Canada: Truth and Reconciliation

Context and Summary

      Created in the 1800s, the main purpose of the Canadian Indian Residential Schools (IRS) system was to separate Aboriginal children from their families, strip their identities, languages, and culture, and to indoctrinate them into Euro-Christian society. Generations of Aboriginal children were taken away, often by force, and their stories remained hidden until recently. Aboriginal peoples across the country have called for a formal process of reconciliation since 1996 [1], where The Report of the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples in 1996 prompted conversations about the realities of residential schools' legacies.

      In 2007, the Canadian government implemented the “Indian Residential Schools Settlement Agreement” class action lawsuit of 2006 [2]. One of the main elements of this agreement was the creation of an independent Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC). The TRC facilitated public testimonies from former residential school students, alongside their families, communities and all Canadians. From 2007 to 2015, the Canadian government supported the TRC by providing $72 million in funding. During this period, the TRC hosted seven national events across Canada to hear from survivors, while also engaging the public to provide education about the ongoing legacies and the history behind residential schools [3]. The TRC produced a six-volume Final Report containing the TRC’s findings, which include survivors’ stories and 94 ‘Calls to Action’ to further the reconciliation process between Aboriginal peoples and settler Canadians. The Trudeau government announced in 2015 that they will continue to work with Indigenous groups to develop and implement a national reconciliation framework.


[1] Canada’s Residential Schools: Reconciliation - The Final Report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, 2015, https://www-deslibris-ca.ezproxy.library.ubc.ca/ID/248689. Accessed 3 November, 2020.
[2] “Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada.” Government of Canada, 2019, https://www.rcaanc-cirnac.gc.ca/eng/1450124405592/1529106060525#chp1. Accessed 2 November. 2020.
[3] “About us”. Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, www.trc.ca/about-us.html. Accessed 2 November 2020.

Key Issues

      The primary mandate of the TRC was to tell a “full and complete story” [1] of the history of Indian Residential Schools between the 1800s and 1996, and to further the process of renewing relationships between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal peoples based on mutual respect [2]. All aspects of the TRC’s work flow from this primary objective. As part of the 2006 “Indian Residential Schools Settlement Agreement” class action lawsuit reached between the Federal Government of Canada and approximately 86,000 survivors, “Schedule N” of the Agreement outlined the creation of a formal TRC with a five-year mandate in order to contribute to “continued healing” between Aboriginal Canadians and non-Aboriginal Canadians [3]. Based on the framework of the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) [4], the Commission was to:

  1. Collect verbal and written testimonies from survivors, their families, and anyone personally affected by the IRS experience through national and community events;
  2. Collect and archive records from government agencies and churches who funded and operated the schools
  3. Establish a permanent national research centre to continue the work of public education after the TRC’s mandate expire [5], and
  4. Produce a final report detailing the history, purpose, operation, impact, consequences, and ongoing legacies of the IRS system, as well as policy recommendations to the Government of Canada [6].

However, in its final report, the TRC explicitly states that the purposes of the commission were never to shame or point out wrongdoing [7]. As such, the TRC was not a public inquiry body and had no power to subpoena witnesses or conduct formal legal proceedings. This meant that it could not, in any of its activities or in writing, reference any “possible civil or criminal liability of any person or organization” [8]. 


[1] Honouring the Truth, Reconciling for the Future: Summary of the Final Report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, 2015, www.trc.ca/assets/pdf/Honouring_the_Truth_Reconciling_for_the_Future_July_23_2015.pdf. Accessed 3 November 2020.
[2] About us”. Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, www.trc.ca/about-us.html. Accessed 4 November 2020.
[3] Schedule N - Mandate for Truth and Reconciliation Commission. Indian Residential Schools Settlement Agreement, 2006, www.residentialschoolsettlement.ca/SCHEDULE_N.pdf. Accessed 4 November 2020.
[4] What We Have Learned: Principles of Truth and Reconciliation. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, 2015, http://nctr.ca/assets/reports/Final%20Reports/Principles_English_Web.pdf. Accessed 4 November 2020.
[5] “Chapter 6 - Creating a Historical Record of Indian Residential Schools”, 2013 Spring Report of the Auditor General of Canada. Office of the Auditor General of Canada, 2013, www.oag-bvg.gc.ca/internet/English/parl_oag_201304_06_e_38191.html#hd5c. Accessed 4 November 2020.
[6] Schedule N - Mandate for Truth and Reconciliation Commission.
[7] Honouring the Truth, Reconciling for the Future: Summary of the Final Report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada.
[8] Schedule N - Mandate for Truth and Reconciliation Commission.

