Author Archives: nicoleso

Carbon Pricing: The cost of a Carbon Tax for Canada and the World

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In May of 2017, the Minister Catherine McKenna of Environment and Climate Change announced the federal government’s plans to for a national carbon tax. Each province must meet the floor for carbon pricing starting in 2018. By 2022, the national floor for carbon pricing will increase to $50/tonne.

There is strong evidence nationally and internationally that supports the effectiveness of carbon pricing to reduce GHG emissions (Bailey and Revell 2015; Vries, Masera, and Faas 2010; World Bank 2016).

By attaching a cost to emitting greenhouse gas emissions, it creates incentives for emitters to shift their behaviors and choices to reduce their GHG emissions. A price on carbon would lead to:

  • Emissions of carbon declining because consumer reduce fuel consumptions when costs go up (e.g. drive less) or to substitute carbon-intensive goods for goods that have lower or no carbon content (e.g. substitute biking for driving)
  • Producers becoming more efficient in adopting higher efficiency technology and cutting waste
  • Revenues generated from carbon pricing policy could be used to fund environmentally beneficial projects and invest in research and development for green technology and low-carbon innovations

A well-designed carbon pricing poly is cost-effective because it allows emitters to find the most efficient methods to reduce emissions and cut cost. Consequently, this will stimulate the private sector to invest in renewable energy and green technology by creating a market for it and making it more competitive. The Way Forward also finds that carbon pricing effectively reduces GHG emissions without negatively affecting the economy.

The two main ways of putting a price on carbon that are currently used in Canada are a cap-and-trade system (such as in Quebec and Ontario), and a carbon tax system (such as in British Columbia and Alberta) (Vries, Masera, and Faas 2010). A cap-and-trade system creates a market for pollution whereas the Pigouvian tax approach internalizes the spillover effect of pollution. While there are distinct advantages and disadvantages of the two options, the cap-and-trade system and the taxing system are more similar than they are different (Goulder and Schein 2013):

  • Both put a price on carbon, which can be adjusted over time
  • Both create market incentives for emitters to identify and implement the most efficient methods to reduce emissions
  • Both can generate revenue that can be recycled back to the economy (e.g. lowering other taxes, investing in research and development for green technology)
  • Both can reduce emissions more cost-effectively than regulations

Where the two systems differ is that a cap-and-trade system guarantees a certain amount of emissions reduction, while a carbon tax guarantees a certain price for carbon (Goulder and Schein 2013). 

However, increasing the relative prices of emissions-intensive goods and services might have a disproportionate effect on lower-income households and communities in northern or remote regions (e.g. the Indigenous communities) (Government of Canada 2016). More stringent carbon pricing policy can also add pressure to business sectors and industries that are particularly emission-intensive and export-dependent.

The economic costs of delaying or not taking actions are very high. Although it is difficult to estimate precisely what the cost of inaction, the National Round Table on the Environment and the Economy estimates the annual cost of inaction for Canada to be from $21-$43 billion by 2050 (Government of Canada 2016); and the Canada’s Ecofiscal Commission estimates the annual global damages to be $21 trillion by 2095 (Vries, Masera, and Faas 2010). Delaying action will result in higher future costs for Canadians.

References

Bailey, Ian, and Piers Revell. 2015. Government of Saskatchewan White Paper Climate Change. http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/B9780080970868721015.

Beale, Elizabeth et al. 2015. Canada’s Ecofiscal Commission Provincial Carbon Pricing and Competitiveness Pressures: Guidelines for Business and Policymakers. https://ecofiscal.ca/wp-content/uploads/2015/11/Ecofiscal-Commission-Carbon-Pricing-Competitiveness-Report-November-2015.pdf.

Beugin, Dale et al. 2016. Canada’s Ecofiscal Commission Provincial Carbon Pricing and Household Fairness.

Canada, Environment and Climate Change. 2017. Technical Paper on the Federal Carbon Pricing Backstop. Quebec. https://www.canada.ca/en/services/environment/weather/climatechange/technical-paper-federal-carbon-pricing-backstop.html.

Goulder, Lawrence H., and Andrew Schein. 2013. “Carbon Taxes Vs. Cap and Trade: A Critical Review.” NBER Workshop Proceedings 1542(9): 33–36.

