{"id":901,"date":"2025-11-22T21:39:40","date_gmt":"2025-11-23T04:39:40","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/blogs.ubc.ca\/mdia300\/?p=901"},"modified":"2025-11-24T15:21:44","modified_gmt":"2025-11-24T22:21:44","slug":"the-not-so-secret-double-lives-of-mormon-wives-digital-subcultures-on-reality-television","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/blogs.ubc.ca\/mdia300\/archives\/901","title":{"rendered":"The (Not-So) Secret Double Lives of Mormon Wives: Digital Subcultures on Reality Television"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Reality television\u2019s low cost and high entertainment value make it appealing to both producers and audiences, and overwhelmingly saturates today\u2019s television options. Hulu\u2019s reality television series, The Secret Lives of Mormon Wives, <\/em>follows the personal and professional lives of a Utah-based group of young mother influencers known as \u2018MomTok\u2019. MomTok interestingly exemplifies Pablo Santaolalla-Rueda and Crist\u00f3bal Fern\u00e1ndez-Mu\u00f1oz\u2019s definition of digital subcultures, and its transformation into a reality television series represents a monumental shift in modern reality television\u2019s media landscape. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Digital Subculture of MomTok<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n

The cast of The Secret Lives of Mormon Wives <\/em>initially gained internet fame by documenting their lives as modern Mormon \u2018housewives\u2019, establishing a digital subculture (MomTok) of financially independent young mothers aiming to subvert the oppressive standards the Church of Latter-Day Saints (LDS) imposes on women. MomTok primarily uses TikTok to share their message and experiences, capitalizing on social media\u2019s availability and audience to \u201coffer [an alternative model] of organisation that [challenges] dominant structures\u201d and ideologies like those associated with organized religion (Santaolalla-Rueda and Fern\u00e1ndez-Mu\u00f1oz 11). <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Santaolalla-Rueda and Fern\u00e1ndez-Mu\u00f1oz posit that digital subcultures are partially defined by their content revolving \u201caround a central figure\u201d which \u201cbecomes crucial for community building\u201d(2). Similarly, while supposedly unscripted, reality television revolves around compelling narratives to retain audience attention. The Secret Lives of Mormon Wives <\/em>centres Taylor Frankie Paul\u2013co-creator of MomTok\u2013whose personal relationship became the cornerstone for the show\u2019s first season\u2019s narrative arc.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

MomTok\u2019s transition from online platforms to produced television, offers these influencers opportunities at more mainstream fame. The allure behind traditional reality television lies in its capacity to offer \u201cthe \u2018ordinary\u2019 person a chance to become \u2018known\u2019\u201d and often \u201c[proves] a springboard for the successful few to \u2018cross-over\u2019 into mainstream fame\u201d(Deller 376). MomTok\u2019s personalities are unique as they already had a following and were no longer among the \u2018ordinary\u2019, yet their debut as reality television stars brought a new element to their public personas and by effect, the subculture they created. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Public Identity Online and On-Camera<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Compared to fictional narrative television, reality television relies on real identites, rather than those adopted by actors. As such, personal identity is crucial to the medium regardless of the degree of authenticity reality television performers retain because the audience assumes that their personalities are genuine. In truth, reality television stars construct their identities through processes akin to curating online personas using \u201ca dynamic process that involves constant negotiation between the individual and the social environment\u201d(Santaolalla-Rueda and Fern\u00e1ndez-Mu\u00f1oz 10). MomTok\u2019s member\u2019s public identities shift in tandem with both their online platforms and the narrative of their show. Digital subcultures, including MomTok, \u201c[highlight] how young people use digital technologies to explore and affirm their identities, challenging and redefining cultural norms\u201d(Santaolalla-Rueda and Fern\u00e1ndez-Mu\u00f1oz 10). The cast of The Secret Lives of Mormon Wives <\/em>use their platforms to explore their identities as young mother\u2019s within the LDS community, challenging many of the outdated values it promotes. However, the performativity associated with social media personas, connotes a pressure to be entertaining that is only exacerbated when their personas are translated into reality television.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Reality television addresses this pressure through creating prolonged drama, resulting in controversy. The Secret Lives of Mormon Wives <\/em>provides its cast a forum to mediate their public images and \u201censure the public [sees] them as who they now were and not as their former public identities\u201d while following a narrative (Deller 381). Being centred around a distinct digital subculture, MomTok\u2019s member\u2019s have further opportunities to moderate their public personas, exemplifying the changing nature of reality television and its stars by relying on the origins of their notoriety: social media. MomTok\u2019s member\u2019s use their platforms simultaneously, interacting online outside of their show, effectively continuing the show\u2019s narratives beyond the show itself. This genre of celebrity is entirely unique to the digital age, and results in a new type of fame for those who experience it. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Fame in the Digital Age<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Ruth Deller describes the fame cycle, categorizing famous personalities depending on the stage of the notoriety. However, with the rise of social media and digital subcultures, anyone can gain influence from anywhere, demanding theorizations of fame and celebrity be  reworked. MomTok\u2019s members gained notoriety through sharing their opinions surrounding ordinary and relatable experiences: motherhood, friendship, and relationships. Nonetheless, Deller\u2019s principles of celebrity remain applicable to the progression of MomTok\u2019s members’ public personas.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Deller defines proto-celebrity as \u201cpersonalities who might have a certain degree of recognition but are not \u2018famous\u2019 beyond a particular niche\u201d who are generally in their fame\u2019s early stages and often seek \u201cto extend their brief moment of fame\u201d(375). As influencers, the women of MomTok fell within this categorization of celebrity, representing a well-known but extremely targeted sector of the internet. However, their reality show\u2019s production transformed their platforms, publicising their personalities and stories to a larger audience who may have been previously unfamiliar. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

