In 1976 the government of Isabel Person, the widow of a famous populist actor, president Juan Peron, was overthrown by the Argentine military. It was a campaign heavily supported and sponsored by the United States which they called the ‘Operation Condor’-  structured to have a series of political coups. Out of this result, the military dictatorship began their ‘Process of National Reorganization’, evidently igniting what is now known as the ‘Dirty War’ against the Argentinian people. 

Aside from Having the military take control over the state and municipal government, they have also imposed censorship and banned any trade unions. Additionally, they also launched a campaign against any suspected dissidents and killed between 10 000 to 30 000 people, including those who were innocent. Hundreds of clandestine detention camps were set up to jail thousands of people to prosecute and torture them, but in the late 1970s Argentinians began to take action, accumulating more evidences of civil rights violations. International attention was further reinforced from an association started by mothers who had lost their children and grandchildren known as the ‘Mother of the Plaza De Mayo’.

 When Gen. Rafael Videla was succeeded by Gen. Roberto Viola in 1981, he began to lose control over military allies, allowing Gen Leopoldo Galtieri to take over, but barely succeeded since his failure to invade the Falkland devastated the economy. In 1983, Raul Alfonsin, a centre-left political party restored democracy back to Argentina. He reversed legislations and established amnesties in which prosecuted several members of the military government.

In 1983, President Raul Alfonsin and his new democratically elected government established the National Commission on the Disappearances of Persons (CONADEP) in order to clarify human rights violations and to identify all responsible parties involved through the 1976-1983 military regime. For nine months, thousands of testimonies and evidences were gathered and heard; ranged from relatives of the disappeared and survivors of torture and prosecutions. Although the investigation gained greater significance after issuing the final report, entitled Nunca Mas(Never Again), the goal of the commission became unclear when Alfonsi only prosecuted seven of the guerrilla leaders and dictatorship’s first three military juntas. Although his main goal was to give priority to human rights organization’s needs, he was also depicted as playing ‘the theory of the two evils’ because the commission lacked accountability for police violence by enforcing trials in military courts along with the possibility of appeal and condoned the principle of ‘presumption of obedience’ to all high-ranking officers who followed the plans of the military juntas. 

 CONADEP had 13 commissioners, 3 of which were legislators and one organization called the’ Permanent Assembly for human rights, or APDH. However, all other human rights organizations in Argentina rejected CONADEP because they believed that the parliament was a more suited sphere for investigation because only a bicameral commission would have “coercive powers to subpoena the military, conduct inspections without warning, and politically condemn state terrorism” thus also declining any formal inventions form Alfonsi (Crenzel, 34)

1. Crenzel , Emilio. “Successes and Limitations of the CONADEP Experience in the Determination of Responsibilities for Human Rights Violations in Argentina.” 2010, doi-org.ezproxy.library.ubc.ca/10.1057/9780230109483_3. Accessed 20 Nov 2020

Madres de la Plaza Mayo 

-Group of mothers who began to gather around the Plaza de Mayo in Buenos Aires in the 1970s to gather awareness for the loss of status of their children. Their white kerchiefs and nature of them being older women is often disarming in a culture surrounded by machismo. This is a loose coalition, and many other associated interest groups have been affiliated with the Latin American Federation of Associations of Relatives of Detainees-Disappeared (FEDEFAM) or have other established organizations (Brody and Gonzalez, 369). 

Argentinian Armed Forces

-Armed forces of Argentina which took power in a coup in 1976 upon being dissatisfied with civilian administration’s work towards ‘anti-subversive’ elements, which at “its peak saw the disappearance and executions of around 400 people per month” (Scharpf, 210). Administration was organized by a French-inspired grid system, which saw all areas of the country under control of a hierarchical system of commandants, of which there were ideological differences leading to varying levels of persecution (Scharpf, 206). Scharpf (2018) posits that nationalist officers from the infantry and associated ground troops were more ideologically driven in nationalist military terror and persecution than liberal cavalry officers, raised in liberal tradition by the upper classes. 