Key actors: Domestic

Survivors of Residential Schools
      Former students of residential schools and their families and descendants are significant domestic stakeholders of the reconciliation process in Canada. Having experienced the residential school system both directly or indirectly, their experiences and voices are what contribute to the history, mandate, and progression of the TRC and the peace process at large. Ten survivors of Indian Residential Schools served on the Indian Residential Schools Survivor Committee, which was an advisory body to the TRC [1]. Additionally, the descendants of residential school survivors are also a relevant stakeholder to the TRC process since intergenerational effects and trauma caused by those schools remain evident in contemporary empirical studies. With research suggesting links between “more frequent contemporary stressor experiences” [2] and familial history of IRS attendance, and also a cumulative effect of stressor experiences for families with IRS attendance across several generations, the lingering effects of the IRS system are often highlighted through this intergenerational trauma.

Federal Government of Canada
      Since the implementation of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission in Canada in 2007, the Canadian national government primarily contributed to the peace and reconciliation process by funding the establishments’ work, providing roughly $72 million over the span of 8 years in funding to the commission [3]. In addition to this, the Canadian government also provided “over 5 million records” preserved from the IRS system to the TRC’s archive. Outside of the formal reconciliation process, the Canadian government has also expressed a commitment to rebuilding Canada’s relationship with Indigenous peoples by working with Indigenous leaders in developing and implementing “a national engagement strategy” for a national reconciliation framework that is informed by the TRC. 

Leaders of the National Indigenous Organizations
      There are five national indigenous organizations in Canada including, the Assembly of First Nations, Congress of Aboriginal Peoples, Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami, Metis National Council, and Native Women’s Association of Canada [4]. These organizations are imperative actors as the leaders of the respective groups represent their peoples and nations in meetings with government officials about reconciliation efforts and its implications. 

The Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) of Canada
      Founded in the aftermath of the 2006 Indian Residential School Settlement Agreement, the TRC was the primary administrative body that oversaw the formal reconciliation process. As one of the largest stakeholders in the peace and reconciliation process among Indigenous populations and Canada, their primary objectives include witnessing, supporting, promoting, and facilitating reconciliation initiatives by sharing the experiences of former residential school students and engaging the Canadian public in education and awareness of the Indian Residential School System legacy [5]. In addition to hosting seven national events for truth-telling, healing, and education for both Aboriginal peoples and non-Aboriginals, the TRC has been integral in the creation of several agencies, such as the National Centre for Truth and Reconciliation (NCTR), which continues the work of research and archive. The TRC finished their mandate in 2015 with a multi-volume report that detailed everything from history of residential schools, thousands of witness testimonies, its ongoing legacies, and a ‘Calls to Action’ document outlining policy recommendations to redress the systemic inequalities Indigenous people continue to face today. This has also led to the designation of important historical sites such as former residential schools or residential school cemeteries as national historic sites, cementing their importance in the history of Canada.

The National Centre for Truth and Reconciliation at the University of Manitoba (NCTR)
      The National Centre for Truth and Reconciliation at the University of Manitoba acts as the institutional body which houses “all statements, documents, and other materials gathered by the TRC” [4]6. As a result of the TRC process in Canada, all materials collected throughout such as statements and testimonies provided by survivors are housed and accessible to the public through the NCTR. This is significant as the records preserved by the NCTR have the power to shape the discourse and narrative of the TRC process, and ongoing dialogue which must continue after the formal TRC has ended. As suggested by critical scholar Ronald Niezen, the lack of testimonies by key actors of the Indian Residential School system such as the Church community and government officials will inevitably shift the way in which the discourse of the TRC is portrayed and represented [7].

