In part one of La Belle Créole, we see Mercedes as a child. I think it is important to remember that she is just that, a child. Children often have an “I’m the center of the universe” mindset, which can blur the events around them. We see this with Mercedes; she is spoiled, undisciplined and listens to nobody. In the book we don’t really experience many of the tragedies that occurred when Mercedes was looking the other way. I think that is why I enjoyed reading someone else’s interpretation of her memoirs. Lapuerta brought us back to reality by pointing out the things that were likely happening around Mercedes when she was busy romanticizing different aspects of her life. I also like to look at the context a character is set in. Mercedes is portrayed, as this cute little wealthy girl who cares about slaves and who everyone loves. She may get into mischief sometimes but its not enough to make the readers dislike her. As a result the readers like her and find her entertaining. If at the same time as Mercedes’ story was being developed we were told the story of a little slave girl who was put through all these hardships we would feel very different about Mercedes. We would think of her as more spoiled and self-centered. Controlling the context can be a very important power to have; I think that is why Lapuerta chose to write about Mercedes’ memoirs. This way she could counter balance the effect of Mercedes’ romanticized world with concrete facts!
This week’s readings from Scott’s book gave a great insight into the early years of independent Cuba, particularly with regards to race and the role of the US. What was interesting was the contrasting views held by the Cubans and the Americans with regards to the people of colour in Cuba. During the years immediately after the War of Independence the Americans, under Governor Leonard Wood, made strong efforts to exclude people of colour from the ballot through certain restrictions and criteria. However the Cubans, who were at this time creating their own constitution, discarded the pressures of the US and adopted universal suffrage (however only for males). During the second US occupation of Cuba, the Americans continued to express their distrust of people of colour by portraying them as ‘inherently dangerous’. The supporters of the Liberal Party were categorized in a similar way. This, along with the Platt Amendment of 1901, meant that the US was inevitably going to become involved in Cuban politics. In 1905, they acted to prevent the liberal leader Jose Miguel Gomez from taking power despite the probable reality that he was the most popular candidate for leadership, in favour of supporting the corrupt, fraudulent, conservative Tomas Estrada Palma, and why? Seeming because the party represented by Estrada Palma more accurately reflected the views of the Americans, particularly towards race in this instance. Therefore I would suggest that in this evidence we can see the roots of American dominance of Cuba, and of America’s relentless efforts to bend Cuba to their own will by imposing upon the island their version of society and politics. This theme would come to categorize Cuban history until the Revolution of 1959.
It is interesting how a rhetoric emerges around race intended to unite Cubans at the disregard of race, and in fact to dismantle racial discrimination and provide opportunities to those black people who are emancipated from slavery, actually oppresses them. While there are many blacks attaining positions of power within the framework of the emerging independent Cuba, within the Liberal party especially as veterans fought for them, when a partido emerges with a strong backing in the Oriente province which highlights ongoing injustices to black people, it sparks fear once again throughout the nation of the threat of race war. Another Haiti! Haven’t we read this before, that even among the groups in the ten years war tried to sway the support of the slaves but then tried to downplay their role? And now, after emancipation elites continually use media to demonstrate how people demanding their rights on a platform within the emerging legal infrastructure are trying to create divisions within the country. If I remember correctly, Oriente is where Fidel and his troops land when launching a rebllion against Batista and find support amidst this region, what is the significance of this area? I thought it was awesome how the case study of the Quesada descendants was followed through the court case, and imagine this was not just an isolated event and there were others appealing to courts for their freedom. Something that the book deals with but does not give me a firm resolution with, is what happens to these appeals to land rights? Without fully autonomous development and the right to be proprietor of their own tract of land, were descendants of emancipated slaves better or worse off when involved with wage labor?
If things got confusing in previous chapters, on chapters 7 and 8, Scott’s brings more actors in scene (law, rumours, press, racial bias among others) just to entertain us or to make easier to comprehend that the creation of a new nation was and is never an easy process.
By the beginning of the 20-century, the Southern states, like Louisiana, still holds strong prejudice against the black population who fight to get civil rights without success. The Democrats muffled any possibility of suffrage in favour of the blacks with the help of the church and the large sums of money that they collected to further the “white supremacy” propaganda. Shutting the voices of the black Americans was not an easy task but if we follow the money, we can find the main people involved in the vile actions.
On the contrary, in Cuba, civil rights and suffrage were kept “intact” mainly because the large black population was able to speak up and to organize when they noticed that certain actions against them could diminish their new citizen status. Moreover, after the end of the war, the plantations needed labour more than ever to rebuild and it would be counter-productive to launch disenfranchisement actions in the new independent nation with a 30 per cent population of blacks.
The singular stories of people in Cuba are great exemplifications of how resilient and outspoken the former slaves had become once they are free again. Even though some court battles were lost, the people kept pushing for what they believed using all the knowledge they had through kin networks and fraternity.
In the article, “Batista is Dead”, Bronfman discusses the concept of media as an actor in the political sphere, rather than simply a tool to be used. The concept that media remains a constant in politics, regardless of the situation, is crucial in developing an understanding of its importance. Communication has long been key in creating both the illusion of power and control, as well as maintaining one’s power. Batista clearly understood this as can be seen through his amplification of the communication systems in Cuba (46). Drawing on Bronfman’s ideas that media is an actor, the immense power of media to transform a situation can be highlighted by several incidents. One such incident that is emblematic of the power of media, was the non-violent strike that turned violent after falsified reports of President Machado’s resignation were broadcasted (45).
The power of media and governments using it against their people in order to maintain their hegemony can be seen in many countries, including Canada and the U.S. Biased broadcasting and control over the media, specifically what can be said and when, runs rampant even today. For example, the media during the Presidential elections in the U.S, is saturated with opinions (oftentimes biased and unfounded) that are able to influence a vast amount of people Though seemingly not as a sinister as the complete control of media that Batista had, media is still a critical platform from which to project ones views and sway opinions.
The excerpt Elizabeth Dore quotes of Carlos interview with the two Cuban journalists struck powerful(see top of p.41). In expressing his thoughts on the Communist governments propaganda, Carlos associates with the Revolution some new ideas: hypnosis, collective hysteria, manipulation, psychology, belief versus non-belief, self-interest, honesty, secrets. This caused me to reflect on how the enticing effects a specific socio-context can have on your conditioned beliefs and thought processes, has prevailed in all histories, times, spaces, and places. Furthermore, Carlo’s adds how ‘rhetoric-tuned-on-repeat,’ can have a sublime sort of power to penetrate into your very internalizations. To quote: “They can make you believe that you are happy and, I just don’t know. They repeat things so many times they end up making you believe…” As Dore demonstrates, the beliefs Cubans developed with the fervour and enthusiasm as true, and for the revolution, didn’t always meet to coincide with their feelings, and experiences.
I remember a large conversation within the biography of Che Guevara that I read which dealt with whether he was a philosophically leaning toward Leninist or Maoist principles, and Soviet Union officials summed him up as a Maoist but were taken with his charm. I like how this discussion is furthered here without actually dwelling on individual actors but has created a deeper well for me to jump into learning about Cuban relationships with other global players. This questioning must have arrived during the “Sino-Soviet split of the 1970s when China and the Soviet Union were at odds and looking to Cuba to define its’ communism in proximity to one of the two communist superpowers. I think it is interesting that Cuba allied itself with Vietnam after Beijing invaded it even though Vietnam was not as powerful an economically viable alliance. This may show some ideological integrity, though it may have forced the PRC’s hand to abandon Cuba economically. Although isn’t it odd that Cuba supposedly expressed understanding for the Chinese government’s response to the protests in Tianemen Square, a popular grassroots movement for democracy? Does anyone else find this odd?
