Category Archives: Water governance

All things water governance

Water Governance Workshop
Penticton, British Columbia – February 22, 2011

On February 22, 2011, the NRTEE hosted a one-day workshop in collaboration with the Okanagan Basin Water Board in Penticton, British Columbia.

The purpose of the workshop was to explore how collaborative governance might assist in achieving effective, efficient, and equitable water use by the natural resources sectors. An additional aim was to develop a better understanding of criteria for assessing when collaborative water governance models should be pursued.

This event was part of a national initiative from the NRTEE on the sustainable use of water by the natural resource sectors in Canada. The overall objectives of the program are to address the following questions:

(1) Does Canada have enough water to support economic growth while maintaining the health of our country’s ecosystems, given that the development of the natural resource sectors is on the rise (agriculture, mining, forestry and energy production), and with pressures on water resources due to increasing population and a changing climate?

(2) Is Canada in a position to manage water resources sustainably for future generations?

http://www.nrtee-trnee.com/eng/issues/programs/water/penticton-water-governance-workshop-eng.php

Governance and the commons in a multi-level world

Armitage, Derek. 2008. Governance and the commons in a multi-level world. International Journal of the Commons 2 (1):7-32.

The author integrates three interdisciplinary fields of study: common property theory, social‐ecological systems/resilience theory and political ecology to support a narrative on governing commons resources with an emphasis placed on identifying the role of power, scale and levels of organization. In managing common pool resources, the author advocates for the application of complex adaptive systems whereby “the continued cross‐fertilization of ideas is crucial for the evolution of commons governance.”
The problem addressed in this work is how can governance resolve the challenges associated with resource depletion when it is driven, in part, by demand for resources from outside of the region? The article concludes by suggesting that governance requires: deliberation among social actors where persuasion and negotiation are the means to realize ‘principles, values, models and assumptions’; a multi‐disciplinary approach to account for the ‘complex, adaptive system’; a means to find commonalities between disparate disciplines; and improved capacity and a common framework to document outcomes of new ecological/economic/social institutional forms. Armitage argues that ‘evaluation’ tools will need to be developed that are suitable for complex systems and should be directed towards: ecosystem condition; livelihood condition; and power, processes and institutional condition.
The discussion on integrating traditional knowledge and western science is an interesting summary of a number of research works whereby “an expected benefit of multi‐level government, for example, is the linking of formal science and local or indigenous knowledge systems.” It follows that the ability of any given governance system to accommodate both legitimate perspectives, western science and traditional knowledge, will serve the development of governance systems better than if only one of the perspectives is recognized.
Armitage cautions that the “over –attention to normative principles, even when directed at building flexible and distributive institutional forms, can impart a perspective that governance is much like a recipe. Yet, attention to who makes decisions about which recipe is followed, who gets access to the ingredients, and who benefits from the outcomes is equally important.” I think that this analogy is a useful means to communicate some of the complexity and intricate dynamics of governing water resources.
This paper argues that common property theory has tended to emphasize the privatization of property rights “converting natural capital stocks of commons resources into commodities” and the continued growth in the international demands for products from the commons and its implications in a liberalized political and economic environment. Resilience thinking is described as having a number of important core themes including: unpredictability, social‐ecological change, and dynamics of cross scale interaction. Linking to commons literature is the requirement in resilience thinking to be flexible and grounded in distributive forms of governance. Political ecology is seen to integrate “political economy critiques and ecology and underlying contexts and process of human‐environment relations.” Armitage notes that most political ecological analysis involves little if any ecology. Core themes of political ecology include: power, power relationships, and analysis of how different interests mediate relationships across different levels.
Armitage quotes Kooiman and Barinck’s (2005) definition of governance of natural resources whereby “the whole of public as well as private interaction taken to solve societal problems and create societal opportunities including…the formulation and application of principles, guiding those interactions and care for institutions that enable them.”

Privatizing water: Governance failure and the world’s urban water crisis

Bakker, K. 2010. Privatizing water: Governance failure and the world’s urban water crisis. New York: Cornell University Press.