Various Leftist Groups and Associated individuals 

-Leftist groups ranged from “100 Marxist guerillas” (Robben, 307) in the northern province of Tucuman to Peronist and youth movements in the capital and cities. It is important to recognize that though leftist militias and “guerillas assassinated 508 members of the armed and security forces between 1960 and 1989” (Robben 307), there was no official conflict or armed movement that was engaged in combat with the Argentine government, hence the term “Dirty War”. This category went on to expand many progressive individuals who were or were not part of political movements. This is why the introduction to Nunca Mas by famous Argentinian writer Ernesto Sabato establishing the “two demons theory” of both sides having caused the national suffering is hotly contested (Dalla Porta & Pryluka). 

1. Brody, Reed, and Felipe González. “Nunca Más: An Analysis of International Instruments on ‘Disappearances.’” Human Rights Quarterly, vol. 19, no. 2, 1997, pp. 365–405. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/762581. Accessed 19 Nov. 2020.
2. Scharpf, Adam. “Ideology and State Terror.” Journal of Peace Research, vol. 55, no. 2, 2018, pp. 206–221., doi:10.1177/0022343317748346.
3. Robben, Antonius C. G. M. “From Dirty War to Genocide: Argentina’s Resistance to National Reconciliation.” Memory Studies, vol. 5, no. 3, July 2012, pp. 305–315, doi:10.1177/1750698012443887.
4. Dalla Porta, Constanza, and Pablo Pryluka. Argentina's Dictatorship Was Not a "Dirty War." It Was State Terrorism. June 2020, jacobinmag.com/2020/06/argentina-dictatorship-dirty-war-military.

Organization of American States (OAS) 

The Organization of American States’ Inter-American Commission for Human Rights played a crucial role in communicating the truth of the disappearances through an investigation and report. This report was prompted by complaints sent in by the relatives of the disappeared, which led to country visits and investigations by international actors such as the OAS (Crenzel, Argentina’s National Commission 175). The information provided by the report provided knowledge crucial to CONADEP, and helped create domestic and international awareness of the disappearances. 

United Nations 

The United Nations played an especially significant role among the various international organizations that were involved with the creation and execution of CONADEP. Not only did the disappearances in Argentina inspire the creation of the UN Working Group on the Enforced or Involuntary Disappearance of Persons, the UN also heavily assisted in investigating missing children by applying diplomatic pressure on countries that were thought to have been providing asylum for illegal adoptive parents. (Brysk, 689)  

American Association for the Advancement of Science (AAS)

The AAAS assisted the Grandmothers of Plaza de Mayo through developing new methods of genetic identification for the missing children. Children who were kidnapped at birth or during infancy could have their identities confirmed through genetic identification provided by the AAAS, which allowed the kidnappers and illegal adoptive parents to be charged through Argentinian court. (King, 118)

Amnesty International, the IRC and Various Other International Organizations

Similar to the OAS, the IRC, Amnesty International, and several other international organizations received complaints from relatives of the disappeared demanding the truth. Notably, Amnesty International visited Argentina to conduct an investigation like the OAS did. These international organizations played a crucial role in expanding knowledge on the disappearances and allowed the voices of the victims to be heard internationally.

1. Brysk, Alison. "The Politics of Measurement: The Contested Count of the Disappeared in Argentina." Human Rights Quarterly, vol. 16, no. 4, 1994, p.676-692. https://heinonline.org/HOL/P?h=hein.journals/hurq16&i=686
2. Crenzel, Emilio. "From Judicial Truth to Historical Knowledge: the Disappearance of Persons in Argentina." African Yearbook of Rhetoric, vol. 3, no. 2, 2012, pp.53-64. https://hdl.handle.net/10520/EJC168359
3. King, Mary Claire. "An application of DNA sequencing to a human rights problem." Molecular Genetic Medicine, vol. 1, 1991, pp.117-31. http://www.columbia.akadns.net/itc/hs/pubhealth/p6438/readings/king.pdf

Polarization

-Like many post-conflict societies, Argentina suffers from a lack of unified healing that resulted from the divisive accounts of security forces and their allies. Argentina's military has challenged the legitimacy of truth and reconciliation acts and practices, such as memoirs, reports, or sites of memory. This has amounted to enforcement of truth and reconciliation practices challenging. An example of this is brought up by the U.S. Institute of Peace, where they describe an effort in 2004 to give victims of unjust imprisonment during the 'Dirty War' $3 billion USD in compensation, yet victims required documents the military was unwilling to distribute.