That Canada did not bow down to the US to immediately distance themselves from Cuba seems remarkable in the modern day, when Canadian interests are almost always forced to align with the United States. It is interesting how Fidel seeks to trade and consolidate internation relations but is branded as a Communist which may not even effect his actions with other trading partners but becomes an issue of appearances.
Within the madness that is the santeria article, I can’t help but attach myself to something we talked about on Tuesday, that skilled laborers are at a disadvantage to tourist workers who have access to convertible pesos and even dollars. It is interesting how these spiritualistic intermingle with official religions, which were looked down upon in Cuba under the Revolution. How does race and spirituality interact in Cuba? Another interesting connection to the movement in Angola is that Che Guevara lamented over the “superstitious” beliefs of the Angolans which made them bad guerrilla fighters, what would he say about santeria in cuba?
I am really glad that we got to take a deeper look into Sino-Cuban relations with Treto’s chapter. It actualized the brief references made in Barcia to Chinese workers in Cuba in the 18th and 19th centuries. After reading both Treto and McKercher’s chapters a parallel is formed with Cuba’s alliance with China and Canada’s alliance with Cuba in the face of disapproval from USSR in the former and the US in the latter. Both Cuba and Canada take their own routes despite the potential consequences of their allegiance. I would argue that their steadfast loyalty is demonstrative of peaceful relations amongst what could have been much more gruesome. However, no one’s hands are entirely clean what with Cuba’s intervention in Angola and China’s responsibility for a massive famine due to socialist reform policies but both chapters demonstrate peaceful coexistence and successful reciprocity that was seemingly unfettered. Another interesting features of diplomatic relations illustrated in both chapters is visits to allied countries. Castro visited Moscow in 1963 and 1964 despite it’s allyship with China. Of course the US was supporting the Cuban economy more than China was but it’s odd how there is a diplomatic obligation to visit repeatedly to demonstrate peaceful relations. In McKercher’s chapter things were getting heated between Cuba and Canada when Chretien sought to implement “constructive engagement” (AKA attempt to make Cuba change) but this was eventually smoothed over with the visit of the Canadian trade mission in 2002. These visiting diplomats, or rather “othered” bodies (because they are outside the prescribed population of the place they are visiting) is extremely meaningful in the Cuba-Sino relationship and the Cuba-Canadian relationship. It suggests that borders and ideologies are firm but the tangible presence of a diplomat is that much more effective in sparking peaceful relations. Even if other allies harshly condemn this practice.
Today’s readings from Krull provided a very engaging look at Cuban society both politically and culturally. The chapters about China and Canada were a refreshing take on Cuban international relations. Whenever Cuba’s bilateral relations are mentioned, the topic inevitably turns to the US embargo. In my opinion, this has been a futile attempt at engineering change. In the end, as shown at the beginning of chapter 8 with Alejandro’s mother, it’s the individuals that are affected by the lack of supplies. The government continues it’s daily activities and its ideology remains unaffected. Rather, constructive engagement allowed Canada and China to have meetings with the Cuban leadership and express their opinions. As a country leading an embargo, US opinion is of very little concern to Cuba. I found it interesting how the chapters placed the Cold War in a far more complex perspective. Generally, there is more of a duality shaped between the USSR and US, with all other countries falling somewhere in either camp. Evidently, this was very far from the truth.
I found that Krull’s chapters invoke some interesting similarities between Cuba’s bilateral relations and international culture. Despite the constructive engagement, Canada and China failed to significantly impact Cuban political life. Providing a dialogue is important, but there were no impactful changes. There appeared to be a certain understanding of Cuban ideology and life that was lacking. Similarly, international film makers fell in the same trap. While there are the concrete issues and events in Cuban society, including the Angolan intervention and the Sierra Maestra Revolution, capturing the essence of Cuban struggles is something that both filmmakers and politicians failed to accomplish. Overall, I found the chapters chosen this week to provide yet another look at the less popular, and more intriguing, discourse regarding Cuban society. As a non-aligned country, Cuban foreign relations are perhaps a more reasonable approach to governing in our international system.
After reading the selected chapters for this week, at first I had a difficult time understanding how each of the four chapters related to each other. After careful consideration, it seemed to me that all four articles discuss the relationships of Cuba on an international and domestic stage. For example, Chapter five and chapter six largely concern themselves with Cuba’s reputation on the world stage as it provides an in-depth understanding of Cuba’s relationship with both Canada and China. Chapter 14 also describes how Cuba has been perceived by the world by focusing in on how it has been represented by filmmakers. Chapter eight however, does not focus solely on Cuba’s relationships or image on the world stage. In fact it goes to a deeper level of analysis in that it instead makes the argument that Cuban relationships on a personal level have an effect on and mirror Cuban relationships internationally. For example, based on the concept of interpersonal internationalism Delgado makes evident that through informal international networks of individuals, Cubans are able to exchange with foreigners in a mutually beneficial way. Though this has become problematic in some ways, the process nonetheless encourages interaction between foreigners and Cubans. Similarly, based on findings in chapter five, Cuba on an international level has engaged in similar behavior through its engagement with China during the post cold-war period. While negotiations were cold for a while, China and Cuba have engaged in mutually beneficial engagement through the trade of oil and nickel for appliances and aid. This again can be similar to Delgado’s concept of interpersonal internationalism in that it is a mutually beneficial exchange that induces increased interaction between parties. In sum, while on a first glance this weeks chapters seemed difficult to draw a theme between, focusing on interpersonal internationalism’s parallels on an international and domestic stage can encapsulate the content of each article.
After reading the chapter this week I found it very interesting how the Krull describes Cuba’s image both on a domestic front and an international one . It was interesting reading into Cuban and Chinese relations because it was something that I have never considered in politics and influence . It was also interesting reading into Cuban heavily researched medical epicenters and how they are continuing to to push for investment to provide other Latin American countries the needs for pharmaceutical goods. I also enjoyed reading the Canadian perspective with Cuban diplomatic relations , as diplomatic relations with Cuba is generally referred to as American relations . It was refreshing reading a unique perspective especially with Trudeau expanding relationships with Cuba . And previously seeing a picture of Castro holding Justin Trudeau as a small child. It was interesting reading future prime ministers takes on humanitarian efforts and economic efforts towards Cuba and how those reflected differently from American presidents . Lastly looking at Santeria and Cuba’s effort for internalization made me think how lucrative this unique religion has become and how the Cuban state saw tourism was greatly beneficial to Santeria and how they sponsored “religious tourism in an attempt to capture
hidden international Santeria commerce”. Overall the readings very interesting as they play a role in Cuba’s future of political relations and how diplomats are able to change the tide of previous predecessors .
In the four chapters from Cuba in a Global Context by Catherine Krull, many different things stood out to me. I found the chapter on Canada-Cuba relations and Santeria to be the most interesting to me. Chapter 6, ?Complicated and Far-Reaching: The Historical Foundations of Canadian Policy toward Cuba?, surprised me in many ways and made me realize that Canada hasn?t and doesn?t always follow the lead of the United States, which I now know is a common misconception. I enjoyed reading about the way that the leadership of Canada through many decades stuck to their values as a country in continuing the dialogue with Cuba, and holding their ground not only in regard to the United States, but also Cuba. Although the U.S. was constantly making aggressive moves and even implementing laws such as the Democratic Solidarity (or Helms-Burton) Act, Canada kept its original stance on Cuba, a position that was advantageous for both countries. When I began reading the chapter on Santeria, I was confused at first, but I quickly understood the somewhat rebellious spiritual culture of the Santeros, and the way that their movement has survived throughout the unpredictable political climate in Cuba. In terms of the different Cuban currencies, the way that the Santeros have formed a respected and reliable network of people is quite astounding, as well as the way that they have created ties in which they are able to obtain the peso convertible. The strength of their religion to bring foreigners to Cuba in order to gain an authentic initiation is extremely beneficial to Cubans living off peso nacionales, and it is a very innovative way of breaking out of the limiting Cuban economy. I found that both of these chapters increased my knowledge of Cuban culture and international history, and helped me gain a better understanding of Cuban relations within Canada, as well as the cultural intricacies within Cuba.