The Canadian Council of Churches: The Anglican Church of Canada, The Presbyterian Church in Canada, the Roman Catholic Entities Parties to the Settlement Agreement, The United Church of Canada and the Jesuits of English Canada
      These churches made a collective statement in response to Call to Action #48 issued by the TRC. Their statement acknowledges their role in running Indian Residential Schools in partnership with the Government of Canada along with their commitment to continuing reconciliation. They state that they will actively continue to foster learning about and raising awareness of the history and legacy of Residential Schools [8].

Kairos Canada
      Kairos Canada, a joint venture administered by the United Church of Canada, consists of churches, religious organizations, and Indigenous representatives [9].They are committed to and support reconciliation and decolonization processes all while building respectful relationships between Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples. They have teaching tools and campaigns such as Winds of Change that prioritize decolonization and reconciliation education. 

All Canadians
      The Canadian public is a relevant and significant actor to the TRC. As reconciliation is focused on reconciling the relationship between “Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal peoples” [10] in Canada,  engaging with all Canadians is integral to the success of a sustainable peace process. In addition to raising awareness of the history and legacies of the residential school system, and injustices that are still happening today, all Canadians must carry the burden of remembering the history of violence against Indigenous peoples in Canada. Furthermore, in order for reconciliation to yield sustainable peace, all parties must make significant efforts to address important structural injustice. This responsibility to address systems that perpetuate violence against Indigenous populations, therefore not only falls on the formal state actors such as government representatives, but also on all Canadians to act in solidarity. 


[1] Meet the Members of the Indian Residential School Survivor Committee (IRSSC). Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, 2020, http://www.trc.ca/about-us/meet-the-survivor-committee.html. Accessed 20 November 2020.
[2] Bombay, Amy et al. “The Intergenerational Effects of Indian Residential Schools: Implications for the Concept of Historical Trauma.” Transcultural Psychiatry vol. 51, no. 3, 2014, pp. 320-38. doi:10.1177/1363461513503380. https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4232330/. Accessed 20 November 2020. 
[3] “Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada.” Government of Canada, 2019, https://www.rcaanc-cirnac.gc.ca/eng/1450124405592/1529106060525#chp1. Accessed 2 November. 2020.
[4] Indigenous Organizations. Indigenous Works, https://indigenousworks.ca/en/resources/indigenous-organizations. Accessed 3 November 2020.
[5] “Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada.”
[6] About the National Centre for Truth and Reconciliation. National Centre for Truth and Reconciliation, https://nctr.ca/about-new.php. Accessed 3 November 2020.
[7] Niezen, Ronald. Truth and Indignation: Canada’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission on Indian Residential Schools. University of Toronto [Ontario] Press, 2017. https://books-scholarsportal-info.ezproxy.library.ubc.ca/uri/ebooks/ebooks3/utpress/2018-03-27/1/9781487594404.
[8] Response of the Churches to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada. Anglican Church of Canada, 2015, https://www.anglican.ca/tr/response-of-the-churches-to-the-truth-and-reconciliation-commission-of-canada/. Accessed 4 November 2020.
[9] What We Do: Indigenous Rights. Kairos, 2020, https://www.kairoscanada.org/what-we-do/indigenous-rights. Accessed 4 November 2020.
[10] “Calls to Action.” A Knock on the Door: The Essential History of Residential Schools from the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, National Centre for Truth and Reconciliation, 2016, p. 164. https://www-deslibris-ca.ezproxy.library.ubc.ca/ID/452693.

 

Key actors: International

      There were no international actors who were involved in the direct proceedings of the Canadian TRC. Nonetheless, according to the TRC’s Interim Report, there were representatives from other countries that have a history of residential schools for Indigenous children, or similar systemic abuse of Indigenous people, who travelled to Canada throughout the TRC process to observe the Commission’s public events [1]. However, the Report did not specify which countries those observers are from. 

      Recognizing that Canada’s Residential School system should be placed within the international context of UNDRIP, Justice Murray Sinclair, the Chair of the Commission, spoke at the 9th session of the UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues in April 2010 [2]. He made a presentation on the ongoing work of Canada’s TRC, pointing to the successes the Commission was able to achieve thus far, but also significant challenges that they faced. The UN Forum later recognized Canada’s TRC as a model for best practices for other countries around the world.


