Monthly Archives: October 2011
12,000 March for Indigenous Rights in Chilie
Readings for Oct. 24: Rights in Latin America
For the most part I found I was a bit unsure as to what the point of this paper was until I read what maybe is intended to be Zavala's research question: "Does barbarianism result from natural incapacity or from a wrong
upbringing? In other words, is it an intrinsic attribute of human nature or a state capable of being changed by religious and cultural methods?" He quickly adds that the usual idea held by Spaniards during their conquest of Latin America was that barbarians had to be educated. As I mentioned in my last post, this was what I thought was the original idea behind the colonization of Latin and Central America - that is, before I read Las Casas and found out about the insane desire for gold.
Interestingly, church members in this time seemed to have a very interesting view on slavery: seeing it as, for the most part, evil - especially in cases when one was tricked into slavery - but in other cases, acceptable, so long as the slave was not mistreated. It was common belief that slaves were "better off" when they were slaves as opposed to being left in their home countries. Here I had to remind myself that I was reading about slavery in the 1500s, not the late 18/early 1900s in the Southern parts of the USA - as that's what I was very reminded of.
In "Equality in the Eighteenth Century" the power that the Church had in these periods is very evident. I was shocked to read that the native inhabitants of the Americas were only considered "men" as a result of the Pope declaring them as such, and was intrigued by the idea Zavala presented that had this not occurred, perhaps these native people would still not be considered men. It also struck me as highly hypocritical that in the eyes of some Pope's in this time, native men were not considered "mentally advanced" enough to accept the Eucharist. If this was the case, then why was there such a fervour to convert these people to Christianity in the first place?
I also read Bolívar's "Angostura Address", where Bolívar, addressing a group of Legislators, advocates for Venezuela to have a centralized president and a hereditary senate, both modeled after the British model. He also believed there should be a branch of government completely unrelated to the others and impartial, perhaps intended to act as a type of "voice of reason" or check on the presidential branch of government and the senate. This he wanted to model after the Areopagus of Athens. The intention of this moral branch of government was to "keep vigil over the education of our children, over our national system of education, and purify the corrupted aspects of our republic, denouncing ingratitude, selfishness, coldness of affection for the country, idleness and negligence on the part of citizens, and condemn the causes of corruption ard pernicious examples, correcting our customs with moral castigation." All in all, I found the speech to be very interesting and very rousing - you could feel Bolívar's passion for his country and for fair governance.
Readings for Oct. 24: Rights in Latin America
For the most part I found I was a bit unsure as to what the point of this paper was until I read what maybe is intended to be Zavala's research question: "Does barbarianism result from natural incapacity or from a wrong
upbringing? In other words, is it an intrinsic attribute of human nature or a state capable of being changed by religious and cultural methods?" He quickly adds that the usual idea held by Spaniards during their conquest of Latin America was that barbarians had to be educated. As I mentioned in my last post, this was what I thought was the original idea behind the colonization of Latin and Central America - that is, before I read Las Casas and found out about the insane desire for gold.
Interestingly, church members in this time seemed to have a very interesting view on slavery: seeing it as, for the most part, evil - especially in cases when one was tricked into slavery - but in other cases, acceptable, so long as the slave was not mistreated. It was common belief that slaves were "better off" when they were slaves as opposed to being left in their home countries. Here I had to remind myself that I was reading about slavery in the 1500s, not the late 18/early 1900s in the Southern parts of the USA - as that's what I was very reminded of.
In "Equality in the Eighteenth Century" the power that the Church had in these periods is very evident. I was shocked to read that the native inhabitants of the Americas were only considered "men" as a result of the Pope declaring them as such, and was intrigued by the idea Zavala presented that had this not occurred, perhaps these native people would still not be considered men. It also struck me as highly hypocritical that in the eyes of some Pope's in this time, native men were not considered "mentally advanced" enough to accept the Eucharist. If this was the case, then why was there such a fervour to convert these people to Christianity in the first place?
I also read Bolívar's "Angostura Address", where Bolívar, addressing a group of Legislators, advocates for Venezuela to have a centralized president and a hereditary senate, both modeled after the British model. He also believed there should be a branch of government completely unrelated to the others and impartial, perhaps intended to act as a type of "voice of reason" or check on the presidential branch of government and the senate. This he wanted to model after the Areopagus of Athens. The intention of this moral branch of government was to "keep vigil over the education of our children, over our national system of education, and purify the corrupted aspects of our republic, denouncing ingratitude, selfishness, coldness of affection for the country, idleness and negligence on the part of citizens, and condemn the causes of corruption ard pernicious examples, correcting our customs with moral castigation." All in all, I found the speech to be very interesting and very rousing - you could feel Bolívar's passion for his country and for fair governance.
