017) posit that smallholder and large holder contribute about 32% and 68% of global GHG emissions from agriculture and 70% and 30% (FAO 2013) of world’s food. However, in developing countries, smallholder farms are estimated to account for 42% of GHGs and 80% of food whereas 58% GHGs and 20% of food are attributed to large holder farms (Vermeulen and Wollenberg 2017: IFA 2013). Smallholder farms, from the summary data, is relatively efficient in developing countries. With lesser GHGs, smallholder farms provide more food. Data on GHGs of smallholders in developed countries is relatively scanty.

 

From the above discussion, smallholder farms cannot be said to have the answers to all the questions on environmental friendliness. From the mix bag of data, it is obvious that environmental friendliness is a multivariate concept. Depending on what one focuses on, large and small farms can be the most environmentally friendly.  On average small farms are better for biodiversity, large farms are better at energy and water management and small farms emit less of GHGs. Farm size is just, but a proxy for the variables that really matter.

 

References

Belfrage K. et al. (2006). The effects of farm size and organic farming on biodiversity of birds, pollinators, and plants in Swedish landscape. Ambio 34(8): 582-588.

Chappell, M. Jahi, et al. (2013). Food sovereignty: an alternative paradigm for poverty reduction and biodiversity conservation in Latin America. F1000 Research 2.

Fahrig, Lenore, et al. (2015). Farmlands with smaller crop fields have higher within-field biodiversity. Agriculture, Ecosystem & Environment 200: 219-234

FAO. 2008a. The State of Food and Agriculture (SOFA) 2008 – Biofuels: prospects, risks, and opportunities. Rome: Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations.

FAO (2018). Agriculture’s greenhouse gas emissions on the rise. http://www.fao.org/news/story/en/item/216137/icode/

Graeub, B.E. et al (2016). The state of family farms in the world. Words Development, 87, 1-15.

International Fund for Agriculture (2013). Smallholders, food security, and the environment.

Jara Rojas et al (2012). Adoption of water conservation practices. A socioeconomic analysis of small-scale farmers in Central Chile. Agriculture Sysytems, 119, 54-62.

Marini Lorenzo et al (2009). Impact of farm size and topography on plant and insect diversity of managed grasslands in the Alps. Biological Conservation 142.2: 394-403

Sonja Vermeulen and Eva Wollenberg (2017).  A rough estimate of the proportion of global emissions from agriculture due to smallholders. Research program on Climate Change, agriculture, and food security.

Statistics Canada (2011). Census of Agriculture.

Tilman, D. (1998) The greening of the green revolution, 396(19), 211-212.

 

 

Effects of illegal mining on the agriculture sector in Ghana.

Posted on by under Policy

What has been the effect of illegal mining on the agriculture sector in Ghana?

Introduction
The regional dynamics in Ghana
Ghana is in West Africa and has ten (10) regions. These regions are broadly divided into northern
and southern parts of Ghana. The climate, agro-ecological and economic disparities between the
south which has two rainy seasons, and the arid north which has only one rainy season, are polls
apart (World Food Program 2016). The northern part of Ghana is predominantly employed in
animal and crop farming. Climate change is contributing to increasing erratic rainfall in this area.
This has impacted the main economic activity in the area, thus in this region chronic poverty and
food insecurity are widespread.
“Whereas in the south around 20 percent (20%) of people live in poverty, in the north that figure
is 60 percent (60%). In the Northern Region thirty percent (30%) of children under the age of five
are stunted or chronically malnourished, and this affects not only their growth but also their
educational development and economic potential. In the Upper East Region, nearly thirty percent
of people do not have adequate access to food, compared to a national average of five percent”. –
World Food Program (2016).
The northern sector serves the bread basket of Ghana as the Southern majors in both cash crops,
timber and tubers. Out of every 10 families in the northern sector, 8 are actively engaged in farming
where as about 3 are engaged in farming in the southern zone. (Ghana Statistical Service, 2010
population census)
The Agriculture Sector
Food sustainability is eminent to the survival of all states but there is an overarching interest
beyond just survival in the case of Ghana. For Ghana, agriculture is the backbone of the Ghanaian
economy. With a population of about twenty-eight (28) million people and a labour force of about
twelve (12) million, the agriculture sector employs about 55% of the entire labour force (budget
statement 2016). Agriculture has been the single largest contributor to the Gross Domestic Product
of Ghana since independence in 1957. It is largely dependent on rain fall and on water bodies for
irrigation during the dry season. This makes the sector very delicate for economic, political and
social permutations as the livelihood of more the half the families in Ghana depends on it.
The Mining Industry
Ghana remains one of the world’s richest countries in mineral exports. Ghana is the second largest
world producer of gold. It is also a major producer of diamonds, bauxite, manganese, iron ore, and
in recent year oil. The mining industry of Ghana accounts for 5% of the country’s GDP and
minerals make up 37% of total exports, of which gold contributes over 90% of the total mineral
exports. Thus, the focus of Ghana’s mining and minerals development industry remains focused
on gold. – (Wikipedia).

Ghana’s mining sector comes in two main ways; Large scale or Corporate mining and small
scale mining. The small-scale mining, by law, is the preserve of the indigenous people who
largely do surface mining with pick axe, hoes, and pans. A phenomenon of illegal mining as part
of small scale mining has developed in the wake of a growing unemployed youthful population.
Even worrying is the influx of Chinese into the illegal mining market in Ghana. They use
bulldozers, excavators, and other unapproved implements in this sector which is reserved for
indigenes.