Amnesty

-Another problematic element of enforcing the Nunca Mas truth and reconciliation report has been amnesty to officials, and this continues to shift throughout time. Nine commanders were convicted originally after the truth and reconciliation commission, yet President Alfonsin’s “Due Obedience Law...excused lower ranked military personnel on the grounds that they were simply following orders” (Wilson, 126). Argentine presidents have been reluctant to prosecute for crimes conducted during the ‘Dirty War’, for fears of dividing the country further, so efforts to reign in crimes against humanity legislation is often few and far between. A number of high profile officials have been tried in the past few decades, but a problem of scale has hindered efforts, similar to post-Nuremberg trial Germany. 

‘Two-Demons Theory’

-In a highly polarized country, the two demons theory has latched onto certain public debate, highlighted by Nunca Mas’ controversial opening statement by Ernesto Sabato condemning ‘both sides’ of the ‘conflict’. What is important for scholarship and lessons from the peacebuilding problems of Argentina is to separate victims and perpetrators of the conflict. As mentioned in our ‘Key Domestic Actors’ section, deaths of security and military forces by leftists combined in three decades was 508, whereas there have been “10,000 disappearances officially documented but human rights organizations claim that 30,000 civilians were disappeared between 1975 and 1983” (Robben, 307). Right-wing and military-connected Argentine governments have mentioned the ‘two demons theory’ making implementing peace a problem in a country where even acknowledgement of principal factors or actors in the ‘Dirty War’ can shift from household to household. 

1. Wilson, Kristi M. “Building Memory: Museums, Trauma, and the Aesthetics of Confrontation in Argentina.” Latin American Perspectives, vol. 43, no. 5, 2016, pp. 112–130., www.jstor.org/stable/24765419. Accessed 6 Nov. 2020.
2. Robben, Antonius C. G. M. “From Dirty War to Genocide: Argentina’s Resistance to National Reconciliation.” Memory Studies, vol. 5, no. 3, July 2012, pp. 305–315, doi:10.1177/1750698012443887.
3. Brody, Reed, and Felipe González. “Nunca Más: An Analysis of International Instruments on   ‘Disappearances.’” Human Rights Quarterly, vol. 19, no. 2, 1997, pp. 365–405. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/762581. Accessed 19 Nov. 2020.

 Being the first of its kind, the National Commission on the Disappeared Persons (CONADEP) and the Nunca Más (Never Again) report played a significant role in establishing “truth commissions” as a vehicle for transitional justice worldwide. CONADEP was the first commission in the world to investigate disappeared persons and uphold justice by reconstructing public truth against what the government had perpetuated, and Nunca Más was the first published truth commission report. This inspired many countries not only in Latin America but worldwide to investigate human rights abuses and crimes committed by dictatorships and during civil wars (Crenzel, From Judicial Truth to Historical Knowledge 57). The trials in Argentina marked the beginning of a new age of global transitional justice in which individuals and past state leaders could be held accountable for their actions, and initiated a shift in global norms. 

Notably, women played a central role in the human rights movement in Argentina with the Mothers of Plaza de Mayo being one of the key groups in the transition process (Sikkink, 4). Other countries followed suit in using maternal approaches to human rights activism and transitional justice, with many other organisations and groups of mothers coming together to take action. The Argentinian TRC also established the use of scientific evidence to support their claims and investigations. The Grandmothers of Plaza de Mayo worked with state agencies as well as foreign scientific organizations to create a database of genetic data and apply forensic science to track and investigate disappearances (Sikkink, 11). Through these innovative approaches to transitional justice as well as it’s unprecedented nature, CONADEP greatly advanced transitional justice and peacebuilding worldwide.