Government of Canada. 2016. Pan‑Canadian Framework on Clean Growth and Climate Change. https://www.canada.ca/content/dam/themes/environment/documents/weather1/20170113-1-en.pdf.

Ragan, Christopher et al. 2016. Choose Wisely – Options and Trade-Offs in Recycling Carbon Pricing Revenues. http://ecofiscal.ca/reports/choose-wisely-options-trade-offs-recycling-carbon-pricing-revenues/.

Vries, Laurens J De, Marcelo Masera, and Henryk Faas. 2010. Canada’s Ecofiscal Commission The Way Forward.

World Bank. 2016. 88284 Washington, DC: World Bank. State and Trends of Carbon Pricing.

Some reflections after attending the 2017 UN Peace Conference

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Last week, I had the privilege of attending the 2017 UN Peace Conference in Vancouver. This experience has left me with a lot to think about around youth, gender parity and peace.

As a youth delegate at the UN Peace Conference, I was invited to participate in a “Youth as Peacemaker Forum”, where I had the opportunity to work amongst Canadian youth to present a list of priorities to the Prime Minister, Minister Sajjan of National Defense, and Minister Bibeau of International Development.

During the Forum, the infamous Resolution 2250 echoes in the speeches of Ministers and Generals. Recognizing that today’s generation of youth is the largest in the world has ever known, UNSCR 2250 addresses the demographic imperative of including youth on issues of peace and security and change the narrative from victims to heroes of their own stories. It is the first resolution that addresses specifically the role of young people in issues of peace and security, particularly in conflict and post-conflict settings. For the first time, resolution 2250 gives voices to groups traditionally excluded from the security dialogue: women and youth.

In the conversation about Resolution 2250, a quote from Major Rachel Grimes’s speech, a UN Military Officer,and Adviser, has stood out to me:

“All male force and all male patrol will not have the same impact as a mixed patrol. To better support the UN peacebuiling goals, a better understanding about gender dynamic is important to build a foundation for peace.” -LCol Rachel Grimes

Again, the gender perspective is prevalent in the conversation about peacekeeping – a traditionally male-dominated area. In particular, the Prime Minister has committed to extending the nation’s feminist approach to bolster peacekeeping and security. This, too, was an important priority recognized by the youth delegates and highlighted throughout our list of 16 policy recommendations to the government.

In addition to being actively involved as a youth and continuing to think about the intersection of feminism and policy issues, the conference has also sparked a series of reflections of what “peace” means in Canada. Peace is a big word that gets a fair share of usages. And in its iterations and reiterations, the word has perhaps not so much lost its meaning as it has gained too much meaning. Canada, for example, is a peaceful country in that it is not in an active war. Yet, a different set of peace and security issues manifests such as around indigenous rights, environmental policies, and the housing unaffordability.

What, what does peace mean to me then?

This is a working response, but for me, peace is about ensuring the basic human rights to live. It is about removing the barriers that would prevent the attainment of these rights. It is about the opportunity to be the person you want to be. This is #Mypeace.

The Paradox of Engaging Youth in Policymaking

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Youth can have an impact on policy. However, despite the growing consensus around the need to include youth in policymaking, how effectively have these efforts been?

Primer: The lack of youth representation in policymaking

In recognizing the need for youth representation in political institutions and processes, the United Nation’s World Programme of Action for Youth (WPAY), introduced in 1995 and complemented in 2007, urges national governments “to formulate and adopt an integrated national youth policy as a means of addressing youth-related concerns”.

In Canada,  Justin Trudeau has appointed himself Minister of Intergovernmental Affairs and Youth in 2015, created the Prime Minister’s Youth Council, and, for the first time in Canadian history, included youth as a part of a prime minister’s portfolio of work.

However, to what extent can youth have a voice and contribute meaningfully to these processes?

Youth Impact on Policy – A Canadian Case Study: Autumn Peltier

Autumn Peltier, 13, from Wikwemikong Unceded Reserve in Ontario, is a youth advocate for clean and sacred waters. She has advocated for clean drinking water – no only in First Nations Communities – but across the entire country since she was 8 years old. Autumn has represented Canadian Indigenous youth in creating a communique of children’s demands at the 2015 Children’s Climate Conference in Sweden and delivered the communique at the 2015 UN Climate Change Conference in Paris. She has been honored as a water protector by the Assembly of First Nations (AFN) in Canada and created a fund to assist First Nations people across Canada dealing with water crises. And in November 2016, Autumn issued a national call to action to shut down all of the highways in Canada for one hour to bring awareness to water protection. She stood on the highway in Espanola, Ontario with her mother and community members in an act of solidarity to create awareness for Canadian waters, as well as in support of those protesting at Standing Rock.