In Ghana, small-scale mining was regularised in 1989, and over 1.5 million troy ounces of gold
and 8.0 million carats of diamonds have been produced by the sector. By the end of 2001, 420
small-scale mining concessions had been licensed, generating over 100,000 miners in the country
(Amankwah and Anim-Sackey, 2003). The Act was repealed in 2006.
The battle of the two sectors for land
The mining sector in Ghana has seen a lot of growth in recent years. It served as a hub to
accommodate the growing unemployed youth, create in its wake a large market for illegal small
mining activities. An influx into the sector meant more demand for land.
Keith Slack (2016) rightly explains that “the heart of the issue is that mining activity has come
into direct competition with another predominant means of economic development in rural areas:
small-scale agriculture. Tensions over control of land and, most importantly, water have led to
community protests and violent conflict. Reconciling these two important development drivers has
become a critical governance issue, particularly in the most fragile states where the conflicts
between the two can often be seen most starkly”.
Not only has farm lands suffered from land degradation, these mining activities, both legal and
illegal, have dealt a major blow to major water bodies which used to be the source of water for
irrigation in most of the farming communities.

PICTURE 1:

From the utility curve, to establish an equilibrium, mining and agriculture would have to operate
at lM and lA respectively. If the mining sector acquires more land by moving from lM to lMii. This
reduces the availability of land for use of the agriculture sector from lAii. This moves the
equilibrium from point e to A. This will mean lesser food production and lesser jobs in the
agriculture sector, influx into the mining sector, more externalities from the mining activities like
the degradation of land and destruction or pollution of water bodies. On the other land, an increase
in the use of land for agriculture purposes from lA to lAii and a reduction in the operations of the
mining sector from lM to lMi. It is therefore to create a healthy balance between the two sectors.

Fred (2015) explains that from the economic view point, mining booms can induce a mineral
dependent economy, and this stifles the non-mining sectors of the economy, including agriculture
and manufacturing (Ballard and Banks, 2003), with agricultural exports becoming less
competitive. On the other hand, mismanagement of the economic boom has been mentioned as the
key political concern (Ballard and Banks, 2003). Per Ross (1999), increased government revenue
(from mineral exports) can lead to: myopic policy formulation, greater rent-seeking behaviour by
interest groups, general weakening of state institutions, and less emphasis on accountable and
transparent systems of governance.
The conundrum of the mining and agriculture sector
Fred (2015) recounts that there is a growing concern about the real impact of the mining industry
on agriculture in Ghana and other parts of the world. Large-scale mining and mineral exploration
have displaced hundreds of thousands of rural dwellers in the developing world: the farmlands and
rangelands on which they have long subsisted have been demarcated to multinational mining
companies by the government (Hilson and Banchirigah, 2009, Fred 2015). In Ghana, the expansion
in the mining sector has not only led to the degradation of agricultural lands, but also to a decrease
in land for agricultural production, resulting in shortening of the traditional fallow from a period
of 10–15 years to one of 2–3 years (Aryeetey et al., 2004; SAPRIN, 2002, Fred 2015).
PICTURE 2:

Adopted from: Communities relocated to make way for gold mines in Ghana struggle with loss
of agricultural land, unemployment, and environmental damage. Photo: Neil Brander / Oxfam
America.
PICTURE 3:

Farm land taken over illegal small scale miners. (picture from Ghana web)
Small scale mining has dealt a great blow to the agriculture sector; farm lands have been lost.
These illegal miners pollute water bodies, destroy farm lands and worst of all, the do no land
reclamation. A lot of cocoa farms have been destroyed in the wake of these activities.
In principle, the mining and agriculture sector are both pathways out of unemployment and
poverty, but a disequilibrium can result in a collateral damage for any economy; a situation where
one sector grows abnormally or is mismanaged, it dwarfs or diminishes the progress the other.
Both sectors employ about 70% of the labor force in Ghana. The government raises a lot of money
in the form of taxes and royalties from companies in the mining industry.

Keith Slack (2016) points out that, agriculture provides direct benefits to those who engage in it. Farmers receive payments for crops they produce, which they can then use to invest in future production and to pay for their
families’ basic needs. Mining can also play a role in promoting development, although more indirectly, by generating revenues for governments. Governments can use taxes and royalties paid by mining companies for infrastructure investments and other productive purposes. Mining companies also pay for community development programs, build schools and roads, and make other investments.
Literature review
Tom-Dery et al (2012) in their research paper concluded that the activities of illegal small-scale
miners in Nagodi (a suburb in the northern region) have resulted in land degradation through loss
of vegetation and soil erosion. Generally, research (Barry, 1996; United Nations, 1996;
Heemskerk, 2002; Tom-Dery et al., 2012) suggest small-scale gold mining as gaining global
importance both as a source of subsistence for the poor and as a cause of environmental
degradation. Akabza (2005) however, suggested that the concentration of mining activities in an
area results in the environment undergoing rapid degradation and its immense economic value
diminishing from year to year. The Upper East Region of Ghana, is highly degraded with the
resultant loss of vegetation cover, fertile top soil and wild faunal species because of adverse
climatic trends and negative factors influencing environmental degradation such as small-scale
gold mining (Gyasi et al., 2006; Tom-Dery et al., 2012). Desertification and land degradation are
two closely interrelated processes; Land degradation refers to the progressive loss of the intrinsic
or natural quality of the land and if this process occurs in arid or semi-arid areas, it is called
desertification (Gyasi et al., 2006; Tom-Dery et al., 2012).

Fowzia Adiyah (2014) assessed the impact of the growing mining operations on the water bodies
that serve as a source of water for irrigation for farmers during the dry season. Her work revealed
massive destruction and introduction of chemicals that are used by illegal miners in their
operations in the water. She concluded that small-scale gold mining activities have impacted
negatively on the water quality of the Sintim and Akantansu rivers, and that the use of water from
the two rivers for domestic purposes could pose a potential health risk to consumers and have also
reduced in volume.

