Author Archives: rebecca watson

The Fun Post (Or, The System of Naming the 16th Century Herbals)

These are some good examples of the attempts at organization and nomenclature of plants at a time when there really was no classification system in place (Knight 66-67).  Thus, the names are sometimes quite poetic and imaginative (66-67).  On the more mystical plants in his Herball, Gerard was actually aware that plants such as the “mandrake” had a fantastical history and he stated so in his account of such plants (108).  According to Knight, he may have included them to highlight the way botanists doing “scholarly writing” would sometimes simply copy ancient texts verbatim, regardless of outdated information (108).

 

Works Cited

Knight, Leah. Of Books and Botany in Early Modern England: Sixteenth-Century Plants and Print Culture. Surrey, Ashgate Publishing Limited, 2009.

Some Differences Between Editions 3.0

During the hand-press era, there were usually several different people doing the job of putting a book together; this task was sometimes even completed at different locations.  Printers would try to guard against errors (such as binding the pages in the incorrect order) by printing catchwords at the bottom right-hand corner of each page.  This practice was seen in all editions of the Herball; with each book being so large, it would have been key to avoid errors such as binding the pages out of order.  An example is shown below.  Note how the catchword from the page on “the Stonie wood, or woode made of Stones” correspond to the first words on the next page on “the Goose tree, or Barnacle tree, or the tree bearing Geese.” (see this post for more amazing nomenclature and fantastical plants)

In the case of the 1633 Herball, the pages were in order, but they were mislabeled.  This mislabeling affected the index as well, and the result was that if a reader wanted something on page 31 for example, then they would have to look for the corresponding mislabeled page 31, rather than the “real” page 31.

Some Differences Between Editions 2.0

Between the 1597, 1633 and 1636 editions there were some differences in information the publishers, or editor (in the case of 1633 and 1636) included in the book.  For example, Jacob Thompson added six pages of his own “Letter to the Reader” in his 1633 edition.  This letter can be seen (and read) in “All is Fair in Plants and Printing 3.0.”  The front material also included a “Catalogue of Additions,” which was four leaves (or, 8 pages) long.

Page one of the “Catalogue of Additions” in the 1633 and 1636 editions of Gerard’s Herball, edited and expanded by Jacob Thompson.

In the 1597 edition, there was a colophon which was not present in the 1633, nor the 1636 editions.

Colophon in 1597 edition of the Herball.

The end material of the 1636 edition included a letter from Thompson to the reader, stating that there were no major changes between the 1633 and 1636 editions of the Herball.

Thompson’s “Advertisement to the Readers” at the end of the 1636 edition.

Some Differences Between Editions

This is a note on the differences between editions.   There was next to no difference in font between the 1597, 1633 and 1636 editions of the Herball, with the exception of the use of black letter fonts, which were used more in the indexes of the 1597 edition, and more in the text of the 1633 and 1636 edition when indicating names in other languages.  The 1633 edition (edited by Jacob Thompson) is much longer than the 1597 edition; the 1597 edition consists of 1,392 pages, while the 1633 and 1636 editions total 1,598 pages (excluding the indexes and additional front matter in both cases; the 1633 edition had much more front and back matter than the 1597 edition; the 1636 edition was the same as the 1636 edition).

The woodblock illustrations ornamenting the pages in the 1633 edition (and thus also the 1636 edition) were much more elaborate than the 1597 edition.  For comparison, the chapter title pages and last page of Book 3 are included in the gallery below:

A note on the Catalogue

All editions of the Herball are a part of the William C. Gibson Memorial Collection in the RBSC.  William C. Gibson was a part of the UBC Faculty of Medicine from 1950-1978 (“Fonds”).  He was a collector of medical and history related books, and donated his collection to the UBC Charles Woodward Memorial collection (“Fonds”).  From my experience in the UBC RBSC, there are books from the Woodward Memorial collection (in Woodward library) that have been moved to and archived in the RBSC.  It should be noted that the 1597 edition of the Herball is cataloged in the Messerschmidt collection as well as the Gibson collection.  There is not a lot of information available on Henry Messerschmidt, aside from the fact that he donated 55 item collection to the library in the 2006/07 school year, and this collection contains “vernacular and Latin editions from German printers from the 15th to 18th centuries” (“The Report”).   Upon investigation, I found that Gerard’s book was one of the only English books in the collection; the majority of Messerschmidt’s collection is Latin.  The reason for the 1597 edition being a part of the Messerschmidt and Gibson collection is unknown; perhaps Messerschmidt and Gibson had some kind of collaboration, or perhaps one person bought the book from the other’s collection, but since the donation records are not made available to students, the reason why is left up to speculation.

 

Works Cited

“Fonds- William C. Gibson Fonds.” MemoryBC, https://www.memorybc.ca/william-c-gibson-fonds. Accessed 16 April 2018.

“The Report of the University Librarian to the Senate.” UBC Library, 9 Dec. 2007, https://about.library.ubc.ca/files/2007/12/UBC_RS_2006-07.pdf.