The primary goal of this book was to “constructively critiquing proposed alternatives to privatization” of water resources. The dilemma that is at the heart of the book’s thesis is the failure both by government and private companies to improve water-supply crisis: a stalemate in developing a governance framework that clearly identifies the roles of sate, markets and communities to provide environmental services. In other words, “the question is not whether governments should be involved, but how…raise[ing] questions of citizenship, identity, and political power to distribute access to social services the aegis of modern developmental states.” Three central questions were used as a conceptual framework in this book that consisted of: (1) why has privatization emerged as an increasingly widespread mode of resource management, and what are the arguments made by proponents and opponents; (2) can privatization fulfill proponents’ expectations (particularly with respect to water supply for the urban poor in developing countries); and (3) given there are limits to privatization (particularly with respect to urban water supply to the poor), what might be the alternatives.
Bakker observes that the top-down technocratic management of water resources has seen numerous failures in governing water resources and explores new practical alternatives to the status quo management and governance of water resources. Bakker recognizes that the conflict facing common pool water resources stems from a range of fundamental challenges including: tensions between representation and participation, centralized oversight and local preferences, economic factors and environmental imperatives.
Bakker argues that the academic concept of “neo-Hardinian” management solutions for common-pool resources involve ”better governance and optimized institutions and incentives.” This neo-Hardinian framework for the commons is described as an inappropriate “blueprint utopia” by all intense and purposes, where “the notion of the commons serves as a fictional rather than a blue-print utopia…the message is simple: communities can successfully govern resources in a cooperative manner, and we should not assume that resources can be governed only via states or markets.”
As a practical alternative to current water governance, Bakker calls for a fostering of a “political society”, or in other words the need to recognize “legal rights, and further, to transform them to social rights, as a means to resolve conflicts in a more equitable and ecologically sensitive way.” Bakker coins the phrase ‘biopolitical’ as a means to acknowledge and describe the ‘intensely political’ nature of water and the characteristic as a ‘flow resource’ – one that connects “individual bodies to the collective body politic.”
Advocating for national government leadership, the author articulates a clear need and requirement for action at multiple scales. That being said, Bakker recognizes the limited role community governments can play in water management, due largely to their limited authority within a broader watershed context that does not accounts for upstream and downstream externalities. Within a multi-jurisdictional governance framework, Bakker suggest that the role of the state should include “encouraging redistributive models of resource management, progressive social relations, and environmental protection.”
Bakker further argues that human rights to drinking water must be associated with community water rights and the broader nonhuman water rights in order to be effective. Moreover, ecological rights – and the concept of ecological governance – need to be included within the broader discussion of rights and how they apply to water and community. The idea that water rights should be acknowledged as a ‘tactic’ and not a ‘goal’ is emphasized and is used to support the notion that “access to water is properly viewed as a material emblem of citizenship: a symbol of political inclusion.” Bakker argues that the framework for water governance should include socioeconomic, political as well as ecological considerations.
In conclusion, Bakker identifies communities and government as the “key actors” in the continued negotiation and development of water governance. However, the private actors will need to be included and involved in the evolution of water governance frameworks but in significantly different ways than are expressed in today’s polarized government-private sector management paradigm.

Eau Canada: The future of Canada’s water

Bakker, Karen, ed. 2006. Eau Canada: The future of Canada’s water. Georgetown, ON: UNI presses