Fred (2015) concluded in his research that agricultural lands were being claimed and converted for
mining operations. This possibly triggered the policy agenda for acreage expansion and production
of certain major food crops to compensate for crop production loses, resulting in significant
improvement in the production of most major crops; especially in the output of cassava, plantain,
and yam. his research findings supported his hypothesis that ‘resource curse’ occurs only
conditionally, and may be offset by proactive policies and sufficiently good institutions. However,
he submitted that clearing of increasingly virgin lands also has policy implications: dealing with
the issues of deforestation, habitat destruction, biodiversity loss, climate change and environmental
sustainability, which need to be taken into consideration by policy advisors, especially in this 21st
century when the world is advocating for sustainable development, reduction in atmospheric
carbon and suffering from increases in extreme climatic events.
Objective of the paper
The two sectors are very traditional to the economy of Ghana. With an upsurge in youthful
unemployment in Ghana, the mining sector became as hub for these youthful population. There is
currently about 2million people involved directly in the illegal mining. These are persons who are
plying their trade without permit. With or Without permit, such an influx demand for more land
for their operations. Earlier researches have concentrated on the impact of mining on either water
bodies or specific communities. This paper seeks to compare the performance of the agriculture
sector year on year, in terms of yearly growth of the sector, the consistent contribution of the sector
to the Gross Domestic Product of Ghana, all in the wake of the growing activities of illegal miners
in Ghana. This paper hopes to assess how the mining and the agriculture sector have co-existed in
the last decade. Lastly, this paper will to relate the economic concepts learned in class to the
conundrum of the two sectors and form valid and concrete connections and arguments.
Hypotheses
The paper seeks to draw conclusions based on the facts available that;
1. The externalities from illegal mining has negatively affected farming activities in Ghana.
Data and methodology
The paper will rely on documents from nationally recognized institutions and organization like
National Development & Planning Commission (NDPC); EPA-Ghana; Ministry of Food and
Agriculture (MoFA); Ministry of Lands, Mines, and Forestry; Minerals Commission; Lands
Commission; Center for Policy Analysis (CEPA); Institute of Economic Affairs (IEA); Institute
of Statistical Social and Economic Research (ISSER); Ghana Chamber of Mines and other
academic works done by scholars in this area.
Agriculture Sector and Illegal Mining Sector
Small scale mining is the preserve of Ghanaian per the Minerals and Mining Act 2006. The law
seeks to legitimize the activity fir local people but presents some legal caveats that defeats the very
purpose for which it was legislated. In Section 233 of Act 703, it provides that a Ghanaian must
have an amount of money in his/her account, undergo numerous check and approval processes by
the Environmental Protection Agency and must wait for an approval process which might take 3
6months. These requirements to all intents and purposes have made the people who are at the
bottom of the social ladder unable to access the benefits of the act.
This loophole has created room for the influx of Chinese immigrants into the mining sector. The
mostly use the local people as a bait to secure the Small-Scale Mining permit. They operate with
little or no regards for the environment, water bodies and farms. On 23 April, 2013, the Guardian
reported that, “the scale [of illegal mining in Ghana] is so vast it is difficult to quantify,” said
Brigadier General Daniel Mishio, Chairman of Ghana’s national security commission for lands
and natural resources. “Apart from the security threat that is posed by the weapons that [illegal
miners] wield, we even also have issues of human security,” he said. “In certain areas, people
don’t even get clean drinking water, and in some areas, you can see that most of the forest cover
has been destroyed. This poses a very big danger to our future.”

The agriculture sector experience a significant growth from 2008-2010, with an average growth of
about 6%. The sector recorded a growth rate of -1.7 in the 2007 financial year. During the Global
Financial Crisis, there was massive cuts on the budgets allocation to the agriculture sector and
Local Government Administration to support some of the Financial Institutions in Ghana in 2006
and 2007. Within this same period, there was an influx into the mining sector by many unemployed
youths. These actions where been blamed for the negative performance of the sector in 2007. In
2008, new programs were introduced to boost the growth of the sector. Some of these programs
were National Youth Employment Program, Youth in Agriculture Program, Cocoa Mass Spraying
Exercise, Free Sidling, Microfinance and Small Loan Centers in rural farming communities, and
Subsidies on Farming Implements. These programs took most of the youth from the illegal mining
sector and sought to assist farmers to produce more. Table 1 catalogues the growth rates from 2006
to 2010.
Table 1.
2006 2007 2008 2009 2010
1. AGRICULTURE
(Growth Rate)

5,415
–
5,322
(-1.7%)
5,716
(7.4%)
6,129
(7.2%)
6,453

(5.3%) Crops 3,794 3,743 4,064 4,479 4,703
Cocoa 537 493 509 535 677
Livestock 437 458 481 502 526
Forestry & Logging 736 706 682 687 757
Fishing 448 416 488 460 467
*Source: Ghana Statistical Service (GSS), Revised Gross Domestic Product 2010
Observations from table:
1. Between 2006 and 2010, Agricultural GDP at 2006 Constant Prices increased from
GHC5,415 million to GHC6,674 million (GHC1,259 million increase) representing 23%
growth in GDP over the 5-year period.
2. GDP growth in 2007 was -1.7% and is the only time over the period 2006-2010 that GDP
declined.
Growth in agriculture sector from 7.4% in 2008, and 7.2% in 2009, the sector diminished to 5.3%
in 2010, hitting the bottom of 0.8% in 2011. It then stayed down at 2.3% in 2012, recovering
somewhat to 5.7% in 2013 and then 2.6% in 2014. With these increases in the agriculture sector,
it boosted the overall growth rate of Ghana.
In the national budget for 2016, the Finance and Economic Planning Minister, Hon. Seth Terkper
told the Parliament on Friday, November 14, 2015, that agriculture sector which was projected to
grow by 4% in 2015, recorded a growth rate of 0.04% signifying a down turn from the revised
target of 3.6%, its record all time lowest.
The contribution of agriculture to the country’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) has dropped by
an alarming 12.8% in just seven years. It dropped from 31.8% in 2009 to a mere 19% as of
September 2015, a period of seven years.
On March 7, 2016, Alhaji Iddris Hassan, Chairman of the Supreme Consultative Council of the
Ghana COCOBOD, made the call at a public forum organized by the Ghana COCOBOD, at
Dunkwa-On-Offfin, in the Upper Denkyira East Municipality of the Central Region for Cocoa
farmers. He lamented over the rate at which large cocoa farms were being destroyed because of
activities of illegal small scale mining, saying if care was not taken and the menace persist,
Ghana’s cocoa industry would suffer a serious setback.
It is estimated that about 2% of cocoa plantations and 3.7% of all farms lands get destroyed by
illegal mining activities each year since 2010. These activities have led to a massive reduction in
the tones on cocoa produced by Ghana from 2010. From 1million tones of cocoa in 2010, it had
reduced to about 650,000 tones. With the loss of farm land, food self-sufficiency is threatened.
This led to a situation where Ghana spent a total of about $2.4 billion importing food in 2015, the
very produce that rot in the farms during seasonal periods (maize, onions, tomato, pepper,
plantain, etc.).
Limitations
All the data is used in this paper is based on the review of works done by other scholars, data
from state institutions and articles in the Ghanaian media space. More so, it was difficult
assessing some of the vital documents from the official websites of the Ghana Cocoa Board, The
Official web pages of the Parliament of Ghana and the Ministry of Ghana. The paper solely rely
on secondary data.