[1] Interim Report. Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, 2012, p. 10, www.trc.ca/assets/pdf/mroom_Interim%20report%20English%20electronic.pdf. Accessed November 23, 2020.
[2] Ibid.

Barriers to Truth and Reconciliation

Lack of education and knowledge
      A significant barrier to effective TRC in Canada has been Canadians’ general lack of knowledge and public education of the historical roots of the IRS system, its legacies, as well as the current discriminations that Indigenous people continue to suffer from [1]. This lack of historical knowledge can be detrimental to a successful TRC as it could lead to low public support and poor decisions made by government actors. The inadequacy of education on Indigenous histories in the public education system is consequential and results in the lack of understanding of the issues’ severity [2]. Considering that history is essential to reconciliation, reconciliation requires proactive and ongoing public education about residential school legacies and histories. 

Failure to address structural injustices, historicizes the IRS
      Another barrier to the TRC process is rooted in its failure to address ongoing structural injustices perpetrated by the colonial system. As suggested by Eisenberg, reparations in the TRC process are not confined to the state apparatus as structural injustice can be found both within and between states among various actors. Thus, approaches to reconciliation must be sensitive and cognizant of the various actors and processes that may be perpetuating structural injustice. In order for reconciliation to occur in a manner that accounts for structural injustice, rectificatory duties must be adopted by both the “colonizer and colonized states and societies” to address systemic and structural foundations of injustice that may be upheld and perpetuated by victimized communities themselves [3]. Without doing so, the TRC may be limited in its success to address underlying causes of conflict and barriers to a sustainable peace. 

Limited participation and scope of the TRC
      The TRC was a one-sided process, where most of the testimonies came from direct survivors only. The truth-gathering work of the TRC largely left out meaningful participation by the non-Indigenous public, including voices of former government and church officials who funded and operated these schools. This creates an assumption that the onus falls upon survivors to come forward with their truths, meaning it’s up to survivors to “do the work” to heal themselves, put the trauma behind, and integrate back into the Canadian social fabric [4]. Beyond the proceedings itself, a broader challenge is that the TRC framing focuses only on the IRS. The assimilation strategy of forcing Indigenous children into residential schools was just a small part in the broader systems of colonialism and exploitation resulting from the Indian Act of 1876 [5].

A top-down, state-led process
      The formal truth & reconciliation process was introduced largely based on terms dictated by the state as outlined by the 2006 Settlement Agreement; the Commission determined when and how it would engage with Indigenous peoples in a way that was most politically convenient for the government. It effectively imposed a time limit for when those voices shall be heard [6]. Coulthard criticizes the TRC acting as a mechanism for the settler state to “move on” from a “sad chapter” in Canada’s collective history. It aimed to historicize the IRS as an event that happened during a fixed time in history. Instead, he argues there is nothing historical about the characteristics of settler-colonialism because it’s an ongoing structure [7].


 

[1] Bear, Tracy, and Chris Andersen. "Is Canada Keeping its TRC Promises?: Vows to Redress Residential-School Legacies have Fallen Short as Remarks on Indigenous Issues Reveal Country's Lack of Knowledge." The Globe and Mail, 25 April 2017, https://search-proquest-com.ezproxy.library.ubc.ca/docview/1891334237?accountid=14656&pq-origsite=summon. Accessed 3 November 2020.
[2] Canada’s Residential Schools: Reconciliation. The Final Report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, vol. 6, 2015, p. 16, http://www.trc.ca/assets/pdf/Volume_6_Reconciliation_English_Web .pdf. Accessed 3 November 2020.
[3] Eisenberg, Avigail. “The challenges of structural injustice to reconciliation: truth and reconciliation in Canada.” Ethics and Global Politics, vol. 11, no. 1, 2018, p. 26. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/16544951.2018.1507387. Accessed 15 November 2020.
[4] Stanton, Kim. “Canada’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission: Settling the Past?” International Indigenous Policy Journal, vol. 2, no. 3, 2011, p. 11. https://search-proquest-com.ezproxy.library.ubc.ca/docview/1400434926?accountid=14656&pq-origsite=summon. Accessed 15 November 2020.
[5] Ibid (13).
[6] Coulthard, Glen. Red Skin, White Masks: Rejecting the Colonial Politics of Recognition. University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis, 2014, p. 167. https://muse-jhu-edu.ezproxy.library.ubc.ca/book/35470/. Accessed 15 November 2020.
[7] Ibid (125).