This weeks readings demonstrated how despite the US embargo, Cuba was still connected to the international community. Treto’s chapter on Cuban-Chinese relations was very eye opening to the way the two countries found common ground through socialism and created a bilateral alliance. This alliance was based in Cuba and China’s leader’s sharing a radical approach to governance. The countries also exchanged rice and sugar, which benefited both economies and provided the basis for a long-term trade partnership. Treto highlights that even with the “Sino-Soviet split” and with the dangers the bilateral partnership, a relationship was confirmed and strengthened between 1989-2001. Both Cuba and China were in need of new allies, China needed an alliance in Latin America and Cuba needed access to resources that they lost with the fall of the Soviet Union. Cuba’s relationship to China also aided in their growing biotechnology and pharmaceutical industries and created tourism.
Furthermore, Canada’s continuing relationship with Cuba demonstrates that Cuba was not restricted to alliances with socialist countries. McKercher’s chapter analyzing the Cuban-Canadian relationship strengthens the argument that Cuba continued to be very interconnected in the international sphere. Canada’s policy, based on the continuance of normal relations with Cuba demonstrates that the motivation behind the US embargo did not extend to Canada. Alternatively to the US, Canada continued bilateral trade agreements while simultaneously opposing Cuba’s foreign policy. I think Canada continuing normal relations with Cuba signals Canada’s autonomy from the US and also the benefits Cuba had to offer, such as travel, trade and a diplomatic partner. Overall the readings showed me that Cuba was not nearly as isolated as American media portrayed.
I found Chapter 5 very interesting for this week’s readings. I have known that in recent years that China has heavily invested in Cuba with a strong economic partnership growing, but I was curious about how this all came about as it seemed a bit like a strange partnership. However Chapter 5 paints a very good background of the origins of Chinese and Cuban relations. The many similarities between government types and to some extent the nature of the population allowed for a strong bond between both countries. Even the Sino-Soviet split with Cuba being in the middle, did not cause any harm to relations once they were normalized and strengthened once more after the fall of the Soviet Union. The level of respect that both governments have for each other was a very strong point in this chapter. One interesting aspect that I did not previously know was the strength of Cuba’s biotechnological industries and how China valued this aspect of Cuba. Previously I only thought that China was only interested in the natural resources that Cuba had to offer, like with what China is currently doing in Africa.
Canada also has maintained favorable relations with Cuba since Fidel Castro came to power, despite the clash in policy between Ottawa and Washington. This is interesting as it portrays that Canada wants to develop a more independent stance from the US. It was frequently noted in the chapter that Canada never found any problems with the legitimacy of Castro’s government, only disputes would arise and now and then surrounding policy.
Reading about Cuba’s economic and international relations in Catherine Krull’s “Cuba in a Global Context” deepened my understanding for the trade agreements (like Venezuelan oil for Cuban doctors) discussed in class. What I found really interesting was in chapter 8, the commercialization of Santeria, the Cuban religion. While the government hardened its policies towards all other religions in the 60’s to promote Santeria, it then exploited the religious practise for economic gain. This was particularly fascinating to read about after discussing the strategies the Cuban government came up with for revenue this week. While foreigners were travelling to Cuba to partake in the religious rituals for a cheaper rate, with (perceived) better quality in Cuba, they also possessed illegal currency. This had attributed to the dual-currency economy, which factored in to state intervention and religious tourism. In the 1990’s, the government authorized the ACY (Asociación Cultural Yoruba) and had offered all-inclusive tours to work in partnership with the state. I am curious as to how the religious practise would compare to its practise unbound to the government.
This weeks chapters were an interesting mix of topics. Looking at Cuba’s relationships with China and Canada were interesting after so much information of Cuba-US relations it was refreshing to see how they interacted with other countries. It was fascinating to me that Canada stood firm in their decision to maintain normal relations with Cuba despite their differences in regards to policy, and especially for not “knuckling under US pressure”. The commercialization of Santeria was an eye opener to the inside factors of inequality in Cuba. When thinking about tourism and CUCs I never thought about how the commoditization of religion would play into this as well. Recent exchanges of doctors and students between China and Cuba are an example of the positive impact normal relations with Cuba can have.
It was very interesting after reading more about Cuban-American relations last week to go on to read about Canadian-Cuban relations this week! When reading this chapter I found that the Canadian policies towards Cuba made a lot more sense to me than the American one of complete isolation. That being said, I also found it hard to accept that although the Canadian government outwardly condemned the Castro governments’ ommittance of civil rights in trials and with political prisoners, that they didn’t really try to do anything about it. They were clearly very concerned that Castro was treating prisoner’s inhumanely but still they did not actually take any real action to try and remedy this. To me it just seemed like a sort of tactic to turn a blind eye in order to continue a prosperous trade union. Also, maybe the author just didn’t explain this properly, but it seems although the Canadian government was openly saying that they believed they could keep a dialogue going with Cuba, there was very little proof of dialogue actually occuring. In the Leogrande and Kornbluh book we read about all the backroom and secret talks that were going on between the United States and Cuba but in this book it seemed like each Prime Minister had a spat with Castro and then didn’t talk to him again. I’m sure that there was more back-and-forth than this between Cuba and Canada but I don’t believe the author presented the information in a way where it appeared that they did.
I found this weeks readings very interesting, especially with relation to China and Canada and Cuba. After class on Tuesday where we discussed the strategies the Cuban government came up with to get revenue, it was interesting to see how this connected to the relationship and trade with China. This was especially evident within the medical research and education. I also found the chapter on Canada and Cuba’s relationship to be telling, especially in how it indicates the pressures the United States put on Canada to cut ties. Yet, in response Canada stood strong in their beliefs in trading with all Nations, even if it would create turmoil with the United States. I also liked how it showed Canada, to “engage instead of isolate” when it came to disagreements between countries. These two chapters were also key in highlighting the fact that the relationships were beneficiary for both countries involved. I think that when most people think of Cuba, they recognize the lack of trade with the US, and therefore see that they have a huge reliance on other countries, yet these chapters indicate that Canada and China also relied on Cuba.
The Chapter on Santeria, the religious practice in Cuba, really had me thinking about the use of the convertible peso and the division in labor and class as a result. When I went to Cuba, our guide told us many times that the highly sought after jobs were those within tourism, because it is outside of the government. These were seen as better jobs then those of doctors and other high status jobs based on the expose and possession of the convertible peso. Guides, such as ours receive tips in the convertible peso, which is only accessible through relations with tourists. I thought it was interesting how a religious practice, could be turned into a business, by a means of accessing the convertible peso.
Though I love reading about Canada, and Canadian politics, I found the first chapter on relations with China to be the most interesting. In class, and in the texts we read, I’ve gotten used to thinking about Cuba as such an important place in history. That combined with the fact that in high school all we learned about Cuba was that it almost caused World War 3, it seems like a pretty significant country in history. But while reading Chapter 1, I started to realize, despite being the centre of attention, that Cuba was often like the little dog yapping and barking at the big dogs. Not to say that Cuba had no effect, or was completely insignificant in world events, but rather that this chapter put into perspective for me Cuba’s place in the world. You have this relatively small island nation, extremely distant from the two Communist powers of the world who is trying to budge in try to settle a dispute between the Soviets and the Chinese. On the playground, it would be like if a 3rd grader tried to break up a fight between a couple of 7th graders – those kinds of fights are big boy stuff. The fact that China simply shrugged them off when they were no longer of use, said a lot to me about how important Cuba was to China. Cuba was handy when Mao Zedong was trying to gain international diplomatic recognition, but as soon as Castro waivered when tensions arrose between China and the USSR, he was of little importance. This was displayed when Mao refused to greet Che in person. Also, I could be wrong, but it seemed like the relationship did not last very long. Castro came to power in 1959, and then made his anti-China speech in 1965. So, until later in the century it does not seem to me that China cared much for Cuba.