Uruguay: Between the Law and Politics
Between Law and Politics: The Continuing Struggle Against Impunity in Uruguay
From Bolívar to the Bolivarian Revolution…Does today’s Caudillo really reign with a Bolivarian Ideology?
“The continuation of power in the same individual has frequently led to the demise of democratic governments…”
What is striking to me about reading Bolívar is that the present caudillo in executive office, Hugo Chávez, has framed his national transformation of the political economy to a market socialist model in Venezuela as a “Bolivarian revolution”. He reveres Simón Bolívar, and has used him as an integral symbolism of his style of asserting regional sovereignty over US Empire and against the economic enemy of neoliberalism. Chávez has survived a coup, several elections (deciding the transparency of which is largely based on whether or not you like him), and now he is battling his biggest challenge yet, cancer. He is a strong willed career militarist with a loyal armed forces, has been imprisoned, and has constantly defied US economic hegemony in the region to the point that he has fostered a multinational economic agreement in direct competition with regional free trade agreements, called ALBA, with nations that share market-oriented socialist policies like Bolivia, Ecuador, Nicaragua, Cuba, and some Caribbean island nations. Needless to say, he has accomplished a lot in his time in office, while failing to address other ailments plaguing Venezuela, such as violent crime, a corrupt judicial system, and a stagnating import-export shipping industry.
Would we see Chávez leave office on his own will? It seems unlikely. As time rushes on and on, all the while creeping towards an impending election date, the Venezuelan socialists are more and more reliant on him as a one-man show. This is something that Bolívar actually warned against in his speech in 1819. So does it make his actions directly contradict the immortal words of his hero, Simón Bolívar? He wants to stay in office for at least another six years in order to further the nation’s grasp on the nation’s revenue building industries, especially oil, banking, the agricultural economy, the shipping industry, and the media.
Another interesting quote from Bolívar: “It is the people, not governments, that allow tyranny to reign” But what then of autocratic populism? Latin America has seen many nations led by autocracies that just don’t seem to go away over the years, figures like Fidel, Chávez, Evo in Bolivia, Rafael Correa in Ecuador, Daniel Ortega in Nicaragua. Save Cuba where there are no elections, these men continuously get reelected, often in elections where independent supervisors don’t cry corruption in the electoral process! Does this then mean that there is space for populism, if the people indeed trust in their leader? Can there be political and economic justice under the reign of a strong men like Fidel Castro, or ex-sandinista guerrilla Daniel Ortega?
One final element of his speech that I found very interesting in terms of historical context is when he says there is a diametric opposition between the political reality of English America and Spanish America’s, and that federalism would be difficult to implement in Venezuela. Bolivar writes this one year before the Monroe doctrine comes into American foreign policy, which is a manifesto of US defense and naval expansionism into the Americas in order to keep out European influence…seems like he had some sort of premonition of the unparalleled rise of US Empire in the region.
POR QUE SOMOS COMO SOMOS? RE: THE STATE AND THE INDIVIDUAL IN LATIN AMERICA: A HISTORICAL OVERVIEW.
POR QUE SOMOS COMO SOMOS? RE: THE STATE AND THE INDIVIDUAL IN LATIN AMERICA: A HISTORICAL OVERVIEW.
Re. Readings for Monday,October 17th.
Both readings, Bartolomé de Las Casas, A Short Account of the Destruction of the Indies and Eduardo Galeano’s Memory of Fire II: Faces and Masks, were very intriguing and strong. Unlike previous readings, these ones really caught my attention due to the amount of detail they contained!
De Las Casas reading really struck me in the way he depicts the indigenous people towards being completely washed out and many times slaughtered in masses during the Spanish Conquest of the Americas. It gives us an idea what brutally happened, which I still find it pretty hard to digest, to say the least! What I found interesting, (and on this I will have to agree with Ana’s post), is Las Casas speech and the way he refers to the indigenous people as being submissive, child-like, naive and ‘ignorant’. Through that, Las Casas convinces us that it was basically easy to convert and impose Catholicism to the indigenous population.
The reading from Galeano, on the other hand, tells the history of the Americas through many different stories. They are easy to read and at times somewhat comical but it sadly shows again the gloomy image of Latin America’s past.