Although CONADEP was the primary foundation adopted by other countries as the model for their following truth commissions, it still nevertheless failed to address the emotional trauma of every individuals’ loss as its approach took a ‘subjective’ investigation for the disappearances. Throughout the process, there were a number of factors that affected the mandate of CONADEP; the limited time frame for the investigation which notably affected remote areas since it took longer to gather their testimonies and evidence. Secondly, there was still a lingering fear from victims to testify and the military’s firm will to dismiss cooperation. With at least 30 000 killed or disappeared, and roughly around 50 000 pages of documented reports for human rights violations, they only managed to identify 8 961 persons; which 82% of it was predominantly young male between sixteen to thirty-five (Crenzel, 43). This leaves us with 21 039 others lost and killed – most of which were also women and innocent children. Though CONADEP’s mandate was to shed light on all violations of human rights, it was also institutionally periodized. This meant that any actions done prior to the coup was never acknowledged, isolating at least 10% of the reports and evidence (Crenzel, 44). Evidently, the commission only focused their attention on denunciating specific crimes rather than universally supporting every factor of violated rights. Hence, due to its lack in recognition, Argentinians still suffer from the torture and painful memories of those whom they have lost. 

While we have acknowledged that the truth and reconciliation commission in Argentina after the ‘Dirty War’ essentially created the concept of the modern peacebuilding TRC process, we have to acknowledge the harms that it caused to the political process as well. The truth and reconciliation commission failed to achieve its mission because the military was not held accountable for its action in the coup and ‘Dirty War’. Only nine commanders were originally convicted, and there have been a handful of trials but most amnesty legislation has explicitly given clearance from crimes to lower ranking military personnel. The military has consistently aimed to challenge narratives of human rights violations and war crimes, along with stifling efforts to give compensation to victims by withholding required documentation. This becomes problematic when we realize the extent of decentralization of military power due to the French-style grid system, where individual military officials and commanders had a high degree of control over their specific territory. As a mental heuristic for beginning the process of memory, the TRC serves an important role, but in terms of assessing real justice for victimized populations, the TRC did not build peace effectively. By displacing blame in the very first entry to ‘both sides’ of an extermination and repression campaign, the TRC gave credence and legitimacy to the Argentine military’s assessment of a “war”, bolstering contrarian sentiments and holding back hope of a unified message forward.

1. CIA Argentina Declassification Project https://www.cia.gov/library/readingroom/collection/argentina-declassification-project-dirty-war-1976-83#:~:text=During%20the%20Argentine%20government's%20seven,as%20well%20as%20innocent%20victims 
2. Nunca Más (Never Again) - Report of CONADEP (National Commission on the Disappearance of Persons), 1984 http://www.desaparecidos.org/nuncamas/web/english/library/nevagain/nevagain_001.htm 
3. National Security Archive Document - Statement  https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB73/761004dos.pdf 
4. National Security Archive Document - Meeting at Department of State to Discuss "Operation CONDOR" https://assets.documentcloud.org/documents/5817665/National-Security-Archive-Doc-04-Joint-CIA.pdf  
5. National Security Archive Document - CIA Memorandum https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/dc.html?doc=5817664-National-Security-Archive-Doc-03-CIA-memorandum 

Brody, Reed, and Felipe González. “Nunca Más: An Analysis of International Instruments on  ‘Disappearances.’” Human Rights Quarterly, vol. 19, no. 2, 1997, pp. 365–405. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/762581. Accessed 19 Nov. 2020.