From this weeks reading of Catherine Krull, it was interesting to read about international relationships of China & Canada, to look at both past and present relations and to see how these two nations went against both the USSR and the US to align with Cuba. And also interesting because I wasn’t expecting both these relationships so it was fascinating to see how they developed. And that Cuba had shown through these relationships the ability to survive while fighting against the U.S. economic blockade, and they weren’t as separated as some may have thought from the world. It is interesting that the intimate bilateral relation China and Cuba had, began to deteriorate as a result of the Sino-Soviet split, the struggle between the Soviet and Chinese communist parties over the direction of the communist movement, which put Cuba in a difficult position to balance its relationships which led to Cubas neutrality causing more tensions for the relationship. However, by 1989 the relationship continued to grow in strength seemingly not affected, since both China and Cuba needed something from one another (Cuba needed new allies & Chinas opening to Latin American trade). It interesting that trade isn’t the only important relation but education (scholarships provided), science (biotechnology and pharmaceutical), tourism and so forth have also expanded substantially. The Canadian relationship (which was interesting to learn &to be separated then being under the umbrella of US relation to Cuba), was a surprise that they had there own ideas and wouldn’t be pressured into adopting policies they didn’t agree with, thereby going against the US knowing the relationship between the two you would think automatically Canada was side with America on the Cuban issue and that they remained consistent to there approach to Cuba from the beginning. Even though Canadian diplomats were critical of Cuba, through their ideology, domestic policies and human rights (of which upset Canada) this didn’t prevent a bilateral relation being established, as they decided engagement and dialogue (the opposite of the US approach).
In Chapter five which focused on Cuba and China’s relationship, I was a bit shocked to see how well they got along. I would never have put that much thought into their relationship with them being on opposite sides of the world, and so different culturally. Yet, Treto points out that they were actually quite similar, and the similarities were so obvious and yet the countries seem so distant that I did not connect them. Both the countries openly proclaim that they were striving to build a socialist economic system. That’s definitely a big factor that would tie them together, it seems that they both respected each other, because of that as well. Through this course it seems that is also what Castro wanted to have respect and be taken seriously, China gave him something the U.S never did, respect, and acknowledgement of that socialist state he was trying to create. Another one of the factors that Treto said tied them together was U.S government withheld diplomatic recognition to deny their legitimacy, so they had a common enemy in a sense. Even the Sino-Soviet split did not destroy their relationship, and afterwards they emerged with a great relation again.
The relationships between Canada and Cuba was something I was looking forward to read, as we’ve learned so much about the U.S but to see Canada’s relationship was interesting. I wasn’t surprised to read that Canada had tried to have a neutral or good relationship with Cuba, despite their relationship with the U.S. Both the countries even benefitted from economic, and cultural ties, and despite the U.S having a critical stance on it, Canada maintained their stance on Cuba. Diefanbaker seems to be someone responsible for that, he chose engagement with Cuba rather than isolation, which was a smart choice, if both the countries can benefit from each other, their is no need to follow the U.S. In the end of the chapter it was mentioned that Canadian officials have tried to mediate the Cuban-U.S dispute, which seems totally in character with Canada. Yet, the U.S was not having it, the U.S is so unreasonable in their stance on Cuba, they might not agree with how things are run, but they can’t run the whole world around their wishes.
The four chapters in Cuba in a Global Context written by Catherine Krull cover a wide range of interesting topics from Cuba-China relationship to foreign filmmakers in Cuba.
Chapter 5 discusses the Cuba-China relationship, which shows that Cuba and China have established long-term positive relationship. What surprised me the most was that their relationship is still actively going on in 2000s, such as the fact that “a number of Chinese enterprises have established branch offices in Cuba” which I totally did not know. It seems like their relationship is very healthy as the author says “while trade is crucial to Cuban-Chinese relations, exchanges and cooperation in the fields of social research, education, performing arts, science, sports, and tourism have also expanded substantially,” and also they are in win-win conditions as China takes advantage of Cuba’s highly developed biotechnology and pharmaceutical sectors and Cuba takes advantage of China’s manufacturing channels.
Chapter 6 discusses the Cuba-Canada relationship, which seems way more healthy and rational than the Cuba-U.S. relationship. I was impressed by the strong Canadian policy which contains the idea that “Ottawa should maintain normal relations with any other country, regardless of ideology, differences in political outlook, or the wishes of Canada’s chief ally” as I think this kind of idea is very modern and positive. Personally, I’m glad that I decided to study not in U.S. but in Canada because I could easily go to Cuba for travel.
Chapter 8 discusses religion in Cuba. The author explains Santeria, “a syncretic Cuban religion based upon West African beliefs,” which is very interesting to me, but I feel it’s sad that Santeria got commercialized and “just as tourists are widely visible in many areas of urban Cuban life, foreigners are increasingly a part of urban Santeria commerce.” This is a dilemma of tourism that tourists seek something authentic and unique but often destroy the authentic culture by bringing foreign presence with power of money.
Chapter 14 discusses foreign filmmakers in Cuba, which interested me a lot, since I can really sympathize with the filmmakers as I was so amazed how the city of Havana is beautiful when I visited Cuba. The most interesting topic for me was La novia de Cuba filmed by Kazuo Kuroki because he is a famous director from my country, and I never knew that he filmed in Cuba. He is particularly famous for requiem movies for WWII, so I got curious how he got interested in Cuba.
This week’s chapters explore Cuba’s international relations with China and Canada, and Cuba’s cultural relations within the intricacies of the syncretic religion –Santeria. It can be inferred from the readings that Cuba is definitely not the isolated nation that US wants us to believe. While Cuba maintains healthy trade relations with China and Canada, the US keeps condemning the island nation for governing itself under the socialist system.
Canada understands that sovereignty does not have to fiddle with business and bilateral relations continue; it demonstrates that in the past Canada has not always followed what ‘Big Brother’ commands. However, it is not mentioned if Canada took any measures against human rights abuse done in the beginning of the revolution, it condemned the acts but was there any positive outcome?
China and Cuba have developed strong ties based on opposition to anti-imperialism and hostile policies from Washington. Although, there was a period of frozen interaction, both nations understood that it was better for their economies to forget the past and become allies. The decision has proved right, nowadays, China is Cuba’s number one trade partner; a lesson that the US might regret not learning.
The reading about Santeria is interesting because the Cuban state takes advantage of religion to create revenue. Although in the beginning the communist party created the separation of religion and state, it has blended and adapted to the needs of the tourists who want to have first hand experience. What I find saddening is that the division between people who have access to CUC and the ones who do not is widening; a total contrast to the ideals of the revolution of 1959.
I worked at the airport at the summer and occasionally I’d get a chance to converse with some Air China crew members. One day, a flight attendant mentioned that they were planning to start nonstop Beijing-Havana flights. When I first heard that, I thought this route was going to fail and lose money in no time. After reading Krull’s chapters, it all makes sense now. The airline route itself may be losing money, but there is so much more at stake in this Beijing-Havana connection. Cuban raw materials, notably oil and nickel, fuels China’s economy. In return, Cuba receives Chinese technical aid and much needed infrastructure upgrades. It was also interesting how China acts as an intermediary for Cuba, such as the role China plays in helping market/promote Cuban pharmaceuticals and biotechnologies.