Bakker’s work titled Eau Canada provides a collection of perspectives on the management of water problems and identifies potential methods and processes to support the improvement of water management and governance in Canada. A useful description of barriers to water management is presented and includes: the myth of abundance, multi-jurisdictional nature of governance, lack of meaningful inclusion of First Nations, lack of integrated economic instruments to support equitable and efficient water management, unclear governance rolls at all jurisdictional levels, and highlights the recent trend of reduction in government investment for the monitoring of water resources, to name a few.
Muldon and McLenaghan (chapter 12) recognize the need for developing a multi-level governance framework to support negotiated water resource management. Walkem (chapter 15) provides important insights to first nation perspective on water governance including the concepts of: seventh generation principle, recognizing that all living things are connected, valuing the wealth (natural capital) around us, and environmental justice: learning to say “no”.
Matthews et al (chapter 17) identify the need to develop a new water ethic for managing Canadian water resources that includes six imperatives: meeting basic human needs (enhance equity); safeguarding ecosystems; encouraging efficiency and conservation; establishing open and participatory decision-making processes; respecting system complexity and emphasize precaution; and seeking multiple sustainability benefits from water-centred initiatives. In thinking about a new water ethic, the authors in this chapter emphasize the need for a greater degree of social participation in decision-making, acknowledging the significance of equity (notably participation by women and First Nation people), to protect water as a common good.
Eau Canada provides a useful collection of policy, scientific and cultural accounts of water management needs and describes significant water management and governance issues including: ecological integrity, economic sustainability, social equity, realities of globalization, climate change impacts, to name a few. These considerations are helpful when support exploring a meaningful reform of Canadian water management, policy and governance.
This work concludes with a call for leadership by the Canadian federal government to implement a well thought-out water governance framework that clarifies roles at all levels of government, fully integrates first nations in water resource decision making and strengthens water quality regulation.
A summary of provincial water legislation (Table A.1) and Federal programs and government departments that have a direct management role of water resources (Table A.2) are included in Appendix 1, providing a useful summary of government agency actors that are involved in water management decision making.
A call for meaningful dialogue that engages all levels of government, First Nations and citizens is encouraged. Moreover, a need for developing a new water ethic, developing and implementing a “soft path” to water management and increasing the focus on “ecological governance” are explored in detail and provide for a range of normative suggestions to better manage Canadian water resources. Bakker’s work provides a meaningful exploration of the complex nature of water management and governance in Canada and calls for a “new alliance between local communities, water managers, and all levels of government.”

Economists, anthropologists, and the contested commons. In The contested commons: Conversations between economists and anthropologists

Bardhan, Pranab, and Isha Ray. 2008. Economists, anthropologists, and the contested commons. In The contested commons: Conversations between economists and anthropologists, edited by P. Bardhan and I. Ray. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing Ltd.

This first chapter authored by Bardhan and Isha (the book’s editors) explores the characteristics and application of economics and anthropology to the problem of understanding, developing policy for, and managing common pool resources (CPRs). The authors explore three defining contrasts between economics and anthropology and comment on how these different approaches may support the continued study of the commons problem.
First, the contrast between the concepts of autonomy and embeddedness is explored. The authors argue that the autonomy of economics is foundationally situated in Adam Smith’s utility maximization models based on: methodological individualism, utility maximization and exogenous preferences. This economic approach provides for precision, parsimony and predictive power. The economic autonomy argument has been described by Taylor (1988) as a “thin theory of human action.” In contrast to the autonomy concept, embeddedness provides a layered explanation of causality that has a tradition in anthropology. The concept of embeddedness is supported by the works of Polanyi (1954) who argued individuals are characterised by relationships and reciprocity rather than utility maximization motives. Other concepts of characterizing individual actions include the moral economy from work developed by Geertz (1963) and Scott (1976), and habitus, the practices, principles and rules that give individuals a sense of belonging to society developed by Bourdieu (1977; 1990). It is noted that norms need to be built explicitly into economic models. Basu (2000) defines three categories of norms: rationality‐limiting, preference changing and equilibrium selecting. It is noted that the work of Michel Foucault (1991) suggests that governance consists of certain arts and practices such as measurement, observation and education, through which individuals become “disciplined and governable subjects.”
The second contrast between economists and anthropologists is characterized by parsimony and complexity. The point is made referencing Francis Crick’s argument that Occam’s Razor may be a useful tool in the physical sciences but the over simplification of (biologic) models is inappropriate. By extension, the authors suggest that the simplifications of economic models and absence of explicitly stating the norms and underlying assumptions may be problematic and naively over simplistic and inappropriate to provide normative policy advice when social structures and cultural norms. These models are found lacking because they don’t explicitly state nor account for the role for hegemony (power structures). In contrast, anthropology embraces the need to incorporate complexity in order to “make strange the familiar.” Two chapter authors, Agrawal and Platteau, provide for insight into the role that complexity may play in understanding the commons. Agrawal comments that the challenge is to understand how individuals see themselves in relation to their environments, and how norms and power both constrain and enable them – practices make persons. Similarly, Platteau’s comments that “effective cooperation can be established only if the appropriate beliefs and expectations have come to prevail. There is no reason to believe that such beliefs and expectations spontaneously arise when there is a need for collective efforts.”
The third framework to compare and contrast economic and anthropology contributions to the CPRs questions is that of outcomes and processes. The authors suggest that economics provides a means to develop simplified models that are instructive to policy development. Anthropology and the application of case study are useful to investigate causal processes directly, providing “the structure and function of the relationship themselves…the process determining outcomes matter as well as the outcomes themselves.” (Henrick et al, 2004)