Recommendations
1. The Ghanaian government should introduce a Pigouvian tax on the acquisition of
land concession for mining activities. These monies can be used for land
reclamation or subsidizing the agriculture sector. A Pigouvian tax will increase the
cost of production of these mineral products which will reduce the quantity
produced and make the sector less attractive.

Tariff reduces shifts the supply curse to S+Tax. This increases the price to PT and
quantity demanded from Q* to QT. The shaded area represents the Tax that the
government will collect in the form of revenues.
2. The Environmental Protection Agency should be tooled to deliver on their mandate.
3. The approval process should be made more friendly to the local people by doing
away with the bottlenecks and the delays. This will help do away with the foreign
influence in the small-scale mining sector.

Conclusion
Illegal mining does account funny for all the externalities it brings; the pollution of eater bodies
which served as source of irrigation for farmers; and farm lands are destroyed. The government
would have to take a critical look at the two sectors and balance the operations of the mining and
agriculture. There is a clear case that the regulators are overwhelmed with the duty of regulating
these activities either because the law was difficult to implement or they are understaffed. I submit
that the government should be consider legalizing the act and bring all the illegal miners under
umbrella to control and supervision. That is the only way to kick out the Chinese immigrants who
have taken over the small-scale mining sector.

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Africa’. Precambrian Res., 67: 89-107.
Essumang, D.K., D.K. Dodoo, S. Obiri and J. Yaney, 2007. ‘Arsenic, Cadmium and Mercury in
Cocoyam (Xanthosoma sagititolium) and Watercocoyam (Colocasia esculenta) in Tarkwa, a
Mining Community’. Bull. Env. Conta. Tox., 79: 377-379.
Greenwood, J.N. and J.M.B, Edwards, 1979. ‘’. 2nd Edn., Duxbury press, California, pp: 153
162,170.
Gyasi, E.A., O. Karikari, G. Kranjac-Berisavljevic’ and V. Vordzogbe, 2006. ‘Study of Climate
Change Vulnerability and Adaptation Assessment Relative to Land Management in Ghana’.
Reports of the Members of the Study Team, Accra, pp: 91.
Abdulai, A. and Huffman, W. (2000) ‘Structural adjustment and economic efficiency of rice
farmers in northern Ghana’, Economic Development and Cultural Change, Vol. 48, No. 3,
pp.503–520.
Acquah, A.P. (2007) ‘A keynote address’, Paper presented at the 79th Annual General Meeting of
the Ghana Chamber of Mines, 8 June 2007, Accra, Ghana.
Acquah, P.C. (1995) ‘Natural Resources Management and Sustainable Development: The Case of
the Gold Sector in Ghana’, UNCTAD/COM/4126, EPA – Ghana Official Document No. 12,
Accra, Ghana.
Amankwah, R.K. and Anim-Sackey, C. (2003) ‘Strategies for sustainable development of the
small-scale gold and diamond mining industry of Ghana’. Resources Policy, Vol. 29, Nos. 3–4,
pp.131–138.
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Resources Policy, Vol. 27, No. 2, pp.61–75.
Aryeetey, E., Osei, B. and Twerefou, D.K. (2004) ‘Globalization, Employment and Livelihoods in
the Mining Sector of Ghana’, 1980–2002, Institute of Statistical Social and Economics Research,
Department of Economics, University of Ghana, Legon.
Benhin, J.K.A. and Barbier, E.B. (2004) ‘Structural adjustment programme, deforestation and
biodiversity loss in Ghana’, Environmental and Resource Economics, Vol. 27, No. 3, pp.337–366.
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(Ed.): ‘Surface Mining and Perceived Risks: The Case of Three Farming Communities in the
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Journal of Management Studies, Vol. 11, No. 3, pp.1–12