This paper accounts for standards of international law and philosophical underpinnings of Argentina’s ‘Dirty War’ truth and reconciliation commission, as well as establishing a solid baseline for the concept of disappearances as a method of persecution and a crime against humanity. This quotation summarizes their concepts in a clear way that was one of the most effective lines I have read in understanding the existing literature: “Governments often resort to disappearances because of their deniability. By disappearing their opponents, governments conceal the authors and circumstances of their actions. Governments can also confuse public attention, accusing opposition groups or asserting that the supposed disappeared had instead willingly entered clandestinity” (Brody & Gonzalez, 366). However, in the context of Argentina explicitly, information is not too detailed, rather it focuses on the idea of a disappearance as political weapon, especially in South American countries during the United States’ ‘Operation Condor’. Furthermore, it establishes existing (as of 1997) international frameworks that account for disappearances in the wake of the militarized South American junta dictatorships.

Brysk, Alison. "The Politics of Measurement: The Contested Count of the Disappeared in Argentina." Human Rights Quarterly, vol. 16, no. 4, 1994, p.676-692. https://heinonline.org/HOL/P?h=hein.journals/hurq16&i=686 

Alison Brysk’s article on collection and interpretation of data on human rights violations explores the difficulty of reaching a consensus on measurements in disputed topics. Brysk uses the Argentinian TRC as an example to describe how information is often non-neutral and framed by different rhetorics, which poses a challenge for data legitimacy. Through her research Brysk found that the categorization and definition of the term “disappeared persons” and the independent nature of many of the data sources created a challenge in reaching a definitive tally of victims in Argentina. Brysk states that due to these issues, there was a large disparity in the number of disappearances cited by CONADEP, which was 9000, to the figure that many human rights organizations claim, which was anywhere from 15,000 to 30,000. These disparities have caused contention within the Argentine TRC process, and Brysk calls for an improved methodical approach to assess the impact of human rights policy on political processes. 

Crenzel, Emilio. "From Judicial Truth to Historical Knowledge: the Disappearance of Persons in Argentina." African Yearbook of Rhetoric, vol. 3, no. 2, 2012, pp.53-64. https://hdl.handle.net/10520/EJC168359 

In this article, Crenzel puts forth an overview of the TRC process in Argentina and discusses the ways in which public truth was reconstructed and attempts at justice were made, as well as discussing its limitations. Crenzel delves into the rhetoric that shaped public knowledge prior to CONADEP, and how the truth commission and report completely transformed public knowledge and understanding of the disappearances. The article also described the unprecedented nature and originality of CONADEP and Nunca Más, and the international cooperation it took to accomplish. The author concluded that while what the Argentine TRC achieved was extraordinary, CONADEP was limited by the little knowledge available on the identities of the disappeared, making it hard to determine their class profile and political affiliations which created a challenge in disparaging claims of radical affiliations by the disappeared persons. 

Lazzara, Michael J. “Kidnapped Memories: Argentina's Stolen Children Tell Their Stories.” Journal of Human Rights, vol. 12, no. 3, 2013, pp. 319–332., doi:10.1080/14754835.2013.812420.

Lazzara’s article exemplifies the atrocious phenomenon of child transferring in which was highlighted and expressed through testimonies in the National Truth Commission report, ‘Nunca Mas’. It evaluated instances of women being forced to have C-sections, endure physical and psychological tortures and found methods of military personals using electric shocks to the unborn fetuses. Additionally, approximately 500 babies were taken from these women and given to military families while the mothers were drugged and dropped into the ocean. In result of this, Lazzara argues that although the memories of the kidnapped children seem complex and contradictory, it is because of the psychological impact between facing their previous identities with the new information that was forced on to them. Thus, he illustrates that most narratives of a child’s memory are sometimes framed in relation to the “militancy and heroism of their deceased biological parents” (Lazzara, 330). However, other children seek reconciliation narratives because they want to “harmonize the contradiction that constitute the very fabric of their being” (Lazzara, 330).

Robben, Antonius. “From Dirty War to Genocide: Argentina’s Resistance to National Reconciliation.” UBC Library , 2012, journals-sagepub-com.ezproxy.library.ubc.ca/doi/pdf/10.1177/1750698012443887.

