Police Reform

After years of community fragmentation through the Troubles, the RUC became to be seen as biased and unwilling to provide protection equally to all communities[i]. Formed by a majority of protestant staff, Catholics were not proportionally represented. In the pursuit of decreasing sectarianism in post-troubles Northern Ireland, the RUC had to be reformed in order to welcome social integration and to serve and protect its population regardless of their background.

Military Reform

A large number of paramilitary organizations were operating on both sides of the conflict in Northern Ireland, including the IRA and UVF, in addition to how militarized the RUC was. In order to deal with escalating violence, these organizations needed to be disbanded and restructured respectively[ii].

Reintegration of Ex-Prisoners

While there are statistics claiming the number of people imprisoned during the Troubles was just a few hundred, there is evidence to suggest many more were taken prisoners, with numbers in the mid 30,000 range[iii]. With numbers this high, the reintegration of ex-prisoners into Northern Irish and British society demanded a high amount of coordination and was an imperative undertaking in transforming post-conflict Northern Irish society.

Creation of a Power-Sharing Organizational Structure of Government

Northern Ireland existed in a state of institutional limbo with both Ireland and the UK wanting to govern it. New institutional reforms and the creation of an independent power-sharing legislation have given Northern Ireland its own parliament, but its powers are limited and dependent on the UK Parliament[iv]. Meanwhile its unique status makes international agreements like Brexit tenuous.

Notes

[i]Aiken

[ii]Roberts

[iii]Mervyn

[iv]Bayley

State Actors

• British Government
• Government of Northern Ireland
• Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC)
• Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI)
• Security Service, Military Intelligence Section 5 (MI5)
• British Army
• Royal Irish Regiment
• Ulster Defence Regiment

Non-State Actors

Republican Parties:

• Sinn Fein: Founded in 1905 it is the most prominent Irish republican political party in Northern Ireland. During the Troubles, the party maintained close links with the Provisional IRA and the Continuity IRA[i].
• Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP): Founded in 1970 it is a social democratic and Irish nationalist party that played an important role in IRA’s cease fire. In 1980 the SDLP, Sinn Fein and the Irish government established secret talk in order to build the foundation for a political settlement that concluded active fighting[ii].

Republican Paramilitary Organizations:

• Provisional Irish Republican Army (PIRA): Largest republican paramilitary group in the Troubles. It aimed to end British rule in Northern Ireland. It was active between 1969 and 1998[iii].
• Continuity Irish Republican Army (CIRA): Dissident paramilitary organization. It emerged from a split in the PIRA in 1986. It remains active[iv].
• Irish National Liberation Army (INLA): Militant wing of the Irish Republican Socialist Party. They advocated for physical force in order to pursue Irish republicanism while promoting a socialist political programme. Operated between 1974 – 1998[v].
• The Real Irish Republican Army (RIRA): Dissident Irish republican paramilitary group that opposed the peace process. Its members came from the PIRA[vi].
• The New Irish Republican Army (New IRA): It is a dissident Irish republican paramilitary group formed in 2012 by the RIRA and the Republican Action Against Drugs (RAAD)[vii].

Loyalist Parties:

• Democratic Unionist Party (DUP): The largest unionist party in Northern Ireland. It was founded in 1971. It was the only major party that abstained the Good Friday Agreement in 1998[viii].
• Ulster Democratic Party (UDP): One of the largest loyalist parties in Northern Ireland. It disbanded in 2001[ix].
• Ulster Unionist Party (UUP): Founded in 1905, it is the largest unionist parties in Northern Ireland. It was one of the main parties representing unionism at the GFA[x].
• Progressive Unionist Party (PUP): Founded in 1979, it is a unionist party that had links to the Ulster Volunteer Force[xi].

Loyalist Paramilitary Organizations:

• Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF): One of the largest loyalist paramilitary organizations formed in 1965. Its mission was to protect and enhance Unionism[xii].
• Ulster Defence Association (UDA): One of the largest loyalist paramilitary groups formed in 1971. Its mission was to maintain the union with Great Britain and defend Protestants in Northern Ireland. Its foundation followed the ceasefire in 1997[xiii].
• Ulster Freedom Fighters (UFF): Dissident loyalist paramilitary group in Northern Ireland formed in 2007 by members of UDA. It was disbanded in 2007[xiv].
• Combined Loyalist Military Command (CLMC): An umbrella body of loyalists paramilitary groups set up in the 1990’s. This association dissolved in 2001[xv].
• Red Hand Commando (RHC): Small loyalist paramilitary group that was closely linked to the UVF. Active from 1972 to 1994[xvi].
• Loyalist Volunteer Force (LVF): It was a loyalist paramilitary organization largely formed from UVF members in 1997 who opposed to the peace process[xvii].
• Real Ulster Freedom Fighters Real (UFF): It was a dissident loyalist paramilitary group that was formed by members of the UDA. The organization was disbanded in 2007[xviii].