AGRICULTURE FOR DEVELOPMENT; THE CASE OF GHANA

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AGRICULTURE FOR DEVELOPMENT; THE CASE OF GHANA
With a country that is blessed with every natural resource that any person can possibly think about; both natural and human resources, it comes with great shock that Ghana is wallowing in the quagmire of poverty. Contrary to figures in books supporting annual growth and progress, there is a growing concern of poverty, inequality and youthful unemployment. It might as well reflect the case of some outliers like the recent oil exploration which might be influencing these figures. In fact, Ghana has no reason to be poor as recently reiterated by Mr. Henry Kirali, World Bank Country Director for Ghana.
The sector remains in the realm of the “Guggisberg economy” of the 1940s where Ghana was a primary exporter of raw materials to their colonial master, the UK. The sector is begging for a radical paradigm shift from hand-to-mouth agriculture practice to commercial farming and value addition.
Agriculture remains the backbone of the Ghanaian economy. It employs about 55% of the labor force in Ghana, about 10% lower that the continent’s average of 65%. About 95% of farmers in Ghana are largely subsistent, leave within the poverty brackets and inhabit the rural areas. This makes the agriculture sector an important sector that any government head burnt on alleviating poverty, must treat as a priority.
Some of the interventionist policies introduced by various governments’ proved productive for a period until it degenerated into scam avenues where hungry politicians and bureaucrats sought to rape the coffers of the tax payer. The Savanna Accelerated Development Authority (SADA), Cocoa Mass Spraying Exercise, and the Fertilizer Distribution Exercise are few examples among others.
Post harvest losses is a recurrent cycle for most farmers. This is due to gamut of factors; the absence of ready markets for their produce, the absence of goods roads that connect farms to major markets, exploitation by buyers and the low level of industrialization of Ghana are but some of the factors. This has served as a great disincentive for the growing unemployed youthful population to move into agriculture, further painting a blurred future of the sector in future.
In 2013, the African continent spent about US$94billion on the importation of food from around the world, of which Ghana was an active participant. The paradox is that, the aggregated budget of the continent on agriculture for the 53 countries in Africa is not up to 50% of the amount spend on importing food. $94 billion is enough money to revolutionize the agriculture sector and transform the lives of the millions of peasant farmers in rural Africa. This is a classic case of misplaced priority. Ghana spent a total of about $2.4 billion importing food in 2015, the very produce that rot in the farms during seasonal periods (maize, onions, tomato, pepper, plantain, etc.). The pathetic issue is that the total budget allocation to the agriculture sector in Ghana for the 2015 budget year was just $230million, not up to half the amount spent on food imports.
It will be necessary for leaders and various governments to approach the situation of the agriculture sector with tac. It holds the key to Ghana’s industrialization, has the capacity to employ the teaming youthful unemployed, reduce poverty (a major benchmark in attaining the Sustainable Development Goals) and make Ghana self-food sufficient. The government can put in deliberate policies aimed at making the sector attractive and productive.
Road infrastructure that lead to these respective farming communities must be improved to make them accessible and also provide sustainable irrigation systems to guarantee farming all year around. This will serve two major purposes; to grant access to the major markets and to grant access to the farming communities by buying. This will throw the market into the hands of demand and supply forces to set the prices and at least give the farmers the chance to sell what they produce.
Another major intervention will be to guarantee a ready market for all produce through the National Buffer Stock Program and set prices ceilings for respective produce below which farm produce will not be sold. The national buffer stock program should focus on storing enough staple food that are primary to the daily lives and meals of the people.
Value addition is key. The District Industrialization Program should be revisited. The purpose of this program will be to add value to the agriculture produce for exports and for preservation for use during lean seasons. These factories will be another vehicle for guaranteeing prices for farmers.
With prudent investment plans and strategies, backed by real political commitment, the agriculture sector can help left Ghana from its current economic woes.

The Battle of Propaganda and Populism in American 2016 elections

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The battle between propaganda and populism in the America elections.

“The media’s the most powerful entity on earth. They have the power to make the innocent guilty and the guilty innocent, and that’s power. Because they control the minds of the masses.” – Malcolm X.

I have never seen the full force of propaganda and populism at work than in the 2016 American Presidential elections, with both Candidates religiously adhering to the Principle of “propaganda and deceit”.

Clinton has used the media machinery at her disposal to execute a total annihilation of Trump’s image beyond repairs. Whilst on the other hand, Donald Trump plays on the emotions and the long standing non-empirical fears and concerns of Americans.

Clinton’s effective propaganda machinery cannot wholly be blamed on Trump’s lose talks sometimes, but can be credited to the biased media outlets in the USA. To make matters worse, the rest of the world swallowed the propaganda hook, line and sinker and heightened the fears thrown out by Team Clinton against her opponent.

All advanced constitutional democracies are built to be robust and not be “a one-man show”. As advanced as America’s democracy appears to be, and with the strict practice of separation of powers, why do people intentionally create the impression that Trump will be out of control once elected? Are we being told that the almighty American political system of about 200 years is not as robust as it has always been painted?

On the other hand, Donald Trump has done more damage to himself than Team Clinton could have envisioned. His hard talk was enough to win him the primaries, but he should have realized that the national elections goes beyond the ideals of Republicans. His bundling of facts and sometimes unsubstantiated claims has exposed his political naivety.

His isolationist policies, scandals involving women, and loose talks took a lot of the shine away from his campaign. His name has been continually mentioned in the media, but for the wrong reasons.

This battle between propaganda and populism was more profound during their three encounters at the presidential debates. Like others, I expected the Presidential debate of Almighty America to be pregnant with policy ideas, but to my disappointment, unnecessary propaganda, populism and innuendoes took center stage with virtually nothing of policy relevance coming to play. Characteristically, Clinton answered the question of “how are you going to create jobs” by saying “Trump has evaded taxes”, as Trump answered the same by saying “Senator Clinton is a disaster and has been keeping emails”.

How does any of these answers put food on the table of the young Americans in the street?

As a by-stander and a student of politics and policy, I know America is torn between the Devil and the Red Sea. But for the two, I prefer the former, after all, I can bargain with the Devil.

In the context of bad judgment as exemplified in the Libya and Iran case, deceit and “politricks” of Clinton, and the Populism and political naivety of Trump, I prefer the latter. I’m convinced that the American political system can sober the hotheadedness of Trump.

Don’t judge a book by its cover!

Critique on Moises Naim’s “End of Power”

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Introduction

Moises Naim in his book “End of Power” challenges the traditional notion of power. He theorizes that power is easy to gain, difficult to use and hard to keep, in modern days. Backing his claim with numerous examples and testimonies from Authorities in various facets of human endeavor; from academia, economic, social, religious to the political, his book is an important addition to the discourse on the ever-changing power dynamics of the world. The question that readily arises is “is power ending?”

He premised his thesis on the “more”, “mobility” and “mental” revolutions, which are fostered through the “muscle”, “pitch”, “code” and “reward” channels of exercising power. He examined the changing constellations of power of the State, Political Institutions, International Bodies, Businesses and Multinational Corporations.