Sustainable governance of common-pool resources: Context, methods, and politics.

Agrawal, Arun. 2003. Sustainable governance of common-pool resources: Context, methods, and politics. Annual Review of Anthropology 32, 243-262.

In this paper, Agrawal addresses the question: what accounts for successful and sustainable resource use? Agrawal points out that the most neglected aspect of sustainable governance of CPRs is the “changing relationship between the environment and human beings who use environmental resources.”
To illustrate the causality between population growth and ecological degradation, Ehrlich (1968) and Malthus (1960) work is evoked.
Three foundational CPR studies by Robert Wade (1994), Elinor Ostrom (1990) and Jean‐Marie Baland and Jean‐Philippe Platteau (1996) are analyzed in the paper. These three works are used to support an analysis of local community‐based efforts to manage and govern common pool resources. Two summary tables are developed based on the three CPR studies. Table 1 provides a synthesis of facilitating conditions for sustainable governance. Table 2 provides a further analysis of the critical enabling conditions for sustainability of the commons.
Market instruments are suggested to be a thin means to explain and provide normative solutions. Colchester (1994) and Young (1994) comment that “integration with markets usually has an adverse impact on the management of common‐pool resources”.
Agrawal argues that markets are not to be characterized as solutions to the problem of sustainable governance of common‐pool resources. Moreover, Agrawal’s exploration of sustainable governance is supported by Oates’ (1999) reasoning suggesting that changes in markets and new technology might prompt existing resource management regimes that are not “bloodless or innocent process.”
The author argues that context provides a very important element to analyzing the characteristics of sustainable governance and the nature of local‐state relations requires more careful exploration commenting that the study of local justice “is a very messy business.”
Two areas of further research are suggested as priorities to support the development of institutional solutions to CPR dilemmas. First, there is a requirement for further theoretically motivated comparative studies (case analyses) to identify and explore the causal mechanisms and narrow the range of relevant theoretical variables and their interactions. Second, there is a need to conduct studies with large populations (n‐values) in order to identify the strength of causal relationships.

When participation and empowerment are not enough: Water governance and social transformation in the Lagos Sao Juao river basin, Brazil

da Costa, Larissa Barbosa. 2010. When participation and empowerment are not enough: Water governance and social transformation in the Lagos Sao Juao river basin, Brazil. In Participation for what: Social change or social control? edited by G. Gomez, M., A. Corradi, A., P. Goulart and R. Namara. The Hague: ISS and Hivos.