I would recommend everyone to read both of these texts as they clearly summarize the roots of the Latin America problematic that still goes on today.
National Security States Eliminate Rights Conflicts?
One thing I found really interesting this week in the readings was Crahan’s article which outlined the development of state powers in Latin America through to the 1980′s. It is very interesting to see a shortened timeline of Latin American political history in order to make a quick comparison in the large changes in political structure that have occurred.
One point she raises is the ‘desire for stability’ which is quite an important factor in all the changes in types of power and in the changes of politics during Latin America’s history. Interestingly, she links this to how the authoritarian regimes came about and what the ‘justification’ for them was. Also, she demonstrates how economic sovereignty plays heavily into this instability as well. I especially liked her explanation of how most of the countries were depending on a limited amount of export goods for financial survival so the market powers of the world were really determining most of their prosperity or lack there of. It is very interesting to think about the link between economic instability and the desire for a more powerful, centralized government. Obviously, economics is a only one of many factors in how these authoritarian regimes came about, for there were many more underhanded actions as well, but it is interesting to examine the link between the desire for stability and the willingness to accept such regimes.
However, these regimes did push stability and power quite far over the edge. One very good example of this is in how Crahan explains the regimes’ responses to human rights cases in saying that “genuine rights cannot be violated because conflict between legitimate of individuals, groups, and the state does not exist.” Essentially saying that these national security states are good for people even if those people are not aware of it. I think it’s fascinating that these administrations even really acknowledged human rights claims about the violations they were committing. It is also disturbing to see how convinced they were that they were right. It almost makes these states out to be the most extreme form of paternalism. The idea of this ‘national goal’ is fairly intriguing as well. That these leaders got to decide a ‘goal’ and strive towards it at all costs is quite scary especially when you look at what truly went on with all of these administrations.
“LOOKING LATINO IS NOT PROBABLE CAUSE”
Latino residents sue ICE over apartment raid
“LOOKING LATINO IS NOT PROBABLE CAUSE”
Latino residents sue ICE over apartment raid
My take on the ends of rights debate
Gilles Deleuze’s take on jurisprudence vs. human rights was interesting, yet a bit confusing. It is of my understanding that jurisprudence means the use of a neutral point of view and language in relation to the legal system.
Thus, I believe jurisprudence struggles with the questions of what laws are and its relationship with morality and I can see the connection between these concepts with human rights. They seem intertwined since it opens the debate of which acts deserve punishment and who should obey the rule of law.
I am inclined to say that human rights cannot really assist the world if its domestic application of it varies on a national law level. One clear example of the great contradictions exemplified by Deleuze was the case of the Armenian enclave. How can we believe human rights are respected when a fundamental and universal principle like “the right to live” competes with the death penalty that many countries support (like the United States)? The contraction is obvious, and if one explores in detail how international human rights fit into the international community dynamics of laws, more disparities could be found. So in a sense, we can agree that human rights are subjective, ideological and at times unrealistic.
While reading Giorgio Agamben, “Means Without End” many doubts arose, and I felt lost most of the time with discussions of “naked life”. Its concept is still unclear to me. Maybe I should read more on it.
The refugee experience narrated in these readings resonated with me. As a Venezuelan, on self-imposed exile, I can understand how refugees feel once they relocate to a new country. I agree with the author that history is not a closed book, but times have changed, and in my personal case it feels like a closed chapter. Returning to Venezuela will imply putting my life in danger and one can feel stateless when realizing that you don’t necessarily share the same values as Canadians but nor of those living the Chavist’s revolution back home either.
According to the article, the first appearance of refugees as a trend happened at the end of World War I, with the fall of the Russian, Austro-Hungarian, and Ottoman empires. Many refugees preferred to become part of the new nation, rather than returning to their countries– and I can understand the feeling.
The status of the refugee can be a temporary thing; but even if you naturalize, you still don’t feel home and there is no home to return to either. This reality generates complex and mixed emotions. Globalization has created masses of noncitizens around the world and many find themselves as refugees and statelessness. Is the UN doing enough to aid those in this situation?
Another aspect of the readings I found interesting was the definition of the word “People.” I have to agree that the term is widely used as a symbol of misfortune, poverty, lower social class and the underprivileged. However, I think the problem is not that of “interpretation” or “linguistic.” It is more physiological and political to keep balance of power in check, and I wonder, what role human rights play in this verbal disparity?