By “more revolution” he meant that the exponential growth in population, life span, internet usage, media and knowledge amongst others, have made difficult the control of people and the consolidation of power. The ease with which people can move across countries, in his opinion, has exacerbated the decay of power. More radical of his prepositions was the “mental revolution”. With people acquiring and seeking more knowledge, there is a higher propensity that they can make better judgments. This has resulted in a paradigm shift from the traditional way of perceiving power as sacrosanct and emboldened people to seek accountability and demand that their leaders are called to book, making them more difficult to control. With internet and virtual mobility, people are abreast with best practices, which now forms the bases for their demands on their respective leaders.

Resulting from these, he argues that the barriers to power are fading out making it easier for people to rise to the corridors of power. In his opinion, the widely accessible nature of modern day power constrains leaders in the application of their powers and consolidating or maintaining their hold on power. The fundamental question that it raises is “how has power reinforced itself under this growing order of “more”, “mobility” and “mental” revolutions”?

Notwithstanding the good disposition of ideas, the following questions remain unanswered;

  1. Does power have different dimensions apart from “power over”?
  2. What are the new barriers to entry?
  3. Does deconcentrated/decentralization constitute a decay of power?
  4. Is power not in an evolution unabated?

In this critique, I hope to examine the thesis of Moises Naim in his book “End of Power” by speaking to these questions and other observations he alluded to. Much of my focus will be on the power of the state and how it is used for greater efficiency. I seek to establish that power is involved in an evolution unabated which does not necessarily constitute a decay, and that along with every stage of the evolution of power, comes new barriers to entry. Under the current dispensation, power is more difficult to get, relatively easy to use and less difficult to maintain, using his conceptual framework of the “more”, “mobility”, and “mental” revolutions.

Definition of Power

Power is a normative concept that has transcended several generations. Its has been ascribed various definitions by various scholars from respective disciplines. It wields some social, political, managerial, cultural, legal and financial dimensions. It holds within itself many ways of expression; either the hard way or the soft application or both, and through different channels.

In his book “The End of Power”, Moises Naim defined power as “the capacity to get others to do, or to stop doing something.” This definition given by Moises Naim reinforces the notion of power as the ability to impose a superior will (power over) over a supposed subject in an environment of contesting values and will. This reflect the Weberian assertion of power as the chances of “a man or group to realize their own will” even in the face of opposition. His notion of power emphasizes that power is an ‘all win” affair where losing connotes weakness or in the words of the Former Dictator of Uganda, General Edi Amin, “a fading fist”.

This definition of power is narrow in scope. For this critique, I will define power as the ability to get things done. Power has several dimensions which include among others “power over”; “power with”; “power in”; and “power within”. Moises premised his fundamental argument of the decay of power on the first dimension of power (power over). Power is not always exercised over people, it may as well be defined in terms of one’s ability to accomplish a goal by himself or herself, and not having to involve an external agency (power within); people or states act as rational actors in pursuit of their interest and not fundamentally because they have been influenced (power in); and the coming together of persons of like-mind and stature to achieve an end (power with). But since the author’s interest was in the play out of power relations among parties, “power within” dimension won’t be applicable in this analysis. In the 21st century, most power structures are in a seismic move towards decentralization (devolution) which promotes popular participation.

Decentralization(devolution) of power

With the attendant failures of the concentration of power, intricacies of growth and development, governance and failure of the old power order to meet the ever-increasing needs of society, new concepts of power relations were developed. Concepts like Human Resources Development and Management, New Public Management, Organizational theories amongst others emphasized the need to build consensus as a sustainable means of growth enhancement and state building as opposed to the traditional concept of power relation which found expression in impositions and orders. This model does not erase power structures but it flattens it and makes room for popular participation and contribution to decision making, with the head as the final decision maker. One major realignment of power structure and relation is the concept of devolution as a type of decentralization.

The concept of concentration of power has generally lost grounds in the 21st century, paving way for decentralization (devolution of power); a new government and governance thinking. The concept of decentralization (“streamlining or re-arranging power or authority to provide a system of co-responsibility between governance institutions at the central, regional and local levels”) has globally shaped the line of development thinking, administration, and governance.

“Countries around the world are decentralizing key services to the local level to improve the efficiency of the state structure and bring decision making closer to the people affected by policy makers’ decisions”. – E.M. Bonsu.

All countries and power structures, whether democratic, despotic, corporate, private or public have not been left out in this seismic move towards being fully decentralized. The assertion of decay by Moises Naim represent a radical conclusion of a deliberate action at injecting efficiency into government and governance. This kind of dimension explain the expression of “power with” the people or subordinates.

The source of power for States

The Author fails to tell his readers what the source of state power is. That would have formed a good basis to understanding his analogy that state power is decaying. Referencing from his examples on the decay of the power of States, it is reasonable to infer that the Author was largely predisposed to concentration of state power. To understand his claim, the sources of power will be key especially in the case of State.

In the contract theory of the state, people gave up some of their rights to the state in exchange for protection. These powers that are exercised by states emanated from the sovereign will of their people. To paraphrase Abraham Lincoln’s definitions of democracy, state power is power from the people, for the people and by the people. Without them there is no state.

Evidently so, the 4th Republican Constitution of Ghana in Article 1 Clause 1 opens gracefully as;

“(1) The Sovereignty of Ghana resides in the people of Ghana in whose name and for whose welfare the powers of government are to be exercised in the manner and within the limits laid down in this Constitution”. -1992 Constitution of Ghana

The Constitution of the United States of America in like manner opens as;

“We the People of the United States, in Order to form a more perfect Union, establish Justice, insure domestic Tranquility, provide for the common defence,[note 1] promote the general Welfare, and secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America.” – Wikipedia.

Like all other constitutions, it is readily admissible that power belong to the people. Almost all constitutions concede to this fact. It is therefore not admissible that a diffusion of power to the general populace, from whom state power emanates, constitute a decay.