What was also interesting was the unintended consequences of increased tourism and openness. If I recall correctly, hard currency shops which operated in former East Germany and USSR also caused animosity between those who had access to hard foreign currencies and those who had no choice but to use their own non-convertible currencies. It’s unfortunate that doctors and other professionals are leaving their government jobs for more attractive tourism jobs, but it’s understandable “you gotta do what you gotta do” to keep your family afloat…
I liked that this week’s reading provided some interesting perspectives on Cuba’s interactions on a global scale. As a former film student, my attention was especially drawn to Chapter 14’s insight on foreign filmmakers in Cuba, particularly in the 1960s. Post-revolutionary Cuba appears to have been used as a creative landscape for international artists to witness a new society. However, this sudden incursion of foreign artists attempting to portray Cuban life was not without it’s difficulties.
With an influx of foreign directors in Cuba, I found it interesting to see what distinguishes these films from one another, and what contributed to the successes and the failures. Film can be a very powerful medium and it is the responsibility of the filmmaker to portray their subject matter with a sense of purpose and sensitivity. However, it seems that the excitement of working with revolutionary and foreign subjects may have obscured these qualities in some of the international films. Anytime a filmmaker enters an unfamiliar environment, capturing the character of a place can be challenging and not all filmmakers are successful in achieving the amount of nuance needed. The general complaint towards the unsuccessful films appears to be a lack of authenticity, resulting in a failure to capture the Cuban spirit. Foreign directors such as Ugi Ulive and Armand Gatti often found themselves unable to faithfully capture the Cuban reality, usually with an inability to make Cuban characters seem convincingly Cuban.
Despite some failures, many Documentaries of the 1960s seemed to do a better job, showing the importance of taking the time to establish the subtly and nuance of post-revolutionary Cuba. French director Varta achieved this by using small instances such as men embracing their girlfriends to construe a post-revolution air of masculine authority. Danish director Theodoro Christensen also seemed to achieve a level of authenticity by interviewing a wide range of Cuban women.
During the 1960s film acted as an international window into the post-revolutionary Cuba, and in some instances acted as a primary sources of information on the newly formed society. However, this article shows some of the challenges that film presents. Some directors were able to use nuance to combat oversimplifications of the revolution, while others inadvertently conveyed generalizations and misrepresentations. I wonder whether foreign viewers of these films would have been able to distinguish the levels of authenticity, and whether this may have potentially led to some misunderstandings of Cuban culture and society.
I found chapter 14 to be the most interesting of the chapters because it connected films with a reality that the island has not surpassed until today: foreigners not understanding what being cuban means. The recollections of the first attempts to present cuban life in cinema are insightful and demonstrate how out of touch the world was with Cuba. For most, it was a novelty and as the author says, it called the attention of not only politicians but also artist and famous people. The key word is attention: like a new toy, everyone liked the way the media (and Fidel himself) was portraying what was happening in Cuba at the time of the revolution, with this unexpected resistance to US control coming from a relatively small island. Many of the films mentioned are now forgotten, with the exception of those that still stand through time because of other reasons like their artistic value, such is the case of I am Cuba which I have seen before. Although the chapter talks about new films being produced in the island and this time, with a better understanding of the subject matter by foreigners co producing the movies, it fails to address some other topics of interest, which I think are important. For example, it should have talked more about the International Film and School in San Antonio de los Baños, considered in Latin America as one of the best film school in the region, an institution that has brought into the island high number of film students in the way that medicine schools have done in the past. I would also like to have a conversation on film and Castro, and how the many representations of his character have largely made his persona even more iconic. The way it happens with most leaders that reach the status of “legends” if you will, the iconography that exists out there is one of the most influential reasons why their power prevails, and the amount of biopics and miniseries devoted to Fidel are countless. In the same measure, Che Guevara’s representation in films is also a major point that holds his legend up high for a lot of people. Films like The Motorcycle Diaries have humanized the myth, the brand and ideology that he is for some, and it truly shows the influence of film in today’s society.
Although the relationships between China and Canada with Cuba were new to me, what it wasn’t surprising was the fact that Santeria is a great source of revenue for the island. I think this very specific practice represents the curiosity for that “otherness”, for the notion that a country and a culture like the Cuban one is deeply linked to roots far away from the western, “white” way of living. It could be seen as edgy, as a practice bordering in witchcraft and that feeling of not completely understanding what it conveys, whether good or bad, cements that image of the African man coming to this side of the world, bringing wilderness and mystery with him. Untamed and incomprehensible, whimsical even, this relationship with the unknown creates interest in Santeria for foreigners, and practitioners have known how to take financial advantage of it. It reminds of the common practices some countries along the Andes and Amazon jungle have, of taking foreigners deep into the jungle or the mountains to face and be part of ancestral practices indigenous groups hold in order to “clean the spirit”, or protect the soul from different outside maladies. Yes, for those ethnic groups these beliefs are structured and rooted, but they are surely devalued when they have a price attached to them or a tourist gets to cross out the “experience” from his/her travel bucket list.
This week we were tasked with reading Catherine Krull’s “Cuba in a Global Context: International Relations, Internationalism, Transnationalism”, specifically the chapters which outlined, Cuba’s international relationship with both China and Canada as well as chapters on Santeria and film. The latter two chapters I found informative on matters I had no previous knowledge- the most I knew about Cuban film prior would be entirely based on Dirty Dancing Havana Nights, which I doubt counts as a ‘Cuban Film’. Despite this, what I found most interesting was what the readings illuminated for me about Cuba’s international relations. I find that general knowledge of Cuba’s international relations is based heavily in it’s dealings with other powers. What never became so apparent to me until the readings this week was the specific role that Cuba played on an international scale. In learning about Cold War Cuba modern rhetoric, in my mind, placed Cuba’s position in the ordeal as purely significant on the basis of it being a state of ‘proxy conflict’ between two powers. In reading Krull’s work I found myself understanding a larger picture of what power Cuba had over the international stage. In defining it’s place in both the Latin American nations and the ‘third world nations’ we are provided with a better ground in which to view the proceeding relations. This gives us an understanding of the incentives behind particular international policy. As an example, for China gaining the recognition of Cuba during the Sino-Soviet split would have had a validating effect on the regime, thus the neutral stance of Cuba upset the state but not enough for outward backlash- rather just cool tension. We can see this need for Cuba’s validation from both the end of it being a functioning communist government and as a powerful voice in the third world community- both of which are important and relevant factors to China. It was this background that I found the most interesting as it gave a larger context to international relations and breaks down how such a small island could have such an effect on global politics. .
After learning so much about the frosty US-Cuban relations it was fascinating to read about a western nation, Canada, that managed to maintain more normalised diplomatic and trade relations with Cuba. It really emphasised for me how much the USA was losing out on in refusing to interact with Cuba in a positive way. It was not just Cuba who benefitted from the relationship but Canada also. However I also found the issue of trade and human rights abuses to be somewhat conflicting for me personally. Canada condemned the treatment of political prisoners etc but didn’t take any real action to try and force change. I found it interesting how the US comparatively presented itself as taking a moral stand. The question of whether to trade with nations that have poor human rights records is very much in the public eye at the moment, with criticisms of western trade with and support for the Saudi government. Interestingly the US has not taken a similar moral stand in this case. While Canada engaged with Cuba, it was with China, unsurprisingly given their similar anti-imperialist, anti-US stances, that they had a much closer relationship. They had close trade ties but also exchanges in culture, science, education, and technical advisors. In some ways China helped to fill the hole left by the collapse of the Soviet Union, providing Cuba with a superpower ally that could help it to survive despite the US embargo.
The monetisation of Santeria was really interesting in terms of how far Cuba seems to have strayed from the principles of the revolution. From a position where both religion and commercialism were condemned by the government, they are now engaged in using both these things for monetary reasons. It shows the extent to which reality seemed to set in for the Cuban government in terms of revenue problems after losing the subsidies of the Soviet Union.