Brazil’s Water Law (1997) and the creation of the subsequent National Water Policy enabled a river basin management framework including the formation of River Basin Committees (over 120 have been established). These committees provide a roundtable forum where decision sharing between the government and water users is enabled. da Costa’s work explores participation, empowerment and social transformation and the limited successes resulting from the new water participatory governance framework and the role of River Basin Committees. This research draws on interviews and analysis in Brazil’s Lagos Sao Joao river basin.
The new participatory framework of River Basin Committees is intended to: provide an opportunity to connect people and government, increase transparency and accountability, create an opportunity for people to exercise their citizen rights and provide a grass-roots influence to shape policy and generate change. On the other hand, the roundtable participatory framework does not facilitate participation by excluded groups and may be doing little more than reproducing an unequal power relationship that risks replacing one undemocratic governance system with another.
da Costa identifies three significant blockages or limitations to transforming the participatory nature of water governance in Brazil: a lack of strategic consideration (“uncritical”) of who participates; an over emphasis on environmental consideration at the expense of people, social justice, equity, and economic considerations (i.e. income, resource distribution); and a focus on action instead of learning – with an over emphasis on goal setting and problem solving with no strategic consideration for learning systematically.
da Costa explores the dilemma of participation, arguing that there is a trade-off between efficiency (means) and empowerment (end) where ‘transformative empowerment’ consists of a long-term, politically conscious, process that addresses social inequality by involving and empowering marginalized citizens. Through the convening of watershed groups, da Costa articulates three assumptions made by the government: (1) convening watershed groups to support water resource decision making will provide disadvantaged groups with an influential voice in policy development; (2) the process of participation will improve the quality of life of citizens through the enhancement of negotiating skills that result in improved accessed to resources; and (3) a process of participation and empowerment, marginalized groups can gain power, articulate their political challenges that lead to transformation. These three assumptions are challenged in this chapter with mixed results from interviewed actors (both those participating and some that aren’t in the process.)
da Costa highlights Veneklasen and Miller’s (2002) ideas on categories of expressed power, describing four distinct categories: power over (win-lose game), power with (capacity to achieve together), power to (personal potential to shape one’s on life), and power within (self acceptance, respect and esteem). This earlier research suggests that improving water management and governance through the inclusion of marginalized groups is better served if the emphasis is placed on a long-term engagement process that supports transformative learning and a means to encourage the capacity to achieve together (at a watershed scale) while improving the power of individual actors (Veneklasen and Miller’s described ‘power to-‘ and ‘power within’).
Moreover, da Costa’s concept of participation and empowerment are influenced by Jack Mezirow’s “transformative learning” paradigm that suggests that “we make meaning out of the world through our experiences.” da Costa argues that the process of transformative learning requires a refocusing of emphasis away from technical knowledge, and instead should be focused towards communicative knowledge and social skill development to empower the marginalized and address issues of social inequity. da Costa argues that the current framework developed to support participation and empowerment in water resource decisions is a positive step forwards but insufficient to generate the desired transformative end because it lacks the generation of critical reflection and doesn’t challenge the status quo.

Climate change and water governance in Saskatchewan, Canada

Hurlbert, Margot, Harry Diaz, Darrell R. Corkal, and Jim Warren. 2009. Climate change and water governance in Saskatchewan, Canada. International Journal of Climate Change Strategies and Management 1 (2):118-132.
Over 40 interviews of water authorities and social actors were conducted and their responses categorized and reported in this work. The problem explored is summed up by the statement, “should future climate‐induced water stress be more severe in intensity and frequency, even greater economic and social impacts are likely to occur.” The challenge of developing institutional frameworks and governance structures to manage climate change and water governance is explored.
Two concepts are used to help frame the climate change and water governance discussion: promotion of adaptive capacity and a vulnerability approach, defined as susceptibility to changing conditions. Adaptive capacity addresses a range of institutional attributes including: economic resources, technology, information and skills, infrastructure, equity and institutions. The authors argue that institutional adaptive capacity requires participatory planning and participation by civil society whereby an institutional governance environment must: (1) identify social needs and problems, (2) balance interests and (3) execute and implement solutions. Vulnerability is a measure of an institutions’ sensitivity to exposure of climate change induced risk.
Historically the South Saskatchewan River Basin region has experienced over 40 events of drought over the past 100 years and yet interviews with social actors indicate that “strategies to cope with water scarcity seem to be addressed more as an ad hoc response to an extreme event even though drought is a natural characteristic of the region” and “…today droughts and flood are dealt with in a reactive mode.” A significant challenge is confusion over the multitude of organizations and the unclear role of different orders of government, as identified by one interviewee as “too much water governance, yet not enough water governance.”
The authors articulate a need for coordination of federal and provincial organizations and institutional leadership. Saskatchewan does not have a climate change and adaptation plan nor has the Federal Water Policy (1987) been fully resourced or implemented in Saskatchewan. Moreover, watershed advisory groups lack both the legislative authority, and the required financial security while relying on unpaid volunteers to deliver their services. In order to reduce conflict and vulnerability, government actors must develop a governance framework that promulgates a common vision for irrigation, water storage, and water use priorities.
The authors use two water governance definitions to set the stage for their discussion quoting Jenkins (2002) “the pattern by which public power is exercised in a given context” and the Conference Board of Canada (2007) that defines water governance as “…an inter‐organizational network defined by different amount of political power and competing priorities and which involves government policies and actions related to water, encompassing laws, regulations, public organization, and those sectors of the civil society that participate, interact with, or influence the management of water resources.”