And her advocacy work was noticed! During her protest, Autumn received a call from the Ontario Regional Chief Isadore Day, who invited Autumn to Ottawa to deliver a traditional water bundle to Justin Trudeau as a gift. Although she had a speech prepared, she did not have the opportunity to deliver it. She did tell Trudeau, “I’m not happy with the decisions you’ve made for my people.”

Budget 2017 has included $5.0 billion over five years for investment in water under Canada’s New Infrastructure Plan and proposed to provide up to $70.5 million over five years, starting in 2017–18, to Environment and Climate Change Canada to protect Canada’s freshwater resources, including in the Great Lakes and Lake Winnipeg Basins.

Picture: CBC

Rhetoric versus Reality – The “need” for youth voice in Vancouver’s Chinatown

To date, City of Vancouver Chinatown planning processes have had limited youth input. While the Chinatown Vision Directions (2002) and the Chinatown Neighborhood Plan and Economic Revitalization Strategy (2012) do contain a handful of youth-oriented recommendations, little progress has been made on implementing them. Much of the efforts have focused around involving youth figures in volunteerism and little has been done to address the priorities of engaging youth in succession and community planning.

Although there seems to be an identified need to include youth voice in the Chinatown planning processes, the reality remains that youth were typically engaged as nominal figures than real stakeholders.

In response to this challenge, a small group of young individuals established the Youth Collaborative for Chinatown (YCC), a for youth, by youth grassroots efforts to formalize the loose network of youth who are engaged in Chinatown-related issues. Unlike previous attempts to include youth as stakeholders with no meaningful power, the bottom-up approach enabled youth to connect and collaborate more easily across silos. The use of digital media and having both an online and in-real-life presence gained the attention of local and national media outlets. Consequently, the YCC’s informal grassroots community presence

the Youth Collaborative for Chinatown (YCC) was established – by-youth, for-youth. By formalizing the loose network of engaged youth on Chinatown-related issues, this youth-led initiative has helped bring youth voices and visions to planning processes about Chinatown, and build political and social capacity for the young generations of Chinese Canadians to be involved in planning processes instead of just nominal figures. 

Synthesis: The Paradoxical nature of youth and policy

It seems that much of the impact youth have made on policy derives from extrinsic youth mobilization under a less hierarchal and institutional, and more horizontal and collaborative efforts initiated and led by youth themselves. While there is an ongoing conversation about the benefits of youth engagement and the lack of youth representation in planning and policy-making processes, ironically efforts that have integrated youth into the political structures have little effect.

In the case of Vancouver’s Chinatown, when youth were recruited to stakeholder meetings, they were often viewed as nominal figureheads who represent the younger generation, but whose voices were not taken seriously. Youth could not meaningfully contribute and share their opinions and visions until they’ve created a space for themselves – for example, the Youth Collaborative for Chinatown – and earned their place in high-stakes civic planning meetings. The YCC’s visibility on digital media platforms as well as on newspaper outlets also raised awareness and lend the youth-led organizations to hold themselves and key players accountable with regards to the planning and development of Chinatown.

In the case of Autumn Peltier, it was also her independent work outside the political structured that enabled her to find her voice and start a movement. She was not restricted by politics, the rigidity of institutional structures or bureaucracy in terms of leading her movement and carrying forth her plans and agenda.

More work and effort is needed to better integrate youth into political structures and processes in a way that goes beyond youth presence and participation. To only capitalize on youth representation would only yield attractive marketing content and fail to realize the potentials of youth voices as worthwhile resources and perspectives.

What can youth really do to make influence change with policymakers and government players? As the movement towards to include young people in policy-making processes gains momentum, it will be interesting to see to what extent can institutions effectively include youth in policymaking and enable youth to make a “real” impact in policy.