Differences and Damage (1636)

All is Fair in Plants and Printing 3.0

Accusations of plagiarism against Gerard’s Herball should be analysed carefully.  Firstly, Gerard was commissioned to write his 1597 edition by the printer John Norton (Brent Elliot, “The World of the Renaissance Herbal” 34-35; Leah Knight, “Of Books and Botany” 78).  Norton wanted an English translation of Rembert Dodoens Cruydtboeck, even though there was already an English translation (Elliot 35) made by Henry Lyte.  To complete this job, Norton first commissioned physician Robert Priest to do the translation, but unfortunately Priest died before he could complete his translation; any manuscripts he had completed have since been lost (Knight 78).  Norton then tasked the finishing of this translation to Gerard (78).  For the woodcut illustrations, Norton used the same as Tabernaemontanus (referenced in “All is Fair in Plants and Print“); he rented the woodblocks from the publisher Nicolaus Bassaeus (Elliot 35).  Gerard was tasked with arranging the illustrations to match the text (Knight 78).  The order of the plants in this text reflect that of Mattias L’Obel’s herbal (Knight 78), which may be partly because L’Obel was also hired at the same time to make corrections on the text (Elliot 35).

Oddly, it was L’Obel who would later accuse Gerard of plagiarizing his work (Elliot 35).  Gerard was accused of plagiarism a second time by apothecary Jacob Thompson, who edited and expanded upon Gerard’s work in the 1633 edition of the Herball. The 1633 and 1636 editions of the text were also publisher-commissioned works; Norton’s widow and colleagues commissioned Thompson to edit and expand on the Herball “in order to cut out a competitor” (Elliot 35).  In his “Letter to the Reader,” Thompson criticizes the late Gerard for incorrectly matching the illustrations and text and accuses him of plagiarizing the works of Dodoens (Knight 78).

 

Works Cited

Elliot, Brent. “The World of The Renaissance Herbal.” Renaissance Studies, vol. 25, no. 1, 2011, pp. 24-41, doi: 10.1111/j.1477-4658.2010.00706.x. Accessed 13 April 2018.

Knight, Leah. Of Books and Botany in Early Modern England: Sixteenth-Century Plants and Print Culture. Surrey, Ashgate Publishing Limited, 2009.

All is Fair in Plants and Printing 2.0

I would like to elaborate here on what “sharing” and “borrowing” of information meant in the context of 16th century herbals.  During this time, there was an increased interest in what was called “home grown herbalism” in England, where people would grow their own private gardens (Leah Knight, “Of Books and Botany” 8).  Plants were distributed in the same way as written communication: seeds and pressed plants could be mailed in envelopes, in addition to written descriptions (Knight 21).  In this way, the distribution of plants was “seen as a way of turning private property into a kind of non-textual commonplace” (Knight 21), meaning that herbalistic knowledge was considered “common stock” (78), or public rather than private.  It was common at this time for herbals to be compiled under a single name, because it was known that so much of the botanical knowledge was either shared, or cited from ancient texts (78-79).

The print culture surrounding herbals at this time was geared to towards the authentication of  “classical inheritance,” (Knight 8; Elliot 24) in addition to the “commonplacing” (Knight 22) of plant knowledge.  “Commonplacing” meant making public the invaluable knowledge, which was secluded to elite circles until the 16th century (Knight 77).  That is, herbals were usually printed only in Latin, to ensure unlicensed practitioners did not have access to the information (77).  Gerard’s work is an example of a text which engages in the herbal print culture of the 16th century, as it is characterized by the author’s correspondence with multiple sources (texts, people, etc…) as well as the fact that it is printed in the vernacular (77).

Works Cited

Elliot, Brent. “The World of The Renaissance Herbal.” Renaissance Studies, vol. 25, no. 1, 2011, pp. 24-41, doi: 10.1111/j.1477-4658.2010.00706.x. Accessed 13 April 2018.

Knight, Leah. Of Books and Botany in Early Modern England: Sixteenth-Century Plants and Print Culture. Surrey, Ashgate Publishing Limited, 2009.

What the Milton?! Poetry and Folklore meet the Herbal

A printed herbal of the 16th century is an encyclopedia, which includes illustration, descriptions of plants’ habitat, known names, appearance, and virtues or medicinal properties (Leah Knight, “Of Books and Botany” 22).  In addition to these characteristics, herbals in the 16th century also showed a kind of fusion between the literary and the scientific (Knight 25).  This was demonstrated in Gerard’s Herball with his reference to “Adam’s Apple Tree,” a name which Paul Cox links to Milton and Paradise Lost (“The Promise of Gerard’s Herball” 51).  Gerard often makes references to literary figures, such as Virgil and others, as well as including folklore about the plants.

 

 

Works Cited

Cox, Paul. “The Promise of Gerard’s Herball: New Drugs from Old Books.” Endeavour, vol. 22, no. 2, 1998, pp. 51-53, doi: https://doi.org/10.1016/S0160-9327(98)01111-9. Accessed 20 March 2018.

Knight, Leah. Of Books and Botany in Early Modern England: Sixteenth-Century Plants and Print Culture. Surrey, Ashgate Publishing Limited, 2009.

Durability (1633)

While there were minor damages to the 1633 edition of Gerard’s Herball, this copy was largely preserved.  There were minor damages to the cover, and minimal damage to the inner pages; inner pages were not featured here as I could find no real damages to show besides some negligible page wrinkles.