Analysis of Successes

      Our analysis of the TRC’s success in building peace is structured according to a definition of peacebuilding that extends beyond the confines of conflict management and conflict resolution. In particular, we define successful peacebuilding as one that not only mediates the direct root causes of conflict as it relates to conflict management and resolution, but one that also encompasses different aspects of positive peace and preventative approaches as outlined by Galtung [1]. Using this framework as an evaluation tool, we concluded that while the Canadian TRC can be characterized as one of the many vehicles for effective peacebuilding, the TRC process by itself was insufficient in achieving sustainable peace because aside from telling the history of the Indian Residential School system, it fails to concretely address underlying forms of structural and cultural violence. Furthermore, it was ineffective because TRC did not have the legal or legislative mandate to impose necessary mechanisms to prevent ongoing violence against Indigenous populations in Canada.

      With this in mind however, there were areas of success worth noting. The TRC placed a heavy emphasis on restorative justice, which focuses on formal apologies, emotional healing, truth telling, and ultimately towards reconciliation. Using the National Events as examples, it validated individual suffering of survivors, their families and also the intergenerational wounds. The TRC was able to preserve the lived experiences of those who were willing to come forward, and thus created a documented collective memory and public archive through its six-volume Final Report, and the establishment of a National Centre for Truth and Reconciliation. With regards to historical monuments, former residential schools and cemeteries of those who attended these schools, such as the Portage la Prairie Indian Residential School of Manitoba and the Regina Indian Industrial School Cemetery, are recognized and designated as national and provincial heritage sites, which contribute to the TRC’s goal to tell “full and complete” story.

      Moreover, the TRC was able to spark a national dialogue regarding the history and legacies of residential schools, as evident by many attendees of the Winnipeg National Event who said it was their first exposure to the residential school system. Throughout the TRC process, it created unprecedented media coverage about residential schools, and Canada, for the first time, had a national dialogue about its colonial history. This is significant as it can lead to reconciliatory discourses, or ‘vocabularies for peace’. From a constructivist view, we can examine this through the lens of ‘speech acts’, which suggest apologies can be an extremely powerful tool for healing [2]. From this perspective, the formal apologies by PM Harper and Trudeau can potentially be a positive driver for peacebuilding.

      Despite the TRC’s progress, it is insufficient on its own in creating sustainable peace. This is mainly due to its inability to address ongoing structural and cultural violence against Indigenous peoples today. It is important to note here that its limitations are intrinsically built into its achievements. By that we mean while the TRC process aimed to be inclusive in nature, it simultaneously acted as an exclusionary force. For example, in narrowly focusing on lived experiences of residential school survivors only, it thereby denotes the exclusion of other aspects and nuances of discrimination and racism that was not included in the TRC archives. Furthermore, there is also concern of power dynamics regarding who has the ability to determine the narrative set by the TRC peace process. As outlined in the ‘Barriers to Success' section, some have criticized that throughout the TRC, the national events and media coverage surrounding is marked by strict adherence to narratives of forgiveness, thus placing the onus upon survivors to “move on”. The exclusion of individuals who chose not to engage in the forgiveness narrative for example, points to the need to consider how other nuances of the residential school system in Canada were actively excluded.