All in Quebec: The clashing of the Bill 62 with the 2018 G7 Summit in Quebec

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The discussion on October 23rd and 24th at the Morris J. Wosk Centre for Dialogue in downtown Vancouver marked the first consultation of a series with Sherpa Peter Boehm that will help shape Canada’s priorities of the G7 Summit. The G7 Summit in 2018 will be hosted in Canada in Charlevoix, Quebec. Even in a discussion about the economic growth, international trade, innovation, and climate and energy, the Canadian Government’s feminist approach to policymaking seems to have somehow dictated the conversation. 

Participants – consisting of elite policymakers, corporate directors, and public servant veterans – seem to praise Canada’s efforts to promote greater gender equality and empowerment. Pluralism, multiculturalism, tolerance, and inclusiveness are lauded strengths of the nation. However, the conversation that day has seemed to have skimmed over the boiling and highly criticized bill the Quebec National Assembly has recently passed. The controversial law, Bill 62, bans public workers and anyone receiving public services (e.g. taking the bus) from wearing the niqab or any other face covering, in the pursuit of religious neutrality. This ban will invariably be targeting the female Muslim community who are living in Quebec.

This has been a long ongoing debate within Quebec and in Canada, and has split feminists into two main camps. However, the broader question and implication of this legislation is the signal that it will project for the world. What message will the legislature send to the G7 leaders, the media outlets and the global audience groups about the consistency of Canada’s values and philosophies about feminism?

As the G7 Summit will be taking place in Quebec, it will be particularly interesting to see how the ban will or will not impact Canada’s branding and leadership as a progressive, pro-feminism nation.

The Poor Graduates: Vancouver’s Housing Challenges and the Fleeing Millennials

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As Vancouver creeps onto CNN’s list of “The top 10 most expensive housing markets” in third place, just under Hong Kong and Sydney, the municipal government and policymakers will need to effectively and promptly address affordability-related concerns. On top of the brewing policy challenges in areas such as transportation, urban poverty, and economic development, the City of Vancouver has been unsuccessful to address the housing unaffordability issue in Vancouver.

The Vancouver byelection yesterday is revealing the growing frustration of Vancouverites. Following the byelection results, Mayor Gregor Robertson issued the following statement:

“Tonight’s results are not what our team hoped for. We knew this by-election would be difficult. Our city faces real challenges. Vancouverites are frustrated—particularly around housing affordability—and they expect more from us. We’re working hard to deliver solutions, but tonight’s results show us there’s much more work to do. I heard that message loud and clear, and our party heard that message loud and clear.”

Vancouver seems to have a specific problem where much of its real estate is being bought by foreign buyers. Although most of these investors are mostly buying luxury housing, it has the effect of raising housing prices across the market and geographically across the city. An important consequence to consider around Vancouver’s housing challenge is its impact on migration, in particular, millennials who are driven out of the city by the unaffordable housing market. The high cost of living exacerbated by the high cost of rent or house ownership adds to the existing challenge of millennials or recent graduates facing the unwelcoming job market and paying off student debts.

If Vancouver desires to become a “home for global business” or Silicon Valley North tech and innovation hub, then it will need to be able to keep and attract both local and foreign talents (especially given it is the home to a world-class university and two of Canada’s best MBA schools), and not just a place for the wealthy and the retired.

What can Vancouver do to address one of the most intractable policy challenges it is facing to attract and retain local talents? 

Targeted subsidies is an approach to housing affordability the city could consider to address the problem of housing unaffordability that is causing millennials to leave Vancouver. For example, the government of Hong Kong has rolled out a Starter Homes scheme to give higher discounts to first-time homebuyers. Another way to provide subsidy is through social or public housing. In Singapore for example,  80% of the population live in flats built by the Housing and Development Board. Although social housing is offered by the Province of BC, there is a shortage of supply in government-assisted public housing. The program focuses on addressing homelessness, providing support for women in need, seniors and indigenous people, but does not provide focused support for young adults or recent graduates transitioning into adult roles (and who are also facing financial stress from paying back their student loans). The City of Vancouver does not have a housing board or authority, and BC Housing faces a supply shortage for affordable housing (in 2016/2017, the Province announced its commitment to creating only 2000 more new affordable housing units, which will not be sufficient to meet the demands of Vancouver alone, let alone the entire province). For public housing to be more effective, the supply of affordable housing needs to increase.