While the article was a little overwhelming to a person unfamiliar with contemporary art movements like myself, it was fascinating to learn more about what Cuban artists are doing in this new “Special Period” of globalization. Ironically, I think that both Cuba and the United States based much of their identity on their respective sides during the Cold War, and after the fall of the Soviet Union both countries are now scrambling to reinvent themselves. From what I learned from the article, Cuba is drawing on its colonial past while also eagerly exploring new avenues to carve out a place in the globalized world of art. This can be representative of Cuba’s position today geopolitically.
While reading Tonel’s essay on the 21st century art culture in Havana, it was very interesting to read an article that generally followed the chronological history of Cuba, but through art rather than political history. At the beginning of the article, the author describes the art culture during the Cold War, in which the artists were influenced by the political process that was extremely powerful within their country. He then moves on to discuss the struggle as well as the eagerness of Cubans to revive and revitalize the art community in Cuba, and the way that these artists reflected this new perspective in their pieces. Tonel explains the idea of “electronic globalization” following the Cold War, and the new art that was emerging in what he calls the “Special Period”. Even more, the way that he wrote about the nineties as being a turning point for Cuban art, resulting in new forms of art, the ISA, as well as the introduction of art forms from around the world into Cuba, conveys the prominent theme in Cuban history of the resilience of its citizens and the drive to explore new possibilities. Further, he created an understanding of their ambition and motivation to expand into the globalized world of art outside of Cuba, which was a response that was occurring within many other facets of Cuban culture at the time. It is fascinating to see the way that the cultural community mimics its’ surroundings, reflecting the geopolitical situation at that particular time, as well as its transformation along with Cuban society.
What struck me about this week’s article was the relationship between art and Havana itself. As the course has progressed, we’ve moved out of the mountains and countryside and centralized (politically and spatially) on Havana, from where ideology and narrative seem to come. It’s appropriate, then, that the art movements Tonel discusses are so inseparable from the spaces of the city. Havana embodies artistic expression by being the canvas as well as the site of resistance. There is solidarity and relationship building, as with the ‘Habana solo’ exhibit in which people dance “with the city, in front of the city, and for the city” (Tonel, p.26). Art movements are also social commentary on the friction between the city that comprises so much of the Cuban identity, while also being the source of much unrest. Tonel describes this being enacted through art “In the friction between body and streets, the damaged urban infrastructure is lined with the bodies of its equally injured inhabitants” (p.23). There is an irony in that the intimacy between Habaneros and Havana must have stemmed in part from Fidel’s use of public space in proliferating his political message – his frequent calls to the Plaza and the gatherings of thousands at his behest. The art movement took this ethos of use of space and included institutions, architecture, multimedia, and the power of artistic expression to create a discourse on the regime that inspired it. It comes across as really visceral and intimate; I think there’s something to be said about the (literal) softness of bodies within the hardness of the city that speaks to the relationship between the individual and the state, and art seems to be a way to make sense of this imbalance of power.
To be honest I have rarely been exposed to nor considered how social, economical and political changes can affect and become so visible in modern art forms. I therefore have to agree with Wesley that I too was a little overwhelmed at first, but at the same time very intrigued by a new world of understanding how and why artists reflect society in their work. I was particularly fascinated by Cuban poster traditions in the sixties and seventies and how it inspires new black/white design even today. (p 20). Poster traditions also allure to propaganda, advertisement and public information channels. This work by Tonel touches upon so many issues, but the visual, aural and sensory use of imagery, bodies and senses makes it easier to digest and certainly to appreciate it even more. Another thing that is interesting is how all of this ties into political consideration of crisis and recession, such as the special period, and how the author argues that remnants of the crisis still exist and are no less dramatic today. A recurring theme which I liked was the intersection of urban and domestic violence in inequality, gender and race and social justice. I think that we sometimes forget or neglect that these issues remain a reality even in contemporary considerations of history and certainly in Cuban nation building. Perhaps the importance we place on political spaces and global development is overshadowing these difficult societal challenges. Earlier in our course (slavery, class hierarchies, rebellion, Barcias book) I was more aware of these questions, while now towards the end I feel like I have narrowed myself into having more of a political approach. I am therefore really happy to start thinking about this intersectionality again, and especially how current movements of capital and opening of markets ties into the many nuances of Cuban historical and contemporary identities.
“The lists of titles, that appear and disappear to the monotone clicking of the projector, leads us to think of the unpardonable waste of so much intellectual effort, if outside of academe the results of the research have little or no effect on the lives of the people. Everything indicates that the possible answers to many societal problems are buried in those mountains of shelved paper, while the publishers, press, and media have little interest in this accumulation of knowledge and analyses” (p. 19).
I absolutely love the interpretation of this art piece and it’s commentary on the institution of higher education. Tonel’s article gives the learner of Cuban history the tangible means to attempt to understand Cuba back then. This quote is incredibly relatable and not only brings into question the institution of university, but also that of Cuba as a state, and all states with institutions of higher education more generally. From the times we have focused on media, whether it be radio or conceptual art such as this, it really brings to life the societal, political, and social strife and successes that had occurred in Cuba. As demonstrated by the use of the quote about higher education in Cuba it seems that art in Cuba was constantly questioning the status quo and the singular path of a specific education, which was in the case of Cuba, communism. Allowing these artists to express themselves through art as well as using it as a form of dissidence is integral to any society. The focus of Havana also demonstrates a shift in our own learning because the urban takes precedence with regard to the formation of art which suggests that rural Cuba eventually lost the fervour it once possessed during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries of the slave communities located far from Havana. Art is the most provocative indicator and timeline of a place and Tonel really aids the reader in seeing and understanding this.
I found Tonel’s essay very interesting as his focus of the Cuban artistic community in relation to Cuba’s ever-changing political and social atmosphere was quite intriguing. Tonel’s discussion of art, while a foreign subject to me, was illuminating. From my understanding of Tonel’s text, it seems that much of the art created and proliferated during the 1990’s was stemming from an attempt to determine an identity for Cuban art. Not to say that there was no identity already in place for Cuban artists, but rather that considering the changing political and social structure of Cuba, there was space for a new identity to emerge. These new art movements, such as the “Special Period”, were definitively rooted in the lack of art that could be recognized more internationally, which stemmed primarily from a Cuba influenced by the Cold War and the it’s subsequent issues. Furthermore, Tonel provided the reader with an understanding of the history of artistic movements in Cuba. He explains the need for a more international approach to art in Cuba, and provides a detailed understanding of how that has gone underway and to what extent, especially in relation to the shifting political structure of Cuba.
I found this weeks reading to be very interesting, especially because I am currently taking an art history course. The article highlighted many points, which indicated that Cuba, like many other countries used art as an outlet to express political, social, and environmental changes within society. Art has always been recognized as a form of expression, in which the truth can be communicated between artist and viewers without blatantly speaking. This is especially important in Cuba, as it is illegal to speak poorly about the government and struggles within society, therefore art proved to be an efficient outlet, especially during the “special period”. Through art, sensitive issues such as politics, race, inequality, violence and everyday struggles could be communicated to the viewers. Changes in content are evident, but also are reflected in different form, colour and expression within each piece. The artwork is able to provide a lens to outsiders into some of the very real struggles that Cuba and Cuban people have been through. I really enjoyed Tonel’s analysis of artwork in Cuba, especially in relation to Havana.