Governing the commons: The evolution of institutions for collective action

Ostrom, Elinor. 1990. Governing the commons: The evolution of institutions for collective action. Cambridge, United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press.

This critically acclaimed work explores common pool resource (CPR) problems. Three influential models are described: the tragedy of the commons; the prisoner’s dilemma game and the logic of collective action.
An institutional analysis framework is applied to analyzing self-governing CPRs. Case studies of both successfully and unsuccessfully management of CPRs are explored. Case studies of successful self-governed commons include: forestry management in Switzerland, commons land management in Japan and water management in Spain. The various CPR case studies were analyzed to identify common “design principles.” Seven design principles were observed as being consistently present in successfully managed CPRs and include: (1) clearly defined boundaries, (2) appropriate and flexible rules of appropriation, (3) collective choice arrangements, (4) monitoring, (5) graduated sanctions, (6) conflict resolution mechanisms, and (7) flexibility by senior levels of government in the recognition of rights. For CPRs that are part of a larger system (a watershed for example) a framework of nested government, providing a means to convene actors from multiple levels of government and agencies, was an essential element to long term success in uncertain and changing environments. Issues of “credible commitment” and “mutual monitoring” were identified as important considerations in framing self-organizing CPR policy.
Ostrom notes that policy based on metaphors are potentially harmful due to misapplication and oversimplification. Several examples of countries where the ‘tragedy of the commons’ metaphor was misapplied include: Thailand, Niger, Nepal and India. The false dichotomy of solutions (state or privatization) to resolve CPR problems promoted by Hardin’s tragedy of the commons metaphor, misrepresents (ignores) the opportunity to apply local, village level, negotiated outcomes that are considerate of local culture, power dynamics, and scarcity of the resource.
Ostrom recommends that a framework for analyzing institutional choice for the management of CPRs should evaluate the benefits, costs, shared norms and other opportunities as well as acknowledge the process and challenges of institutional changes. Ostrom observes that “the policy space can be thought of as a set of rules concerning who is required, forbidden, or allowed to take what action or affect what outcomes related a specific domain.”
Ostrom cautions social science researchers of the perils of developing institutional governance models in the absence of a localized context due to the potential to succumb to the “perverse effect of supporting increased centralization of political authority.” Four significant observations were identified that support greater consideration of locally negotiated CPR management that include: individual actors have the potential to improve long-term maximization through joint strategy development; individual actors have been shown to take the initiative to avoid CPR traps without external authority intervention; senior governments under utilize and under appreciate established local institutions that may “help acquire information, reduce monitoring and enforcement costs, and equitably allocate appropriation rights and provision duties”; and the challenges and assumptions of normative CPR model advice given by academics and researchers to government actors has inherent limitations, idealized markets or idealized states for example. Ostrom advocates for greater inclusion of multi-disciplinary research and case study analysis to further the evolution of institutions for collective action.

Okanagan Partnership: How can the Okanagan collaborate to support global competitiveness in a liberalized global marketplace?

Here is a multi-media presentation, exploring two paths facing the Okanagan.  One path leading to economic prosperity that embraces ecological sustainability and another that degrades the surrounding ecosystem and economic opportunities afforded by place.

YouTube Preview Image

This video was developed as part of a larger collaborative initiative spear headed by local Okanagan business leaders called the Okanagan Competitiveness Strategy:  http://limnology.ca/okanagan/Final%20Report%203.0.pdf

A PowerPoint (pdf) review of the overall strategy is posted here: http://limnology.ca/okanagan/competitiveness.pdf