 

To drive or not to drive: A Counter-intuitive Approach to Reducing SOV Driving to Campus

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Source: Martin De (UBC Medical Alumni Association)

The Problem

Simply reducing the number of commuter parking spaces (as indicated on point D.2.1.5 of the UBC Transportation Plan) will not decrease the number drivers to school. In order to address the challenge of reducing Single Occupancy Vehicles (SOV) drivers, regulation on parking passes and effective, accessible and flexible transportation alternative options are needed.

The UBC Transportation Plan recognizes the importance of “promoting sustainable transportation options for the university community”, yet creating barriers without viable alternatives is not sufficient to discourage drivers from continuing that mode of transportation.

Why People drive to school

I drive to school. Although I am aware of the environmental impact of driving – the carbon footprint, the traffic congestions, the space I am taking up, I feel guilty about my mode of transportation, and I have to pay additional expenses for parking – I continue to make the conscious decision to drive to school. Why?

The three main reasons for my decision are reliability, punctuality, and convenience.

Where I live, it is not easy for me to get to transit. After a 10 minute walk, I have to meticulously time my travel so that I won’t miss the bus that comes every 30 minutes (and that may or may not arrive on time), which will then take me to the Bridgeport Skytrain station, where I would get off at Cambie station to take another bus to get to school. There are multiple loops I would have to jump through if I were to take the transit. And I know I am not alone – I am just lucky and have the luxury to have the choice to drive.

An unfortunate reality that many commuters have to grapple with daily is the unreliability and inefficient public transportation system, juxtaposed with the rapidly increasing population, and so, many – when given the option – would continue to embrace the habitual convenience of driving instead of shifting to alternative modes of transportation.

A Counterintuitive approach

According to the Transportation Plan, campus parking availability and pricing is one of the biggest influences on parking demand. And it is ineffective.

For evidence of this, one needs to look no further than to visit a UBC parkade after 11:30am. Ask anyone who drives to school (either via SOV or use the Car2Go or Evo services) and they will tell you the most of the parking lots are practically full by then.

UBC Parking’s vision to provide “personalized parking options” mean that permit customers could choose to purchase hourly, daily, monthly or yearly parking permits. These parking passes give unlimited access to the parkade(s) of choice, for any time and at any duration. However, this is creating a situation where parking spaces are scarce at peak hours. This leaves some cars that have parking permits without a place to park and would have to idle around until they can find a spot.

This strategy is not meeting its goal to control, regulate and reduce the SOV travel to and from campus through price regulation. In fact, it has worsened the parking situation and has been insufficiently in addressing the root causes of traffic and parking congestion.

A way to regulate the parking supply is simply to sell less parking passes to control and discourage the driving commuters. This is a quick and short-term approach to addressing the issue of transportation and traffic congestion.

However, for a longer-term and more sustainable approach, the plan would also need to target SOV drivers who are not looking for an alternative method of commute, in other words, people who will not compromise and may not be consciously or subconsciously thinking about the environmental impact they are creating:

  • People who live far away from UBC (e.g. Richmond, Surrey, North Vancouver, West Vancouver)
  • People who would rather choose to drive than to risk being disappointed by the unreliable transit system
  • People who live in areas that are difficult to access the transit system

This is a somewhat counterintuitive approach, but if the plan could target the groups of people who are not already thinking about their environmental impact and choose to drive because it is more convenient and reliable than taking the transit, then it can gain to better understand the needs and motivation for people’s decision-making processes to provide better and more targeted alternatives and framework that would guide people’s behavior.

For example, to target the group of people who live far away from campus, providing affordable housing that is on or near campus would encourage students to live closer to campus and opt for alternative methods of transportation (e.g. car sharing, bike sharing, public transit). These sharing services should also be affordable (possibly partially subsidized by the school) to further promote this model of a sharing economy.

To target the group of people who would rather drive than risk not being on time or wasting time, time becomes a main factor for the decision-making process. Therefore, making the public transit system reliable, punctual and more accessible and integrated into the city, where it becomes very convenient to opt for this option, and combined with the incentive of the cost-effective U-Pass plan would encourage more students to use this option.