I consider myself a dummy when it comes to art and while I thought the essay was filled with many interesting facts and information, at the same time, I did find it to be a little overwhelming. Although due to the fact that this essay is featured from an exhibit catalogue, maybe Tonel expected the readers of this essay to have a bit of previous knowledge. Nonetheless despite not knowing anything about art except for popular household names like Picasso or Van Gogh, this essay by Tonel was an interesting read for me because it opened my mind to how social, economical and political changes can not only affect the nation and the population but art as well. Tonel mentions that there is only a short list of Cuban artists who have achieved considerable visibility outside of Cuba. What is really interesting to me about this fact is that these artists are able to achieve visibility because they have access to “the circuits mapped out by the capital of globalization” and these circuits are defined by institutions in various places around the world. Tonel comments that if any Cuban artists has aspirations to have an active career, they first must seek to establish professional relationships outside of Cuba. This is striking to me because it only seems logical for an artist to first gain visibility within their own community and once they become more well known, their visibility will then expand further out. However, in Tonel’s essay, it doesn’t reject the fact that artists gain visibility locally first, but it focuses more on how if an artist aspires to achieve visibility, they should first seek to establish professional relationships globally, outside of Cuba. But I guess this one aspect during this time period is just a further reflection of the Cuban artistic community, in which it evolves and changes in connection to Cuba’s ever-changing political atmosphere and society.
While I did find this essay by Tonel overwhelming in the various artists and institutions mentioned, I did get a valuable perspective in the art scene that was very important to Cuban society. I am personally not a big fan of art or am very knowledge either, however I do admire how art can encapsulate and symbolize a society and its very complex inner workings. By reading this essay, from what I was able to gather was how so much social strife throughout the 20th century allowed for art in Cuba to be all encompassing. Art is a medium through which Cubans can now fully express themselves to the world about their lives and experiences, especially in the post-Cold War period where the old vestiges from the Soviet Union crumble away making space for a newer generation to rise.
The term “glocalization” pertaining to the phenomenon of Cuban art being both global and local during Cuba’s “Special Period” was interesting to me because it mirrors what is happening politically and in turn shows how connected the state and society are. Although some may argue against the notion that “all art is political”, it seems even when art is not making a political statement, the two maintain a close connection. The lack of access to sophisticated technology is one way in which politics are reflected through art. Even though the art itself may not be intended as political, the limited access to certain materials indirectly reveal economic hardship. While there may be limited access to materials, that which is attainable helps create new ways of expression for a broader audience. There was a time in Cuba when poets were punished for their “subversive” expression, and musicians were unrecognized on a global scale. Now there seems to be an opening of a new artistic market to foreign audiences. Those who have immigrated to the United States maintain ties to Cuba with their art and seem to blur a division line between the two countries.
Tonel’s article was a really, really interesting read. It really breaks through a Western conception of ‘Communist Cuba’—insofar as how creativity is presumably restricted. That being: if one is not a citizen of a Western liberal democracy, then one is less imaginative or artistic. Cuba’s historical underpinnings and environmental changes that affected the production of art (after emerging from the ‘end’ of the cold war) eventually came to provide a platform for expression. The complex array of emotions and desires used to describe the contextual pieces were very illustrative. The various pieces really characterized and gave ‘voice’ to the people and the environment in which they lived, bringing to life ‘historical facts’ that have contextualized our knowledge about Cuba, thus far. I am interested to see how ‘glocalized’ artwork will evolve.
Tonel’s essay was a great read. It was very interesting to see how art developed and changed in Cuba, and how certain periods or eras, such as the “Special Period”, affected art, or even vice-versa. It was good to see art as a continuum of Cuban society, and how each movement or development in the field of art can be traced back through artists and institutes. What was unexpected was the extent to which art was allowed to flourish; there seemed to be good options available to aspiring artists in Cuba to learn and develop, such as ISA or ENA. Artists also seemed to enjoy relative freedom from state interference, which is also somewhat unexpected. I also enjoyed this essay as it made me think of other instances in which we could see history through art. The example that sprung to mind was the muralist movement in Mexico in the years following the Revolution, with the works of artists such as Diego Rivera, José Clemente Orozco and David Alfaro Siqueiros capturing the feeling within Mexico at that time.
The growth of Cuban art in Tonel’s essay reminds me a lot of how little weeds and grass manages to grow through concrete. Somehow, the plant will find a way to break through or grow around the concrete. That being said, it seems as though the flourishing of Cuban art wasn’t necessarily supressed but rather discouraged (I could be totally wrong about this). Though I don’t know for sure, I think that perhaps art was looked down upon because it is not very practical, and therefore not revolutionary. But, as the tight grip of socialism has let up in recent decades, Cuban art has expanded and become more popular. It was interesting to note that Tonel hardly speaks of the eras before the 90s, mentioning briefly the 80s and the only talk of the 70s was the opening of the ISA. So that appears to correlate with the reduction in tight socialist policies in Cuba. Personally, my experience with Cuban art is mostly hand painted canvasses of Che or Fidel with the Cuban flat emblazoned somewhere behind them, however I did have the opportunity to see a couple of real art galleries in Cuba (one just outside of Veradero and one in Havana) and, not knowing much at all about real art, I would say they looked very similar to art galleries anywhere else in the world (haha).
I thought the compounding of art and education in Cuba was interesting to read about. “By fusing theory and practice, René Francisco drove art education as a flexible process that was open to collective participation by the students and directed towards a fluid dialogue with those to whom the work was intended.” This type of fluidity in art that allows for a discourse is something that seems to contradict common themes of secrecy and propaganda that are often associated with communist states. I like that the author goes beyond the obvious notion of politicizing art for the sake of the government and discusses how the establishment of art as a pedagogical practice within education expands Cuban culture. That being said, art and politics do seem to be inextricably linked and it makes me wonder what can be regarded independently from politics?
Tonel’s review of the most relevant personalities and events in Cuba’s national art history is very dense and explanatory, and it depicts a growing practice but, as in many countries, a struggling one, even with the support it has received from the government throughout the years. It is mostly because freedom of speech is fundamental for the creation of art, so the recount of art in Cuba focuses on those efforts made to teach new generations about the techniques, and open Cuban artists and audiences to broader, foreign markets and presentations. He mentions Tania Bruguera, who participated in the 7th Gwangju Biennale in Korea (2008), and in the Liverpool Biennial (2010) together with several artists enrolled in Arte y Conducta.
It is very interesting to read about how artists in Cuba still find spaces where to present their work and keep the discussion about art alive, in many cases, deconstructing the meaning public spaces have for the public that visits them everyday and presenting the space as an art gallery, as they did when they hosted a selling of art pieces by local artists at a bodega; some other artist opted to establish their galleries at their own houses.
I found Tonel’s essay to be a very informative introduction to a topic I previously knew little about. I have studied the relationship between art and politics in a German context, and it was interesting to see the dynamics of this relationship play out in a completely different setting. In the documentary we watched earlier this week, we saw many Cubans reluctant to discuss anything overtly political. I think that a discussion of art is an interesting contrast to this reluctance, as it is very difficult to separate and artist and their works from the political climate that they exist in. I think that art is inherently tied to the political sphere and certain aspects of contemporary Cuban politics were definitely reflected in the art mentioned in this essay, including the decline in romantic and nostalgic imagery in favour of harsher, more realistic depictions, and representations of racism and racial inequality. In this sense it is impossible for artists to abstain from political conversation, as even if their intent is not to create a distinctly political work (which it oftentimes is), any given piece of art can often be interpreted to suit a variety of different political agendas. After reading this article I would definitely be interested to learn more about how different political agendas interact with art in Cuba. I wonder if the government itself uses art to convey their ideas, how they might interpret specific works, and how they would determine whether or not a piece of art crosses a political line.
I don’t have much to say this week so this will be one of the short(er) posts! Photography is a hobby of mine so I found the sections on Cuban photography to be the most interesting. It was interesting how the artists/photographers framed the decline of Cuban sugarcane, capturing in pictures the abandoned mills and broken machinery that once formed the backbone of Cuban industry. I also found it interesting the photos didn’t just capture the unused machinery, but the people whose livelihoods have been affected by sugarcane’s irrelevance in post-Soviet era Cuba.