Antonius Robben’s article exemplifies a strong analysis indicating that the common narration behind the massive violence in Argentina was not justified through the “coexistence of adversarial groups..[instead] intensified their enmity and revived certain repressive practices" (Robben, 305). Hence, he suggested that due to the varying interpretive frameworks and the continuous shift of political authorities, conflicting perspectives deeply affected reconciliation policies which was emphasized through their claim that instead of convicting individual culpability, they should transform their approach in convicting whoever collaborated with dictatorship for genocide within the rule of law. Evidently, Robben notes that because individual sentencing has never sufficed the balance between guilt and suffering under the context of genocide, the only way to restore this balance was by recognizing that “delimitation does not correspond to the infinity of crime” and that moral complicity should be acknowledged (Robben, 314).

Scharpf, Adam. “Ideology and State Terror.” Journal of Peace Research, vol. 55, no. 2, 2018, pp.206–221., doi:10.1177/0022343317748346. 

Scharpf, a researcher at the University of Mannheim in Germany puts forth an excellent study that is relevant for anyone doing peace and conflict studies, based on the level of repression and perceived loyalty to the nationalist ideology and messaging of the Argentine Armed Forces. Scharpf, with an independent variable of army branches during the ‘Dirty War’ and a dependent variable of repression, measured as the level of violence and persecution in a given area, explores whether certain units of the Argentine military were more brutal than others. He finds that the infantry, artillery, and communications divisions, with lower levels of social privilege and higher values of conservative nationalism, were overall more repressive than the cavalry, who were often of higher social status and liberal-style education. Scharpf’s quantitative and qualitative research is meaningful by associating the Argentine grid style of military spread and scope, inspired by French colonial counterinsurgency tactics in North Africa, to different levels of state repression and violence. 

Sikkink, Kathryn. "From Pariah State to Global Protagonist: Argentina and the Struggle for International Human Rights." Latin American Politics and Society, vol. 50, no.1, 2008, pp.1-29. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2008.00002.x 

Kathryn Sikkink in her writing examines the transformative role that the Argentine TRC and report had on individual accountability for human rights violations, defining the concept of forced disappearances, and on transitional justice in general by examining the innovative initiatives taken in Argentina during the TRC process. Sikkink argues that the Argentine TRC triggered a “justice cascade” in which there was a rapid global shift towards increased accountability for human rights violations, and that Argentine actors who participated in the TRC played a protagonistic role in domestic human rights activism. In addition, Sikkink states that the transnational cooperation between Argentine actors and international actors that were initiated by Argentine actors were instrumental in normalising transnational advocacy campaigns in human rights discourse. This article documents these two major achievements as well as other innovations by the Argentine TRC that made it into an unprecedented and exemplary TRC. 

Wilson, Kristi M. “Building Memory: Museums, Trauma, and the Aesthetics of Confrontation in Argentina.” Latin American Perspectives, vol. 43, no. 5, 2016, pp. 112–130., www.jstor.org/stable/24765419. Accessed 6 Nov. 2020.

Wilson’s paper explores two sites of meaning in Argentina, and how the process of peacebuilding in the country after the truth and reconciliation commission has resulted in former sites of brutality and state violence becoming museums and multipurpose spaces. Wilson’s research focuses on three Buenos Aires sites of memory with direct links to torture, the Ex-Olimpo site, the Officers Club, and the Ex-EMSA site. Wilson clarifies that these differ from other contemporary places of memory in Argentina such as Memory Park or the National Memory Museum in Rosario because they directly use the spaces of violence and torture for peacebuilding as opposed to using random locations. Furthermore, Wilson covers background of the sites in detail. This source is best used for research related to museum studies, memory studies, and representation of post-conflict societies in the content of peacebuilding. 