Civil Society

• Youth Link: It is an inter-church youth service founded in 1991 for Northern Ireland that aims to promote equity, diversity and interdependence. It facilitates a space where the Presbyterian, Methodist, Roman Catholic and Church of Ireland can work together and launch social programs that invite the diverse youth of Northern Ireland. It provides training programs to enhance leadership, community relations, citizenship and peace and reconciliation[xix].
• Belfast Conflict Resolution Consortium (BCRC): It is a citywide cross-community partnership working to assist conflict transformation at Belfast’s interfaces. It focuses on intercommunity engagements, practitioner work and initiatives, shared history and dealing with the past, research project training and capacity building and international study visits/activities. It has been primarily funded by the European Union (EU) through the Programme for Peace and Reconciliation in Northern Ireland and the Border Region of Ireland (PEACE)[xx].
• Causeway Institute for Peace-building and Conflict Resolution International (CIPCR): It is an Non-governmental organization (NGO) established in 2010 that aims to build peace through active and collaborative engagement in divided communities across Northern Ireland. It has worked as a platform to bring together groups across divided societies to promote trust and understanding through dialogue[xxi].
• Irish Network for Nonviolent Action Training and Education (INNATE): It is an NGO founded in 1990 that provides information and training on nonviolence and nonviolent approaches to conflict issues. It holds workshops and information through its website[xxii].
• Healing Through Remembering (HTR): It is a cross-community organization, which has conducted extensive work on how to deal with the legacy of the Troubles. HTR has developed a network of diverse forms of commemoration and remembrance work accessible to Northern Irish society that have welcome peace[xxiii].
• Northern Ireland Human Rights Commission (NIHRC): It is a national human right institution with a status accreditation from the United Nations (UN). It is funded by the United Kingdom government, but it is an independent public body[xxiv]. It works with citizens whose rights have been violated in government and other public bodies in Northern Ireland.

Notes

[i]Whiting

[ii]Mulcahy

[iii]Mulcahy

[iv]trackingterrorism.org

[v]Whiting

[vi]Mulcahy

[vii]McDaid

[viii]Tonge

[ix]Mulcahy

[x]Southern

[xi]Southern

[xii]Aiken

[xiii]peaceaccords.nd.edu

[xiv]BBC news.co.uk

[xv]cfr.org

[xvi]trackingterrorism.org

[xvii]Mulcahy

[xviii]Sullivan

[xix]youthlink.org.uk

[xx]bcrc.eu

[xxi]http://www.cipcr.org/

[xxii]innatenonviolence.org

[xxiii]healingthroughremembering.org

[xxiv]org

• Canada: General (Ret.) John de Chastelain, Finland: Brigadier Tauno Nieminen, and US: Ambassador Andrew D. Sens: Each state sent one representative to form the Independent International Commission on Decommissioning (IICD) with the objective to facilitate the decommissioning of firearms, ammunition and explosives[i]
• European Union (EU): Since 1995 the European Union has funded peace programmes in Northern Ireland through the programme for Peace and Reconciliation in Northern Ireland and the Border Counties of Ireland also known as PEACE[ii].
• Republic of Ireland: It played a prominent role in the Good Friday Agreement. The following was a peace deal agreed upon in April 1998 that created a power-sharing government that involved political forces aligned with paramilitary organization[iii].
• An Garda Siochana: Commonly referred as the Gardai, is the police service of the Republic of Ireland[iv].
• Óglaigh na hÉireann (ÓÉ): They are the defence forces of the Republic of Ireland. They played a prominent role in civil affairs during the Troubles supporting the Garda[v].

Notes

[i]cain.ulster.ac.uk

[ii]Gallagher

[iii]cfr.org

[iv]garda.ie

[v]Harvey

Police Reform

Northern Ireland’s policing has had many advantages compared to other post conflict societies, but still faces unique challenges in its reform process. The police force has made dramatic steps forward from the heavily militarized, protestant RUC but has not become fully accepted in the eyes of the public[i]. In order to fully legitimize itself it needs to successfully distance itself from its previous image and role in maintaining order. The RUC has been incredibly open to accountability measures, but public distrust is still a factor.