      In addition to the limitations intrinsic to the TRC, it failed to resolve underlying sources of structural and cultural violence. For example, we see ongoing and active markers of structural violence through different Indigenous population statistics in Canada. According to Statistics Canada [3], First Nations, Inuit, and Métis people continue to have significantly lower life expectancies compared to non-Indigenous demographics. Based on recent research on mental health effects resulting from social isolation due to COVID-19, “higher proportions of Indigenous participants reported fair/poor mental health than non-Indigenous participants”. In particular, Indigenous women and girls  are disproportionately affected by the pandemic due to multitude of socioeconomic vulnerabilities [4]. These structural inequities are also evident in many other aspects, including, but not limited to the overrepresentation of Indigenous peoples within the criminal justice system, lack of clean drinking water in remote Reserves, access to health services, intrusion of Indigenous people’s right to self determination, and lack of meaningful consultation in resource extraction projects. Despite the TRC’s 94 Calls to Action, such documents have no enforcement powers, but rather just recommendations to the federal government [5]. Thus, although the TRC did achieve some successes toward peacebuilding and reconciliation between Indigenous peoples and settler Canadians in the areas of truth-telling and dialogue, it failed to build a sustainable peace since it could not meaningfully address the ongoing systems of structural racism and colonialism that continues to this day. Thus, we may need to compartmentalize and think about TRCs in a much narrower way; if we are to think more broadly about peacebuilding, TRCs are only one moment in the ongoing process of true reconciliation.


[1] Galtung, Johan. “Violence, Peace, and Peace Research”. Journal of Peace Research, vol. 6, no. 3, pp. 167-191.
[2] Luu, Chi. “The Sorry State of Apologies”. Jstor Daily, 1 July 2020, https://daily.jstor.org/the-sorry-state-of-apologies/?fbclid=IwAR2D-. Access 29 November 2020.
[3] Life Expectancy. Statistics Canada, 2015,https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/89-645-x/20 10001/life-expectancy-esperance-vie-eng.htm. Accessed 29 November 2020.
[4] Arriagada, Paula, Tara Hahmann, and Vivian O’Donnell. “Indigenous people and mental health during the COVID-19 pandemic”. Statistics Canada, 23 June, 2020, https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/45-28-0001/2020001/article/00035-eng.htm. Accessed 29 November 2020.
[5] Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada: Calls to Action. Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, http://nctr.ca/assets/reports/Calls_to_Action_English2.pdf. Accessed 26 November 2020.

Primary Texts and Documents

Canada’s Residential Schools - Missing Children and Unmarked Burials: The Final Report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, vol. 4, 2015, http://nctr.ca/assets/reports/Final%20Reports/Volume_4_Missing_Children_English_Web.pdf. Accessed 16 November 2020.

Gendron, Lionel. “Letter of the CCCB President to the Indigenous Peoples of Canada.” 27 March 2018, Canadian Conference of Catholic Bishops. Published Letter. https://www.cccb.ca/wp-content/uploads/2020/04/4.-Letter_to_Indigenous_Peoples_-_27_March_2018_-_en.pd_.pdf. Accessed 26 November 2020.

Honouring the Truth, Reconciling for the Future: Summary of the Final Report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, 2015, www.trc.ca/assets/pdf/Honouring_the_Truth_Reconciling_for_the_Future_July_23_2015.pdf. Accessed 12 November 2020.

Interim Report. Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, 2012, www.trc.ca/assets/pdf/mroom_Interim%20report%20English%20electronic.pdf. Accessed 24 November 2020.

Residential Schools of Canada Map. Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, 2011, http://www.trc.ca/assets/pdf/2039_T&R_map_nov2011_final.pdf. Accessed 24 November 2020.

Sinclair, Murray. “CMS Opening Remarks at QNE.” Quebec National Event, Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, 24-27 April 2013, Hotel Fairmont the Queen. Opening Statement. www.trc.ca/assets/pdf/mroom_CMS%20opening%20remarks %20for%20QNE%20--%20FINAL.pdf. Accessed 24 November 2020.

Sinclair, Murray. “For the Child Taken, For the Parent Left Behind.” 9th Session of the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues, 27 April 2010, United Nations, New York. Keynote Speech. www.trc.ca/assets/pdf/mroom_TRC_UN_Speech_CMS_FINAL_April_27_2010.pdf. Accessed 24 November 2020.

Speech from the Closing Event of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission. Government of Canada, 2015, https://www.canada.ca/en/news/archive/2015/06/speech-closing-event-truth-reconciliation-commission.html. Accessed 16 November 2020.

Statement of apology to former students of Indian Residential Schools. Government of Canada, June 11, 2008, http://www.trc.ca/assets/pdf/mroom_CMS%20opening%20remarks%20for%20QNE%20--%20FINAL.pdf. Accessed 22 November 2020.