Finally, to target people who live in areas with difficult accessibility to public transit, creating a single simple mobile app that integrates the different sharing services and combines routing, scheduling, and payment for all those services would make it easier for the students to choose this method instead of using SOV.

Conclusion

A people-centered approach is needed to address one of the root challenges of transportation and traffic congestion. A plan that relies solely on adding barriers (making it more difficult) to the choice to drive does not sufficiently address the challenges in a long-term and sustainable way. It does not fix the root causes of the problem: the need for UBC to work in parallel with the City of Vancouver and other stakeholders and players to build a transportation system that is punctual, reliable, safe and cost-effective. To do this, planners may consider consulting and learning lessons on transportation challenges from other cities.

Explainer: The Rohingya Refugee Crisis

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The growing human rights catastrophe in Myanmar has been on my mind.

Eidomeni, Greek-Macedonian border

Just last March, I was working with the Médecins Sans Frontières team, UNHCR, Save the Children and other smaller grassroots organizations to provide urgent humanitarian relief to the 16,000 refugees, mainly from Syria, Iraq, and Afghanistan, who were stuck in the borders after the EU had announced the closure of the Balkan borders. In fact, underneath the more obvious desire to learn about the refugee crisis firsthand was a deeper and more personal reason: To better understand my own family history — and what it was like for my grandparents to flee as refugees from Burma during the Second Sino-Japanese War in the 1940s. 

Today, in an oddly circular way, the world’s attention is on Myanmar — a country that does not typically get much attention — and its treatment towards the Rohingya population.

The Situation: What is happening?

“I call on the government to end its current cruel military operation, with accountability for all violations that have occurred, and to reverse the pattern of severe and widespread discrimination against the Rohingya population.” – Zeid Ra‘ad al-Hussein, United Nation’s High Commissioner for Human Rights

On Monday, September 11, Zeid Ra’ad al-Hussein, United Nation’s High Commissioner for Human Rights condemned Myanmar’s brutal military operation against the Rohingya a “textbook example of ethnic cleansing.” There are reports of ethnic cleansing, villages being burned, mass rape and executions on the Rohingya, an ethnic Muslim minority group who live in the Rakhine state of Myanmar (a Buddhist majority country).

https://www.facebook.com/ajplusenglish/videos/1048973808577459/

More than 400,000 Rohingya Muslims have fled to the Bangladesh borders in the recent weeks. According to the chart by The Economist, the weekly outflow of the Rohingya refugee has been the highest since the Rwandan genocide.

The Roots: How did it begin?

The Current Crackdown

The current military campaign was triggered by an armed attack on border police by Rohingya militants on August 25. The Rohingya militants, mostly armed with knives and crude implements, killed 12 police officers. Though armed Rohingya insurgents exist, their numbers are overall small, and they are poorly equipped.The indiscriminate and brutal response by the military has disproportionately affected the entire ethnic group.

Although a speech delivered by Aung San Suu Kyi on September 19 has promised to allow the Rohingyas to return, there are further reports about the military laying landmines near the Bangladesh border to prevent the Rohingya from returning.

The Waves of Violence

However, this would not be the first time the government has launched an ethnic cleansing campaign towards the Rohingya. The Rohingya Muslim minority has been persecuted and disenfranchised for decades.

According to Human Rights Watch, Operation Nagamin in the late 1970s drove out more than 200,000 Rohingya; and in the early 1990s, more than 250,000 Rohingya fled Myanmar for Bangladesh trying to escape rape, violence, and forced labor.

Oh, Colonialism (You did it again)

In fact, the tension and antipathy towards the Rohingya could be traced to the country’s colonial roots, when the Rohingya minority sided with the British colonialists, according to Azeem Ibrahim, author of The Rohingya: Inside Myanmar’s Hidden Genocide. When Myanmar gained its independence from the British colonialism, the feeling within Burma that the Rohingya are leftover guests during the Colonial era, continues to persist, creating a deep sense of resentment between ethnic groups (Muslim/Buddhist) that is not unlike in Rwanda (Tutsi and Hutu) or between the Palestine/Isreal.

Further Thoughts: On the Historic Disenfranchisement of the Rohingya Minority

There is a longstanding history of disenfranchisement and persecution towards the Rohingya Minority. This hatred is a product of specific political (colonial) choices that has become a widespread resentment between ethnic groups.