Brexit

In recent years, the BREXIT referendum and process has raised significant concerns about the future of the Northern Ireland Border[ii]. If BREXIT succeeds, then it will officially become a customs border. Provisions are in effect to keep it from being a hard border, but it is presently impossible to reconcile the demands of Northern Ireland, the Good Friday agreement and BREXIT. Not reaching a deal could mean a return to a hard border with Ireland, which would potentially harm many of the SSR’s successes.

Reintegration of Ex-Prisoners

Estimates of the number of ex-political prisoners in Northern Ireland number between 30-40,000[iii]. Programs have existed to reintegrate these former prisoners since the Good Friday Agreement, but still face problems. Ex-prisoners on both sides of the conflict are now banding together for initiatives against violence by young individuals in Northern Ireland, but this only begins to address the issues of the hundreds of thousands of people affected by political imprisonment across Northern Ireland.

Peace Walls

Peace walls are structures meant as physical barriers between Irish Catholic and Protestant neighbourhoods. They are primarily located in Belfast but can be found in other major northern Irish cities. These walls were erected during the Troubles but have yet to be taken down as a sign of reconciliation. The current target is to remove them by 2023, but this looks unlikely at present[iv]. Proponents of the peace lines still feel they are necessary as they have been erected around flashpoints of violence, especially in poorer and more religiously divided areas of Belfast.

Notes

[i]Powell

[ii]Sloat

[iii]Campbell

[iv]Ulster Research

“The Good Friday Agreement is a work of genius that’s applicable if you care at all about preserving democracy” Former US President Bill Clinton praised the legacy of the Good Friday Agreement (GFA) last April, when he, former British Prime Minister Tony Blair, and many other diplomats involved in the Agreement met in Belfast for the 20th anniversary of the Good Friday Agreement[i]. Among peace literature and public perception alike, the GFA has, overall, been regarded as a success. Particular to the area of security sector reform (SSR), the police reform conducted during this time is thought of by many as a blueprint for police reform globally[ii]. While the public’s perception of the efficacy of the GFA and the efficacy of SSR implemented following the GFA are two separate evaluations to be made, the result is that both can be heralded as a success. And while no peace process evolves without hindrance in some form or another, in conducting this project, we contend that the SSR implemented in Northern Ireland has been effective.

In assessing the efficacy of SSR, it is first important to understand it’s tenets; the United Nations defines SSR as aiming to improve “safety through enhancing the effectiveness and accountability of security institutions controlled by civilians and operating according to human rights and the rule of law”[iii]. In this sense, SSR focuses more on achieving a negative form of peace, primarily being concerned with civilian safety, security, and ensuring a lack of large-scale violence. Accordingly, in evaluating the efficacy of SSR, it can be easy to conflate public opinion with an analysis of SSR; fortunately, in this case, the trajectory of public discourse maps well onto the trajectory of SSR in Northern Ireland. In particular, police reform has been a focal point of SSR in Northern Ireland. Written into the GFA was the establishment of the Patten Commission, an independent commission intended to produce a policy document with recommendations on the “future direction of the police”[iv]. As a result of the Patten commission, the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) was disbanded in Northern Ireland and transformed into the Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI). The PSNI enforced new uniforms, badges, symbols, and equipment, a program that would grant early retirement to officers who don’t agree with the changes between the RUC and PSNI, and notably started enforcing 50:50 recruitment of men and women[v]. More prominently, the PSNI introduced 50:50 recruitment for Catholics and Protestants. And while that programme ended in 2011, the number of Catholic officers has increased from 8% in 2001 to at least 32% as of 2018[vi].

In reflecting upon the efficacy of SSR in Northern Ireland, out analysis would be incomplete without discussing the establishment of the Northern Ireland Assembly, the power-sharing legislative assembly formed at Stormont Estate (where parliament is located in Belfast). Ever since direct rule was imposed on Northern Ireland in 1972, successive attempts at creating a power-sharing legislation were fraught with tensions and failures[vii]. The creation of the Northern Ireland Assembly was influential in the implementation of many smaller governmental bodies that were influential in the SSR process, such as the Independent International Commission on Decommissioning, placed in charge of the oversight of the decommissioning of all paramilitary weapons in Northern Ireland, and the Independent Monitoring Commission, responsible for monitoring the activity of paramilitary groups, and monitoring the commitment made by the British government to maintain security normalisation measures[viii]. The GFA also lead to the creation of numerous inter-governmental councils that are designed to increase cooperation, coordination, and consultation between governments within the region, such as The North/South Ministerial Council and the British-Irish Council.