Canada’s Residential Schools: The Legacy The Final Report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, vol. 5, 2015, http://nctr.ca/assets/reports/Final%20Reports/Volume_5_Legacy_English_Web.pdf. Accessed 16 November 2020.

Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada: Calls to Action. Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, http://nctr.ca/assets/reports/Calls_to_Action_English2.pdf. Accessed 26 November 2020.

Annotated Bibliography

Bohle, Darren. “The Public Space of Agonistic Reconciliation: Witnessing and Prefacing in the TRC of Canada.” Constellations, vol. 24, no. 2, 2017, pp. 257-266. doi: 10.1111/1467-8675.12275.
    Darren Bohle’s article goes into detail of the TRC process in Canada and looks at the process through the lens of agnostic theory. He analyzes the TRC’s work of witnessing and prefacing while also offering critiques of the TRC process. One of his critiques was that there was little alteration of the relationships between settler society and the Indigenous peoples resulting in the possibility of widespread apathy. Correspondingly, his article effectively explains the difficulties in creating a shared space for plurality of narratives of reconciliation without presuming other democratic/national narratives. It also points out the importance of survivors’ willingness to speak in TRC processes. 

Eisenberg, Avigail. “The challenges of structural injustice to reconciliation: truth and reconciliation in Canada.” Ethics and Global Politics, vol. 11, no. 1, 2018, pp. 22-30. doi: 10.1080/16544951.2018.1507387.
    Avigail Eisenberg’s article uses Catherine Lu’s analysis and distinction between interactional and structural injustice in Justice and Reconciliation in World Politics (2017) to analyze efforts made by the Canadian government to address the legacy of settler colonialism towards Indigenous populations through the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada (TRC). By following the distinction between structural and interactional injustice, Eisenberg aims to clarify the normative significance of the recommendations put forth by the TRC as reconciliation is conceptualized as needing both interactional and structural injustice to be accounted for. Eisenberg furthermore notes factors that may challenge the ability of structural injustice to be addressed in reconciliation processes and offers valuable insight into potential remedies for these shortcomings. 

Hardwick, Jennifer. "Dismantling Narratives: Settler Ignorance, Indigenous Literature and the Development of a Decolonizing Discourse." Canadian Journal of Cultural Studies, vol. 33, 2015, pp. 99-118. doi: 10.3138/topia.33.99.
    Jennifer Hardwick is a postdoctoral fellow at Queen’s University focusing on the study of Indigenous-settler relations. Hardwick points out that despite the TRC, majority of Canadians either remain unaware, or are in active denial of Canada’s history, and thus removed from colonialism’s current manifestations. As such, she uses two different high school textbooks approved by Ontario’s Ministry of Education to analyze the ways in which knowledge-production and discursive maneuvers informed by colonial frameworks prevent settler Canadians from participating in acts of decolonization. As the TRC’s primary purpose was truth-telling, this paper highlights ongoing challenges of disseminating decolonizing narratives in the face of widespread settler ignorance.

Honouring the Truth, Reconciling for the Future: Summary of the Final Report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, 2015, www.trc.ca/assets/pdf/Honouring_the_Truth_Reconciling_for_the_Future_July_23_2015.pdf. Accessed 12 November 2020.
    The 2015 TRC report summarizes The Final Report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada. It provides detailed information regarding the history and legacy of residential schools; including locations, the challenges of reconciliation, and the ‘Calls to Action’ which detail recommendations for actions moving forward. This document is vital in understanding the consequences of the Indian Residential School System as well as the significance of the reconciliation process overall. Not only does this document present what the TRC has achieved, including national events and apology statements issued by government officials, it also points out areas that need further attention in order to continue to build sustainable peace. Hence, this report, in conjunction with the accompanying reports by the TRC is essential to understanding reconciliation and peacebuilding regarding the legacy of the Indian Residential School System in Canada.