In Myanmar, even the word “Rohingya” is a taboo. Instead, the Rohingya are referred to as “Bengali”, a slur that labels them as foreign implants from Bangladesh. This deep sense of resentment between ethnic groups (Muslim/Buddhist) is not unlike that in Rwanda (Tutsi/Hutu), Iraq (Sunni/Shia), and in between Palestine/Isreal.

Although Myanmar’s first real election in 2015 was lauded as a major step forward for democracy from a military dictatorship, the situation of the Rohingya did not improve at all. Their language is still banned, they cannot get a marriage license, there is a mandatory two-child limit policy, they can’t travel between villages, and their citizenship was stripped in Myanmar’s 1982 citizenship law, leaving them without access to healthcare or education. The ethnic segregation has caused fragmentations which led to an upsurge in violence.

What does this say about the situational design of Myanmar that claims to be a democracy? Do democratic norms and values only apply to some people and not for others?

Eidomeni make-shift refugee camp

The propinquity of witnessing the depths of social injustice that exists in the world has left me with a deep commitment and conviction to continue this work, and in many ways, has led me to pursue the path I am taking right now. Yet, there have been (and still are) pockets of moments when I wonder: To what extent? To what extent can we stop this? How can the international community stop the internal sociopolitical hatred that has led to mass persecution and genocide of people? More economic sanctions – the typical option against military government and dictatorship that has worked so well for North Korea? What happens next? The conflict in Syria still persists under the watchful eyes of the world.

And perhaps it is moments like this, that I am reminded of my last night in Eidomeni. I sat around a campfire, and one of my refugee friends asked me: “Nicole, do people care that this is happening?” It was a simple question that left me unexpectedly stupefied.

I find myself coming back to this question again and again. And simple enough: I care. And I know – I have seen – many others who care as well.

Final Thoughts and Some Recommendations

Although the situation in Myanmar is very complex, I do believe there are things that could be done to mitigate some of the horrors.

To the Government of Myanmar

  • Stop the violence.
  • Amend the 1982 citizenship law to grant citizenship for the Rohingya and grant full and equal citizenship rights of the Rohingyas
  • Nobel Peace Prize Laureate, State counselor of Myanmar and international icon Aung San Suu Kyi has been widely condemned for her equivocal and lukewarm position on this issue. Although Aung San Suu Kyi does not and cannot control the military, the widespread dislike for the Rohingya minority in the Burmese society is where I think she does have a role to play in but is failing at. To stop the systemic social and economic disenfranchisement of the Rohingya that led to the unfolding of the humanitarian crisis, a broad cultural shift and understanding. This is a space and place where Aung San Suu Kyi’s power and leadership will be very useful in.
  • Commit to a process of reconciliation and allow meaningful opportunities for the Rohingya population to integrate into the society

To ASEAN

  • Follow Bangladesh’s example to provide support and aid to the Rohingya refugees fleeing from terror and violence

Canada’s role (and the International Community)

  • There is opportunity for Canadian diplomacy to palliate the situation by pressing the Government of Myanmar to fulfill its responsibility to protect the people of Burma
  • Provide greater humanitarian support and aide for the Rakhine State, Bangladesh, and neighboring countries taking in and aiding the Rohginya

Further Reading

The history of the persecution of Myanmar’s Rohingya (The Conversation)

Ongoing Abuses and Oppression of the Rohingya in Myanmar (Refugee International)

“No one told me I was going to be interviewed by a Muslim”: Aung San Suu Kyi’s Rohingya problem (Vox.com)

Myanmar’s Rohingya Refugee Crisis, Explained (Bloomberg QuickTake)

Aung San Suu Kyi, a Much-Changed Icon, Evades Rohingya Accusations (The New York Times)

What are Policy Briefs?

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Translating Policy and Engaging Stakeholders

A policy brief is a focused, evidence-based document that presents a summary of information about government practices and policies for a non-specialized audience in a succinct and simplified form. It is a vehicle for exploring an issue,  distilling the research or project findings, and providing recommendations or policy advice or arguing for a course of action.

Why are Policy Briefs Important?