When it comes to the progress of the SSR undertaking, the Northern Irish have been vocal in expressing their often-felt dissatisfaction with the Good Friday Agreement and the progress of SSR in general. A classic critique of the GFA highlights the numerous times the Assembly has been suspended in the years since its establishment in 1999[ix], and while this is true at face value, the good that the Assembly has done for Northern Ireland in creating stability in society is invaluable in comparison to the challenges it may have faced since its conception. There are similar disparaging remarks regarding the long and arduous process in establishing the PSNI; we argue that the long process of implementing police reform has been beneficial in maintaining a society with the absence of large-scale violence, and is a testament to the attention, care, effort that has gone into the SSR process in the years since the GFA. While there are still secular rifts and tensions present in Northern Irish society today, the SSR project as a whole has been a success story overall. SSR is a reform of institutions; this is not to be seen as an end itself, but part of the process that is the means to an end. It is evident that the deep seeded identity issues that paved the way for the Troubles to blossom are still underlying; even so, the peace that the SSR assignment has brought to Northern Ireland has been monumentally efficacious and is a worthwhile project.

Notes

[i]BBC

[ii]O’Rawe

[iii]United Nations

[iv]Powell

[v]Powell

[vi]Irish Times

[vii]Wilford

[viii]McEvoy and Shirlow

[ix]Powell

Twenty-Sixth and Final Report of the Independent Monitoring Commission. Independent Monitoring Commission, 4 July 2011. HC 1149. https://cain.ulster.ac.uk/issues/politics/docs/imc/imc040711.pdf.

Northern Ireland Act 1998. The Northern Ireland Assembly, 19 November 1998. http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/1998/47/pdfs/ukpga_19980047_en.pdf.

St. Andrews Agreement. The British and Irish Governments, 13 October 2006. https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/136651/st_andrews_agreement-2.pdf.

IRA Ceasefire Statement. Irish Republican Army, 31 August 1994. https://cain.ulster.ac.uk/events/peace/docs/ira31894.htm.

Combined Loyalist Military Command Ceasefire Statement. Combined Loyalist Military Command, 13 October 1994. https://cain.ulster.ac.uk/events/peace/docs/clmc131094.htm.

A New Framework For Agreement. The British and Irish Governments, 22 February 1995. https://cain.ulster.ac.uk/events/peace/docs/fd22295.htm.

Final Report of the Independent International Commission on Decommissioning. Independent International Commission on Decommissioning, 28 March 2011. https://cain.ulster.ac.uk/events/peace/decommission/iicd040711.pdf.

The Community and the Police Service. The Patten Commission, August 2001. https://cain.ulster.ac.uk/issues/police/patten/patten2001.pdf.

The Northern Ireland Peace Agreement. The Northern Ireland Assembly, 10 April 1998. https://www.dfa.ie/media/dfa/alldfawebsitemedia/ourrolesandpolicies/northernireland/good-friday-agreement.pdf.

The Stormont Agreement. The British and Irish Governments, 23 December 2014. https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/706293/Stormont_House_Agreement.pdf

Aiken, Nevin T. Identity, Reconciliation and Transitional Justice. 1st ed., Routledge, 2013. Taylor & Francis Group, https://www.taylorfrancis.com/books/9781135086688.

In this book, professor Nevin T. Aiken at the University of Wyoming explores the long term social and psychological impact of the memory of violence from the Troubles in Northern Ireland. Aiken affirms that violence damaged intercommunity relationships and social connections, and advocates for mechanisms that could restore the social fabric and rebuilding intergroup relations. For his analysis, he explores transitional justice as a tool to address reconciliation and sustainable peace. In his book, Aiken offers an extensive collection of fieldwork and research concluding in a critical need for instrumental, socioemotional, and distributive mechanisms in order to enhance reconciliation. Finally, Aiken concludes that justice and truth are needed to build reconciliation in divided societies.