Lightfoot, Sheryl. "Settler-State Apologies to Indigenous Peoples: A Normative Framework and Comparative Assessment." Journal of the Native American and Indigenous Studies Association, vol. 2, no. 1, 2015, pp. 15-39. https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.5749/natiindistudj.2.1.0015.
    Sheryl Lightfoot, who is Anishinaabe, is a leading scholar in Indigenous Studies and currently the Canada Research Chair in Global Indigenous Rights and Politics. This paper uses a comparative assessment of formal apologies offered by the United States, Australia, New Zealand, and Canada to assess the value of state apologies to Indigenous peoples for its colonial wrongdoings and violence. Based on the normative framework of “meaningfulness” and “authenticity” of state apologies, Lightfoot argues that official apologies to Indigenous peoples can play a meaningful role within the larger program of both official and informal Aboriginal-state reconciliation processes, but only if the apologies have credible commitment that goes beyond simple rhetoric. 

MacDonald, David, and Graham Hudson. "The Genocide Question and Indian Residential Schools in Canada." Canadian Journal of Political Science, vol. 45, no. 2, 2012, pp. 427-449. doi: 10.1017/S000842391200039X.
    Throughout the TRC process, there have been fierce debates as to whether or not the IRS system amounted to a genocide. This paper addresses the multitude of complexities surrounding different conceptualizations of “genocide”. If the federal government - in partnership with churches - did commit genocide, what are the criminal, legal, and political implications of this loaded label based on the United Nations Genocide Convention? If it is not genocide, how should we characterize the IRS? This is important because while the TRC’s final report repeatedly describes the IRS and Indian Act of 1876 as “cultural genocide”, the TRC’s mandate explicitly prohibited the Commission from hinting at, or making reference to possible civil or criminal liabilities of any individual or organization. 

Niezen, Ronald. Truth and Indignation: Canada’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission on Indian Residential Schools. University of Toronto [Ontario] Press, 2017. https://books-scholarsportal-info.ezproxy.library.ubc.ca/en/read?id=/ebooks/ebooks3/utpress/2018-03-27/1/9781487594404#page=14.
    Using an array of texts, testimonies, and visual materials produced by the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada (TRC) in addition to interviews conducted with survivors of the residential school system, Ronald Niezen’s book provides an overview and critical assessment of the development of the TRC. Focusing on concepts of colonial redress, transitional justice, and traumatic memory, Niezen questions the role of TRC in reconciliation and analyses ways in which initiatives of the TRC shape ideas of survivorhood. In his discussion, Niezen offers an important contribution to the discourse surrounding TRC as he questions how the goal of reconciliation shifts or changes as testimonies of key actors such as the church or government officials are left out of the Commission’s proceedings. 

The Survivors Speak: A Report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, 2015, http://nctr.ca/assets/reports /Final%20Reports/Survivors_Speak_English_Web.pdf. Accessed 16 November 2020.
    This report documents the stories and lived experiences of over 6,750 residential school survivors. Statements were gathered from across the country over the span of six years from 2009 to 2014. Details ranging from life before residential schools to the students’ religious experiences to the abuse faced by the survivors are included in this report. With this knowledge, we can better understand the weight, significance, and impact that processes of reconciliation have. Understanding and documenting what the survivors experienced in residential schools is extremely important in the reconciliation process as it contributes to the collective memory of the injustices suffered by Indigenous populations. It is important to note, however, that while this report includes a significant number of testimonies and stories, it inevitably excludes the experiences of others. This must be taken into account when analyzing the dialogue of peacebuilding and the TRC.

Wilk, Piotr, Alana Maltby, and Martin Cooke. "Residential Schools and the Effects on Indigenous Health and Well-being in Canada—a Scoping Review." Public Health Reviews, vol. 38, no. 1, 2017, pp. 1-23. doi: 10.1186/s40985-017-0055-6.
    Wilk et al. conducted a scoping review of peer-reviewed studies that were done on Indigenous health outcomes, as well as nine separate public health databases to summarize the empirical relationship between residential schooling among First Nations and health outcomes of those communities. Empirical results from 61 articles show that physical health outcomes linked to residential schooling include, but are not limited to poor general health, and increased rates of chronic and infectious diseases. Negative effects on mental and emotional health include chronic distress, depression, addictive substance misuse, and suicidal behaviors. These results further confirm, and highlight the intergenerational health inequities as outlined in the TRC’s ‘94 Calls to Action’ document. 

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