With the internet\u2019s ever-increasing presence in our lives, \u201csubcultures [become] exploited by brands and companies to sell products\u201d(Santaolalla-Rueda and Fern\u00e1ndez-Mu\u00f1oz 12). Allegedly, the original purpose of MomTok was to challenge the strict moral and lifestyle codes that the church of Latter-Day Saints imposes on its female members. Meanwhile, their portrayal in reality television, The Secret Lives of Mormon Wives<\/em>, sees Momtok\u2019s members consistently fighting and keeping secrets. While the commodification of subcultures is not inherently insidious, it can dilute \u201cthe subculture\u2019s original values and meanings, reducing it to a mere commercial product\u201d(Santaolalla-Rueda and Fern\u00e1ndez-Mu\u00f1oz 13). The drama of the reality show quickly eclipses any empowering message these women initially want to convey, effectively prioritizing the commercial gain of the television show over the original message of the subculture. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The reality show\u2019s introduction graduated several MomTok members from proto-celebrities to promotional celebrities. Promotional celebrities seek to \u201c[boost] their personal brand and [gain] recognition\u201d from a larger audience while \u201cpromoting the brand of the programme, organisation or team they work for\u201d(Deller 375). Interestingly, another defining characteristic of promotional celebrities is their identities as working professionals (Deller 375). While many MomTok members own businesses, their primary profession is online content creation. They use the personas attached to their digital subculture to promote other endeavors, further representing this new-age method of garnering fame, one largely constructed on presenting personal identity, similar to the draw of reality television shows. Promotional celebrities are \u201c(somewhat) well known and active, and their role in the show is to expand audiences\u201d encouraging \u201cfans of the reality show to follow their other work\u201d(Deller 379). MomTok members\u2019 Jen Affleck and Whitney Leavitt\u2019s recent appearances on Dancing With The Stars\u2013<\/em>a celebrity dancing competition that relies heavily on popular reception and viewer voting\u2013embodies this concept, expanding their presences in media while promoting their original claim to fame.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Conclusion<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Digital subcultures (including MomTok) are methods of self-expression and community construction but are susceptible to losing meaning in favour of economical gain. The different facets of MomTok\u2019s members\u2019 platforms and personas exist simultaneously, forming dynamic relationships between their representations on online platforms, and those on reality television. The Secret Lives of Mormon Wives<\/em> and its association with MomTok epitomizes how social media is changing the entertainment industry and celebrity, particularly the performer-audience relationship and interactions. Ultimately, MomTok\u2019s co-optation by reality television exemplifies both a prioritization of commercial gain over ideology, and represents an irrevocable shift in how reality television and its stars function within today\u2019s media landscape, and how we as audiences understand and perceive them. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Works Cited<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Deller, Ruth A. \u201cStar image, celebrity reality television and the fame cycle.\u201d Celebrity Studies, <\/em>2016, vol. 7, no. 3, 373-389, http:\/\/dx.doi.org\/10.1080\/19392397.2015.1133313<\/a>. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Santaolalla-Rueda, Pablo and Crist\u00f3bal Fern\u00e1ndez-Mu\u00f1oz. \u201cPotaxies and Fifes: The Formation of New Subcultures on TikTok.\u201d Societies, <\/em>2024, vol. 14, no. 12, https:\/\/doi.org\/10.3390\/soc14120265<\/a>. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Secret Lives of Mormon Wives, <\/em>by Jeff Jenkins, Jeff Jenkins Productions, 2024. Hulu, www.disneyplus.com<\/a>. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Written by Molly Kingsley<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Image created by Molly Kingsley using material from ABC News<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Reality television\u2019s low cost and high entertainment value make it appealing to both producers and audiences, and overwhelmingly saturates today\u2019s television options. Hulu\u2019s reality television series, The Secret Lives of Mormon Wives, follows the personal and professional lives of a Utah-based group of young mother influencers known as \u2018MomTok\u2019. MomTok interestingly exemplifies Pablo Santaolalla-Rueda and … Continue reading The (Not-So) Secret Double Lives of Mormon Wives: Digital Subcultures on Reality Television<\/span> →<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":100869,"featured_media":902,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[4],"tags":[189,185,187,190,184,188,186,183,105],"class_list":["post-901","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-general-media-theory","tag-digital-era","tag-digital-subcultures","tag-entertainment","tag-fame-cycle","tag-fernandez-munoz","tag-persona","tag-reality-television","tag-santaolalla-rueda","tag-social-media"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/blogs.ubc.ca\/mdia300\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/901","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/blogs.ubc.ca\/mdia300\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/blogs.ubc.ca\/mdia300\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blogs.ubc.ca\/mdia300\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/100869"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blogs.ubc.ca\/mdia300\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=901"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/blogs.ubc.ca\/mdia300\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/901\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":903,"href":"https:\/\/blogs.ubc.ca\/mdia300\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/901\/revisions\/903"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blogs.ubc.ca\/mdia300\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/902"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/blogs.ubc.ca\/mdia300\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=901"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blogs.ubc.ca\/mdia300\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=901"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blogs.ubc.ca\/mdia300\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=901"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}