Joyce, Carmel, and Orla Lynch. "Doing Peace: The Role of Ex-Political Prisoners in Violence Prevention Initiatives in Northern Ireland." Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, vol. 40, no. 12, 30 March 2017, pp. 1072-1090. Taylor & Francis Online, doi:10.1080.1056710X.2016.1253990.

In this article, the authors are focused on the role of the ex-prisoners in the community working in preventing violence, and in particular, the way they manage their identities as they transition from the role of political prisoner into a more violence-prevention role. They aim to understand the resources that ex-prisoners use in their path to reintegration and to understand how this community of ex-prisoners understands their role in desistance programmes. They contend that it is crucial to consider the perspective of ex-prisoners themselves, who are both forging their own path of desistance from political violence, as well as leaders of desistance programmes; arguing that participants in the desistance programs use their own identities to actually do the preventative work. In reading this article, it is clear that there are many opportunities for ex-prisoner-guided violence prevention in Northern Ireland to anti-terrorism prevention internationally.

Goldie, Roz, and Joanne Murphy. "Embedding the peace process: The role of leadership, changes and government in implementing key reforms in policing and local government in Northern Ireland." International Journal of Peace Studies, vol. 15, no. 2, Autumn/Winter 2010, pp. 33-58. JSTOR, https://www.jstor.org/stable/41853006?pq-origsite=summon&seq=1#metadata_info_tab_contents.

Goldie and Murphy discuss the role of reforms in Northern Ireland across all aspects of the peacebuilding spectrum. It examines the quality of leadership, resources available, and pacing of reforms to determine the nature of successes following the Good Friday Agreement. It focuses in particular on the RUC and district councils, acknowledging the rate and types of change as measures of institutional success. This lens acknowledges how much of the peacebuilding process rests in developing strong institutions. Structural and cultural changes can influence outcomes significantly, a change from the standard emphasis on political, military and economic factors as the sole measure of success.

Knox, Colin. "Sharing power and fragmenting public services: complex government in Northern Ireland." Public Money & Management, vol. 35, no. 1, 24 November 2014, pp. 23-30, doi:10.1080/09540962.2015.986861.

Colin Knox’s paper explores the current government dynamics of Northern Ireland. Currently there are many government offices with redundant and overlapping mandates which make civil system difficult to navigate. Knox’s paper addresses the root causes of this complexity, tying them to the various peace agreements that have been signed and how each agreement has managed to change the direction of Northern Ireland’s modern governance. It includes an overview of the real role of the Northern Ireland Executive and its powers, along with the success of the main social programs being administered.

Lawther, Cheryl, and Taylor & Francis eBooks A-Z. Truth, Denial and Transition: Northern Ireland and the Contested Past. New York, NY, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, 2014.

In her book, professor Cheryl Lawther at the Queen’s University of Belfast explores the debate of transitional justice in Northern Ireland. In particular, she focuses on the complexity of having a truth recovery processes, while belligerents developed positions where they see themselves as victims and appear least enthusiastic about organised truth-telling. In Lawther’s analysis, Unionism and Unionist’s perceive themselves as the victims, while republicans have, in several occasions, advocated for an international truth commission. Lawther argues that the complexity of Unionist victimhood, blamelessness, denial, and deep mistrust are factors related to political self-confidence. She argues that they should be treated individually and cumulatively in order to understand the fear of Unionism.  Additionally, Lawther’s book offers numerous interviews with politicians from the main unionist and loyalist parties, policing representatives, academics and members of society.

Marijan, Branka, and Dejan Guzina. "Police Reform, Civil Society and Everyday Legitimacy: A Lesson From Northern Ireland." Journal of Regional Security, vol. 9, no. 1, 21 May 2014, pp. 51-66, doi:10.11643/issn.2217-995X141SPM38.

Marijan and Guzina’s paper addresses the modern state of Northern Ireland’s police system. Northern Ireland currently exists as a relatively successful case of post-conflict reform and has been incredibly open to new civilian oversight. While these reforms have greatly changed the nature of the service, they have yet to completely change its public image. This paper explores current public relations and institutional issues the PSNI encounters. The main question, however, is how much the police service has been legitimized in the public eye, and Marijan and Guzina conclude that the community level relationship needs to change to integrate policing as part of regular life and not a source of repression.

Mulcahy, Aogan. Policing in Northern Ireland. 1st ed., Willan, 2005. Taylor & Francis Group, https://www.taylorfrancis.com/books/e/9781134019953.