Power of businesses and firms

The Author in his thesis on the decay of power in the economic and business fronts does not explain the context within which these business empires are built and the forces that safeguard or serve as barriers to their power. The elastic or inelastic nature of a company’s service or product goes a long way to ascribe some degree of power to it. A monopoly holds more power than firms in a competitive market. The market share of the firm may as well ascribe a degree of power to the said firm. In China, there was a deliberate effort by the State to invest in strategic sectors of the economy, to wit, some companies were given super-normal business advantages. In 2015, Ghana government invested an amount of $65million in the operations of ten (10) chemicals industries and granted them tax exemptions on the importation of raw material and machineries, all to boast the potential for growth of the sector. These factors among others, to some extent, defines the powers of these firms. Such firms will enjoy economies of scale and out-compete smaller and mushroom firms.

In most countries, State institutions exert a lot of power through their monopoly of vital institutions that provide public goods. In Ghana, the provision of public goods like water and electricity resides with quasi-government institutions established by Acts of Parliament. The Acts establishing these agencies have given them enough leverage to legitimize their power. Because of the essential nature of some of these commodities, legal barriers are mounted just to prevent influx from private sector.

States as rational actors

Another unarticulated point in his argument is that, people(states) may act the way they do not necessarily because they have been influenced, but because it is in their interest to do so. People (States) are rational actors who seek to maximize gains and minimize loses. States are economic actors who seek to maximize their gains, as was rightly pointed out by Henry Kazinger that “America has no permanent friends or enemies, only interest”. That is the underlying principle of diplomacy; “state’s interest”.

His definition gives no credence to the capacity of power players to amalgamate toward the pursuit of common grounds and ideals or acting as rational actors. For example, membership to all international and sub-regional bodies are open decisions that States make or refuse to make on the balance of their varied interests. Without inducements and influence, the actions of all players in the power structure are tailored towards a need or agenda. South Africa, Burundi, Gambia and recently Russia have all expressed their interest to exit the International Criminal Court. The United Kingdom voted themselves out of the European Union in the popular “2016 Brexit referendum”. There exist several treaties that most States are not parties to because they perceive them as not serving their interests and vice versa.

States will align with the hegemon if their interests will be served and will be quick to oppose the dictates of the hegemon if its directives are endemic to their survival. North Korea in recent times has consistently flouted the dictates if the United States and other super powers in relation to their calls for an abatement of the nuclear plans of North Korea. Russia has neglected the calls of USA in its recent attacks on Syria. They do these not because they are micropowers but for the sole reason that their interest is at stake. A country in need of foreign grants will eat the humble pie to have what it wants. Power, on the global stage, is therefore expressed in terms of mutual benefits; a concept of meeting each state half full than half empty.

Evolution unabated

Power has been in a process of evolution unabated. The excessive control of information, knowledge and the little advancement in transportation, internet, globalization, in the earlier years of civilization enforced the traditional barriers and the concentration of power.

The ages from the Babylonian Empire in the 18th century BC through the Persian Empire to the Pax Britannica (“British Peace”) in 1914 experienced different power dynamics and had threats to their consolidation of power. At various times in history, they felt major damages by micropowers. History is told of how King Darius of Persia ransacked the Babylonian Empire and how a young Greek, Alexander the Great, from nowhere became a de facto ruler of the world through conquest. Like the Hobbesian State of nature, man/states are in a perpetual search for power and that has continually been a headache for power wielders. The case in the days of the Empires are not markedly different from today, only that the brute and barbarian nature of the contest has changed, but has no less limited the contest for power between superpowers and micropowers.

I agree with the author that the three revolutions namely “more”, “mobility” and “mental” revolutions are the factors of the rapid evolution of power. That notwithstanding, these factors are not new to the process of power evolution, except that the alacrity with which these factors are metamorphosing power relations are been energized by the growth in knowledge, internet usage, easy mobility across countries, advancement in commerce, globalization, etc.

Moises Naim’s assertion that with the more, mobility, and mental revolutions, it has become increasingly difficult to control people and hard to consolidate power is not admissible. His assertion is too broad a claim especially when his predisposition is towards the centralization of power.  Decentralization of power makes easy the control of a large population through units, zones and electoral areas.

With every stage of the evolution process, comes, new barriers to entry. New barriers to entry emerge with the unique dynamics that the three revolutions present at each time. In todays business world, capital isn’t enough, neither are ideas sufficient. Even when a firm has the two factors, the firm is met with a fierce competition from existing companies, which mostly end up causing the death of mushroom firms at birth. In the political context, the three revolutions have created an enabling platform for competition which is mostly determined by a universal adult suffrage. Even in the traditional systems of dynasties like the United Kingdom and Ashanti Kingdom, it is difficult to decide now more that ever, because there are more people who qualify today to inherent these thrones than there have ever being. Person’s who emerge as winners in this system are the ones who defy the odds and are the “primus inter pares”.

FIGURE 1.

 

Figure 1 represents how power structure will always look like. Power structure is like a pyramid, even in traditional hereditary process as dynasties. In this pyramid are three segments; (a) people with equal opportunities; (b) people excelling in their trade; (c) the Leaders. For example, every student has an equal opportunity to pursue a career in Academia. Above them is a team of Professors and Instructors who are excelling in their trade. But for a Professor or Instructor to be referred to as an Authority in a subject matter, the individual should have done some extensive research or propounded some theories that his/her colleagues can speak to.

Like all other power relations, the three revolutions have rather made cumbersome the struggle for power. The value of the Leader is put to test by measuring his/her content against a societal standard and the value of other contesting opinions and characters.

Institutionalism and systems

In the 21st century, effective application of power find expression in institutions and systems. When institutions and systems are made the foci of power, it engenders trust and cooperation from the citizenry rather than concentrating power in a single person. With the proliferation of knowledge comes the quest for predictability of power relations. It calls for a system of processes and procedures, redress mechanisms, rights and responsibilities, powers and mandates, selection procedures and an independent umpire who in the case of conflict, all other things been equal, would adjudicate the conflict without fear not favor.

Major Jimmi Wangome of the Kenyan Army recounts in his paper “Military coups in Africa–the African ‘neo-colonialism’ that is self-inflicted”, how Africa experienced twenty-one (21) coup d’états during the first phase of independence of 18 African countries from 1960 to 1969. These were days of high illiteracy and lesser appreciation of issues. Leaders in this post independence era concentrated power in themselves and sought to rule by the muscle and rewards. The opaque style of power relations contributed to the difficulty and resistance some leaders faced in controlling their citizens. Ghana was no exception.