  • Communicate complex issues and practical implications of research to stakeholders and the public
  • Synthesis of data and research finding to convey policy implications
  • Provides recommendations, course of actions, alternatives for decision-making in policy
  • Evidence-based approach to policy

Examples of Policy Briefs

Empower, Include, and Inspire: G20 Public Leadership to Advance Responsibility, Resilience, and Sustainability for a Fair Global Economy

Author(s): Vision 20 Working Group – 2017 (V20 Coordinator – Yves Tiberghien, Director of the Institute of Asian Research at the University of British Columbia)

Published: May 16, 2017

Topic/Policy Area: G20, global economy, public governance, political leadership

Format/Elements

  • Title
  • Challenge
  • Proposal
  • Action Plan
  • Conclusion
  • References

Persuasiveness

  • Clear, straightforward language (though it could perhaps be simpler and more concise – think Hemingway)
  • Use of labeling (e.g. “proposed actions”) and subheadings
  • Speaks in terms of advantages and benefits
  • Policy and recommendation supported by sources and sound, critical analysis
  • Use of bolding, italics, color and bullet points to highlight important points
  • Recommendations and proposed actions are sound, clear and practical

Bottom line: Persuaded? Yes!

China: Canada’s Strategic Imperative

Author(s): Dan Ciuriak (Centre for International Governance Innovation)

Published: January 25, 2017

Topic/Policy Area: China, Canada, Strategy, R&D, free trade agreement (FTA), globalization

Format/Elements

  • Title
  • Key Points
  • Introduction
  • Findings/Discussion
  • Conclusion
  • Works Cited

Persuasiveness

  • Deep, thorough, evidence-based summary and analysis of China (though the piece is a bit long in length compared to the other examples)
  • Describes challenges, projections, and opportunities
  • Speaks in terms of advantages and benefits
  • Very broad policy recommendations provided – could be more focused and specific
  • Good use of sidebars as well as bullet points and color

Bottom line: Persuaded? Somewhat – more focused policy recommendations would be preferred.

Strengthening Innovation for Productivity and Greater Wellbeing (Japan Policy Brief)

Author(s): OECD

Published: April 2017

Topic/Policy Area: Innovation, Japan

Format/Elements

  • Title
  • Key Points
  • What’s the issue?
  • Why is this important?
  • What should policymakers do?
  • Further reading

Persuasiveness

  • Great use of color, subheadings, and graph to illustrate the context and implication
  • Very easy-to-follow subheadings (easily answered the “so what” and implications questions)
  • Clearly outlines opportunities and benefits
  • Practical policy recommendations made

Bottom line: Persuaded? Yes.

Towards More Evidence-based Policymaking for Better Results (Hungary Policy Brief)

Author(s): OECD

Published: April 2016

Topic/Policy Area: Public governance, Hungary

Format/Elements

  • Title
  • Key points
  • What’s the issue?
  • Why is this important?
  • What should policymakers do?
  • Further reading

Persuasiveness

  • Great use of color, subheadings, and graph to illustrate the context and implication
  • Answers the “so what” question – clear communication of policy implications
  • Speaks in terms of benefits and advantages
  • Practical policy recommendations made regarding effective monitoring and evaluation outcomes (e.g. using outcome-based targets and indicators, greater use of stakeholder consultations, greater transparency to build public trust)

Bottom line: Persuaded? Yes.

Synthesis of Policy Brief Examples

Common Format of a Policy Brief

  • Title
  • Executive summary/key points
  • Introduction/Context/Scope of Problem
  • Policy options
  • Implications and Policy Recommendations
  • Sources

Elements of Effective Policy Briefs

  • Clear (and possibly interesting) title
  • Focuses on a single topic
  • Answers the “so what?” question
  • Document is not very long
  • Use of subheadings to break up text and organize information
  • Clear, succinct and accessible (straightforward) language that is easy to understand
  • Sound and critical analysis of policy options
  • Speaks in terms of benefits and advantages
  • Supported by sources and research – evidence-based
  • Use of graphs, charts, data visualization or other visual aids
  • Use of sidebars

Resources and Works Consulted

Eoin Young and Lisa Quinn (Budapest: Local Government Initiative/Open Society Institute), “The Policy Brief,” http://tram.mcgill.ca/Teaching/URBP619/PolicyBrief-described.pdf 

IRDC – International Development Research Centre, “How to write a policy brief,” https://www.idrc.ca/sites/default/files/idrcpolicybrieftoolkit.pdf