In this book, professor Aogan Mulcahy from the University College of Dublin analyses the historical formation of the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) in Northern Ireland in order to pursue the themes of conflict, legitimacy and reform. Mulcahy identifies that the RUC, from its foundation, was largely formed by a protestant police staff with a quasi-military/security role intended to be responsible to defend the state. For Mulcahy, this was particularly challenging as it left vulnerable the Catholic minority that was misrepresented in parliament. Furthermore, Mulcahy’s work looks at how the RUC sought to reform itself during the years of conflict (1968-1994), the ceasefire period (1994-1998), and transition into the PSNI (1998-2005). This book offers a wide set of formal and informal interviews from the police body and civil society.

Powell, Brenna Marea. "Policing post-war transitions: Insecurity, legitimacy and reform in Northern Ireland." Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, vol. 7, no. 2-3, 13 November 2014, pp. 165-182. Taylor & Francis Online, doi:10.1080/17467586.2014.977928.

In her article, Brenna Powell examines the role that the police play in dealing with the fundamental challenges that peace processes typically present: things such as the DDR, and the “security vacuums” that exist as a result. Her article examines a case study from Northern Ireland, typically regarded as a successful case of post-conflict police reform, and highlights that even in the so-called success stories of institutional reform, there are political challenges that emerge. In her case study, she identifies that the way people view the police (either as legitimate or not) is linked to their perceptions about the legitimacy of the state. She demonstrates that police-reform efforts and the efforts to establish legitimate security institutions is generally perceived as legitimate, seen as a critical aspect for a stable and sustainable resolution.

“About Us.” About Us | The Northern Ireland Human Rights Commission (NIHRC), www.nihrc.org/about-us.

Bayley, D. H. “Post-Conflict Police Reform: Is Northern Ireland a Model?” Policing, vol. 2, no. 2, 2008, pp. 233–240., doi:10.1093/police/pan026.

Campbell, Cormac. “Former Troubles Prisoners Need Help to ‘Civilianise.’” The Irish Times, 29 Apr. 2016, www.irishtimes.com/news/ireland/irish-news/former-troubles-prisoners-need-help-to-civilianise-1.2628411

“Causeway Institute for Peacebuilding and Conflict Resolution (CIPCR).” Peace Insight, www.peaceinsight.org/conflicts/northern-ireland/peacebuilding-organisations/cipcr/.

“Commemoration.” Healing Through Remembering, healingthroughremembering.org/what-we-do/themes-of-work/network-of-commemoration/.

“Continuity Irish Republican Army (CIRA).” TRAC, www.trackingterrorism.org/group/continuity-irish-republican-army-cira.

Gallaher, Carolyn, and Project Muse University Press eBooks. After the Peace: Loyalist Paramilitaries in Post-Accord Northern Ireland. Cornell University Press, Ithaca, 2007.

Garda Info. “History of An Garda Síochána.” Garda, www.garda.ie/en/About-Us/Our-History/.

Gormley-Heenan, Cathy, and Jonny Byrne. “The Problem with Northern Ireland's Peace Walls.” Political Insight, vol. 3, no. 3, 2012, pp. 4–7., doi: https://doi-org.ezproxy.library.ubc.ca/10.1111/j.2041-9066.2012.00115.x.

Harvey, Dan. Soldiering Against Subversion: The Irish Defence Forces and Internal Security During the Troubles, 1969-1998. Merrion Press, 2018. Irish Academic Press, https://irishacademicpress.ie/product/soldiering-against-subversion-aid-to-the-civil-power-1969-1998/

“Home Page of the Irish Network for Nonviolence Action Training and Education.” Home Page of the Irish Network for Nonviolence Action Training and Education, www.innatenonviolence.org/.

Lawther, Cheryl, and Taylor & Francis eBooks A-Z. Truth, Denial and Transition: Northern Ireland and the Contested Past. New York, NY, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, 2014.

McDaid, Shaun. The Origins and Rise of Dissident Irish Republicanism: The Role and Impact of Organizational Splits - by John F. Morrison. vol. 13, Wiley Subscription Services, Inc, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, 2015.

McEvoy, Kieran, and Peter Shirlow. "Re-imagining DDR: Ex-combatants, leadership and moral agency in conflict transformation." Theoretical Criminology, vol. 13, no. 1, 01 February 2009, pp. 31-59. SAGE Publications, doi:10.1177/1362480608100172.