It is easier to control people now than it was in the 1960s to1980s. This can be attributed to the rapid growth of the three revolutions. From 1966 to 1981 (15years), Ghana experienced five (5) different coups. With the introduction of a more predictable and open system from 1993 to 2016, Ghana has held five (5) successful elections. After the 2012 elections in Ghana, the opposition New Patriotic Party (NPP) and their Flag Bearer, Hon. Nana Addo Danquah Akufo-Addo felt aggrieved with the electioneering processes. Contrary to the notorious image of post-election wars on the African continent, the opposition party petitioned to the Supreme Court of the Ghana. After eight (8) months of court sitting, the opposition party lost the case. In his after-verdict speech, he stated, “I disagree with the verdict but I accept it”. To decide to seek redress at the Supreme Court was an act of trust in the judicial system. In the US elections between Bush Jnr and Al Gore in 2000, because of the believe they had in their judicial system, both candidates were ready to abide by the verdict of the court.

Under systems and institutionalism, power is vested in the offices and not the person. The power of office holders co-terminates the very day their tenure ends. Power is communicated in laws and mandates, to wit, the parameters for exchanges between the power players are set.  The tenure of office and powers of Office holders, and the rights and responsibilities of subordinates are defined; it gives hope to opponents of the leader that they will have an opportunity to change the Leader someday. With such a predictable system, consolidation of power doesn’t become an issue because the mandate of Leaders is defined. For example, the President of University of British Columbia has specified power which co-terminates with his tenure of office. His powers are consolidated in his mandate, wherein, gives him a de jure interest in all policies enacted within his jurisdiction. There may exist an appellate body that can overturn an ultra vires decision he makes and to whom redress will be addressed to. With such a system, people will not be apprehensive even if they disagree with the leader because they know where to seek redress.

Figures 2 gives an insight into how the three revolutions interact with the four channels of expressing power.

Figure 2. Adopted and modified from Figure 4.1 in the End of Power (page 72)

  More revolution

Overwhelms the barriers: “Harder to control and coordinate”

 Mobility Revolution

Circumvents the barriers: “No more captive audience”

 Mental Revolution

Undermines the barriers: “Take nothing for granted”
Muscle (actual or potential use of force) A predictable, efficient and trusted system promotes compliance. Immigrants, like other citizens, are subject to systems of host countries. Deference to authority is high.
Code (moral and traditional obligation) Moral claims give way to patriotic virtues. Tolerance and enhance virtues. Dogma gives way to reason.
Pitch (persuasion, appeal to preferences) Examination of all promises. Judging against best practices and experiences of other countries Propaganda loses grounds.
Reward (inducement in exchange for compliance) The efficient use of scarce resources. Transfer of new ideas from best practices. The cost of loyalty is free because the loyalty of the people is to the systems.

Figure 2 represents an ideal picture of the evolution process and how it will shape power relations. The “more”, “mobility”, and “mentality” revolutions have “undeniable positive consequences in the 21st Century.

Moises Naim posits in his book that this has led to “freer societies, more elections and options for voters, new platforms for organizing communities, more ideas and possibilities, more investments and trade and more competition among firms and thus more options for consumers, are engrained in a system of predictability and trust.”

Conclusion

The “changing patterns of globalization have also changed the territorial or spatial relations of power, meaning that power increasingly must be understood not only at the local, the national, or the global level, but also in their inter-relationship.” – powercube

Power never decays. History proves that at every stage of human existence, power relation had its dynamics features which made power relevant to all actors. Concentration of power was a stage of the evolution process of power, it wasn’t the destination. In the 21st Century, power finds expression in systems that can be trusted and predicted. As Leo Strauss, the German-American Political Philosopher pointed out that change is inevitable, power will continually change its dynamics from generation to generation, but will not be no less relevant.

The three revolutions ascribe some level of legitimacy to the power in the 21st Century. They have opened the traditional decision making to popular participation channel. This gives the general populace a chance to determine who their Leader should be, no matter how the process is policed.

People will be willing to defend, maintain, and when necessary, make positive changes to power relations for the good of society. Change is an important and constant factor of every human establishment including power relations.

References

Aldo Matteucci. “350 – Are states “rational actors”? Reflections on Diplomacy. January 2, 2016 https://deepdip.wordpress.com/2016/01/02/350-are-states-rational-actors/   November 10, 201

“Understanding power for social change” powercube. http://www.powercube.net/other-forms-of-power/expressions-of-power/ November 11, 2016

Geoffrey Debnam.“The Analysis of Power: A Realist Approach”. https://books.google.ca/books?hl=en&lr=&id=0quCwAAQBAJ&oi=fnd&pg=PP8&ots=r_6pWY-Xgx&sig=YqANQQRkmlD08nN_CeHtwdJ-Q_o&redir_esc=y#v=onepage&q&f=false  November 11, 2016

Omodei RA. “Beyond the Neo-Weberian Concept of Status”. Journal of Sociology. 1982 Aug 1;18(2):196-213. http://jos.sagepub.com/content/18/2/196.short     November 11, 2016

Nancy Ferrell “Power Over Versus Power With”. Beyond Accountability.
http://www.beyondintractability.org/audiodisplay/ferrell-3-power-over-vs-with  November 11, 2016

Ghana, S. (2010). “Making Decentralisation Work for the Poor”.

Evans M.B. “Disbursement and management of public funds in MMDSs: (A case of the Offinso North District Assembly). August 2015. http://ir.knust.edu.gh/bitstream/123456789/8671/1/EVANS%20MENSAH%20BONSU.pdf  November 11, 2016

Major Jimmy Wangome (Kenya Army), “Military coups in Africa — The African “Neo-Colonialism” that is self-inflicted”. CSC 1985. http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/library/report/1985/WJ.htm  November 20, 2016

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