Works Cited

1. Bonner, Michelle D. "‘Never Again’: Transitional Justice and Persistent Police Violence in Argentina." International Journal of Transitional Justice, vol. 8, no.2, 2014, pp. 235-255. https://doi.org/10.1093/ijtj/iju006
2. Brody, Reed, and Felipe González. “Nunca Más: An Analysis of International Instruments on ‘Disappearances.’” Human Rights Quarterly, vol. 19, no. 2, 1997, pp. 365–405. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/762581. Accessed 19 Nov. 2020.
3. Brysk, Alison. "The Politics of Measurement: The Contested Count of the Disappeared in Argentina." Human Rights Quarterly, vol. 16, no. 4, 1994, p.676-692. https://heinonline.org/HOL/P?h=hein.journals/hurq16&i=686
4. Crenzel, Emilio. "Argentina's National Commission on the Disappearance of Persons: Contributions to Transitional Justice." The International Journal of Transitional Justice, vol. 2, no. 2, 2008, pp.173-191. https://doi.org/10.1093/ijtj/ijn007  
5. Crenzel, Emilio. "From Judicial Truth to Historical Knowledge: the Disappearance of Persons in Argentina." African Yearbook of Rhetoric, vol. 3, no. 2, 2012, pp.53-64. https://hdl.handle.net/10520/EJC168359
6. Crenzel , Emilio. “Successes and Limitations of the CONADEP Experience in the Determination of Responsibilities for Human Rights Violations in Argentina.” 2010, doi-org.ezproxy.library.ubc.ca/10.1057/9780230109483_3. Accessed 20 Nov 2020.
7. Dalla Porta, Constanza, and Pablo Pryluka. Argentina's Dictatorship Was Not a "Dirty War." It Was State Terrorism. June 2020, jacobinmag.com/2020/06/argentina-dictatorship-dirty-war-military.
8. Kaiser, Susana. “Argentina's Trials: New Ways of Writing Memory.” Latin American Perspectives, vol. 42, no. 3, 2015, pp. 193–206., www.jstor.org/stable/24574838. Accessed 19 Nov. 2020.
9. King, Mary Claire. "An application of DNA sequencing to a human rights problem." Molecular Genetic Medicine, vol. 1, 1991, pp.117-31. http://www.columbia.akadns.net/itc/hs/pubhealth/p6438/readings/king.pdf
10.  Lazzara, Michael J. “Kidnapped Memories: Argentina's Stolen Children Tell Their Stories.” Journal of Human Rights, vol. 12, no. 3, 2013, pp. 319–332., doi:10.1080/14754835.2013.812420.
11. Morello, Gustavo. “Christianity and Revolution: Catholicism and Guerrilla Warfare in Argentina’s Seventies.” Journal of Religion and Violence, vol. 1, no. 1, 2013, pp. 48–70. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/26663868. Accessed 19 Nov. 2020.
12. N.A. "Inside ‘State Terrorism’: Bureaucracies and Social Attitudes in Response to Enforced Disappearance of Persons in Argentina." Journal of Human Rights Practice 10.2 (2018): 268-286.
13. N.A. “Truth Commission: Argentina.” United States Institute of Peace, www.usip.org/publications/1983/12/truth-commission-argentina.
14. Robben, Antonius C. G. M. “From Dirty War to Genocide: Argentina’s Resistance to National Reconciliation.” Memory Studies, vol. 5, no. 3, July 2012, pp. 305–315, doi:10.1177/1750698012443887.
15. Scharpf, Adam. “Ideology and State Terror.” Journal of Peace Research, vol. 55, no. 2, 2018, pp.206–221., doi:10.1177/0022343317748346.
16. Sikkink, Kathryn. "From Pariah State to Global Protagonist: Argentina and the Struggle for International Human Rights." Latin American Politics and Society, vol. 50, no.1, 2008, pp.1-29. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2008.00002.x
17. Wilson, Kristi M. “Building Memory: Museums, Trauma, and the Aesthetics of Confrontation in Argentina.” Latin American Perspectives, vol. 43, no. 5, 2016, pp. 112–130., www.jstor.org/stable/24765419. Accessed 6 Nov. 2020.