Melaugh, Martin. “Events: Peace: IICD Reports - Reports and Statements by the Independent International Commission on Decommissioning (IICD).” CAIN, cain.ulster.ac.uk/events/peace/decommission/iicdreports.html.

Moriarty, Gerry. "Why are there still so few Catholics in the PSNI?" The Irish Times, 4 October 2018, https://www.irishtimes.com/news/ireland/irish-news/why-are-there-still-so-few-catholics-in-the-psni-1.3650559.

Mervyn, Jess. “The issues facing former paramilitary prisoners in NI.” The Irish Times, 7 June 2011, https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-northern-ireland-13689453.

Mulcahy, Aogán, and Taylor & Francis eBooks A-Z. Policing Northern Ireland: Conflict, Legitimacy and Reform. Willan, Cullompton, Devon; Portland, Or, 2006.

“Northern Ireland Loyalist Paramilitaries (U.K., Extremists).” Council on Foreign Relations, Council on Foreign Relations, www.cfr.org/backgrounder/northern-ireland-loyalist-paramilitaries-uk-extremists.

O'Rawe, Mary. "Security System Reform and Identity in Divided Societies: Lessons from Northern Ireland." International Center for Transitional Justice, October 2009, pp. 1-4.

“Peace Accords Matrix.” Paramilitary Groups: Northern Ireland Good Friday Agreement | Peace Accords Matrix, peaceaccords.nd.edu/provision/paramilitary-groups-northern-ireland-good-friday-agreement.

“Peace Walls 'As Contentious As Ever' €" Ulster Research.” Ulster University, 2012, www.ulster.ac.uk/news/2012/september/peace-walls-as-contentious-as-ever-ulster-research.

Powell, Brenna Marea. "Policing post-war transitions: Insecurity, legitimacy and reform in Northern Ireland." Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, vol. 7, no. 2-3, 13 November 2014, pp. 165-182. Taylor & Francis Online, doi:10.1080/17467586.2014.977928.

“Project Activities.” BCRC, www.bcrc.eu/project-activities.

“Red Hand Commandos (RHC) - Ireland.” TRAC, www.trackingterrorism.org/group/red-hand-commandos-rhc-ireland.

Roberts, David. “Constabulary and Military Reform in Northern Ireland.” Defence Studies, vol. 1, no.1, March 2001, pp. 162.166. Taylor & Francis Online, doi:10.1080/714000013.

Sloat, Amanda. “Explaining Brexit and the Northern Ireland Question.” Brookings, Brookings, 16 Oct. 2018, www.brookings.edu/blog/order-from-chaos/2018/10/15/explaining-brexit-and-the-northern-ireland-question/.

Southern, Neil. "Post Agreement Electoral Decline: The Ulster Unionist Party and the Problem of Decommissioning." Nationalism and Ethnic Politics, vol. 24, no. 4, 2018, pp. 456-477

Sullivan, Colleen. "Ulster Freedom Fighters." The SAGE Encyclopedia of Terrorism.Ed. Gus Martin.2nd ed Thousand Oaks: SAGE Publications, Inc., 2011. 600. SAGE Knowledge. Web. 31 Mar. 2019, doi: 10.4135/9781412980173.n403.

“The Northern Ireland Peace Process.” Council on Foreign Relations, Council on Foreign Relations, www.cfr.org/backgrounder/northern-ireland-peace-process.

Tonge, Jonathan, and University Press Scholarship Online. The Democratic Unionist Party: From Protest to Power. Oxford University Press, Oxford, United Kingdom, 2014, doi:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198705772.001.0001.

“Training.” Youth Link NI, www.youthlink.org.uk/training/.

“UK | Northern Ireland | UFF given the Order to Stand Down.” BBC News, BBC, 12 Nov. 2007, news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/northern_ireland/7089310.stm.

United Nations. https://www.un.org/ruleoflaw/thematic-areas/access-to-justice-and-rule-of-law-institutions/ssr/. Accessed 21 Mar. 2018."Good Friday Agreement was 'work of genius'." BBC, 10 April 2018, https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-northern-ireland-43660970.

Whiting, Sophie A., and UPSO eCollections (University Press Scholarship Online). Spoiling the Peace? The Threat of Dissident Republicans to Peace in Northern Ireland. Manchester University Press, Manchester [U.K.], 2016.

Wilford, Rick. "Designing the Northern Ireland Assembly." Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 53, no. 3, 01 July 2000, pp. 577-590. Oxford Academic, doi:10.1093/pa/53.3.577.