It was also interesting to read about how Cuban artists could market and promote their art and the various new avenues they can take with Raul in charge nowadays.
The reading by Tonel this week was really interesting to me to read about contemporary artwork from Havana to see their style and how their situation influenced that e.g. lack of equipment or not high tech/low production level and to see influences of politics, history, culture and the economy. I think you definitely need to look at the videos & paintings as well to visually appreciate the work and to get a better understanding of it. For example, Juan Aloms video, Habana Solo uses no spoken words just music, which acts as rhythms of the street, as it uses for example African style drum beats to show an energy of the streets emphasized by the frantic and jerky camera movements, and its interesting to relate the body and its interaction with the city as they seem to merge into one/become inseparable. I think the use of not directly making the art have a political component, but instead leaving it up to the art viewer to make assumptions is clever, since the artists knew the limits of what could be said and shown is interesting having this artwork that could have two meanings to be able to still communicate political ideas and to challenge and raise concern.
A really interesting read there in Tonel’s essay, greatly looking forward to listening to him speak. I must admit that when we I have studied the great socio-economic and political changes in history, rarely have I thought about the effects on art. This essay was a great introduction to the way in which art both mirrors and reveals complexities in societal changes, acting as a outlet for expression in a country where freedom of speech is limited. Artists, who seemed to be relatively free from censorship, were able to visually discuss contentious issues such as race, that maybe could not have been verbally talked about in the same way. The discussion of how Cuban art has evolved with Cuba was fascinating, particularly in how it has been given a much more globalised dimension since the 1990s. Tonel beautifully describes this as ” a constantly growing spiral, one informed by a process of ceaseless transformations”. I feel this mirrors Cuba greatly; it was not one event that saw a decisive break from the past and the advent of globalism, but a series of small steps building on one another and culminating in substantial change. The art produced serves as a record of this and other gradual changes in Cuba, giving an insight into the spirit of the people rather than just learning about what changes were being brought about from above.
Reading Tonel’s essay made me wish that I had a far better understanding of art history and symbolism. While I could understand the points that he made, I would not have been able to pick up on the subtleties myself. The unfortunate part is that this is clearly a large subject that has been consistently present in Cuban society, and has provided a voice to many living under tighter socialist controls. Tonel’s essay made me think about the Frikis podcast that we listened to. They both demonstrate an artistic way to oppose the government through celebration rather than violence. These show a sort of undercurrent of rebellion in the Cuban arts. Although music and paintings have been used for the regime, Tonel and the Frikis demonstrate how they evolve to match the current socio-political atmosphere. I also enjoyed how both groups would use any space necessary to express the work that they created. Whether it was an illegal radio station, or art in their own homes, they found a way to make it work.
In part one of La Belle Créole, we see Mercedes as a child. I think it is important to remember that she is just that, a child. Children often have an “I’m the center of the universe” mindset, which can blur the events around them. We see this with Mercedes; she is spoiled, undisciplined and listens to nobody. In the book we don’t really experience many of the tragedies that occurred when Mercedes was looking the other way. I think that is why I enjoyed reading someone else’s interpretation of her memoirs. Lapuerta brought us back to reality by pointing out the things that were likely happening around Mercedes when she was busy romanticizing different aspects of her life. I also like to look at the context a character is set in. Mercedes is portrayed, as this cute little wealthy girl who cares about slaves and who everyone loves. She may get into mischief sometimes but its not enough to make the readers dislike her. As a result the readers like her and find her entertaining. If at the same time as Mercedes’ story was being developed we were told the story of a little slave girl who was put through all these hardships we would feel very different about Mercedes. We would think of her as more spoiled and self-centered. Controlling the context can be a very important power to have; I think that is why Lapuerta chose to write about Mercedes’ memoirs. This way she could counter balance the effect of Mercedes’ romanticized world with concrete facts!
This week’s readings from Scott’s book gave a great insight into the early years of independent Cuba, particularly with regards to race and the role of the US. What was interesting was the contrasting views held by the Cubans and the Americans with regards to the people of colour in Cuba. During the years immediately after the War of Independence the Americans, under Governor Leonard Wood, made strong efforts to exclude people of colour from the ballot through certain restrictions and criteria. However the Cubans, who were at this time creating their own constitution, discarded the pressures of the US and adopted universal suffrage (however only for males). During the second US occupation of Cuba, the Americans continued to express their distrust of people of colour by portraying them as ‘inherently dangerous’. The supporters of the Liberal Party were categorized in a similar way. This, along with the Platt Amendment of 1901, meant that the US was inevitably going to become involved in Cuban politics. In 1905, they acted to prevent the liberal leader Jose Miguel Gomez from taking power despite the probable reality that he was the most popular candidate for leadership, in favour of supporting the corrupt, fraudulent, conservative Tomas Estrada Palma, and why? Seeming because the party represented by Estrada Palma more accurately reflected the views of the Americans, particularly towards race in this instance. Therefore I would suggest that in this evidence we can see the roots of American dominance of Cuba, and of America’s relentless efforts to bend Cuba to their own will by imposing upon the island their version of society and politics. This theme would come to categorize Cuban history until the Revolution of 1959.
It is interesting how a rhetoric emerges around race intended to unite Cubans at the disregard of race, and in fact to dismantle racial discrimination and provide opportunities to those black people who are emancipated from slavery, actually oppresses them. While there are many blacks attaining positions of power within the framework of the emerging independent Cuba, within the Liberal party especially as veterans fought for them, when a partido emerges with a strong backing in the Oriente province which highlights ongoing injustices to black people, it sparks fear once again throughout the nation of the threat of race war. Another Haiti! Haven’t we read this before, that even among the groups in the ten years war tried to sway the support of the slaves but then tried to downplay their role? And now, after emancipation elites continually use media to demonstrate how people demanding their rights on a platform within the emerging legal infrastructure are trying to create divisions within the country. If I remember correctly, Oriente is where Fidel and his troops land when launching a rebllion against Batista and find support amidst this region, what is the significance of this area? I thought it was awesome how the case study of the Quesada descendants was followed through the court case, and imagine this was not just an isolated event and there were others appealing to courts for their freedom. Something that the book deals with but does not give me a firm resolution with, is what happens to these appeals to land rights? Without fully autonomous development and the right to be proprietor of their own tract of land, were descendants of emancipated slaves better or worse off when involved with wage labor?
If things got confusing in previous chapters, on chapters 7 and 8, Scott’s brings more actors in scene (law, rumours, press, racial bias among others) just to entertain us or to make easier to comprehend that the creation of a new nation was and is never an easy process.
By the beginning of the 20-century, the Southern states, like Louisiana, still holds strong prejudice against the black population who fight to get civil rights without success. The Democrats muffled any possibility of suffrage in favour of the blacks with the help of the church and the large sums of money that they collected to further the “white supremacy” propaganda. Shutting the voices of the black Americans was not an easy task but if we follow the money, we can find the main people involved in the vile actions.
On the contrary, in Cuba, civil rights and suffrage were kept “intact” mainly because the large black population was able to speak up and to organize when they noticed that certain actions against them could diminish their new citizen status. Moreover, after the end of the war, the plantations needed labour more than ever to rebuild and it would be counter-productive to launch disenfranchisement actions in the new independent nation with a 30 per cent population of blacks.
The singular stories of people in Cuba are great exemplifications of how resilient and outspoken the former slaves had become once they are free again. Even though some court battles were lost, the people kept pushing for what they believed using all the knowledge they had through kin networks and fraternity.
In the article, “Batista is Dead”, Bronfman discusses the concept of media as an actor in the political sphere, rather than simply a tool to be used. The concept that media remains a constant in politics, regardless of the situation, is crucial in developing an understanding of its importance. Communication has long been key in creating both the illusion of power and control, as well as maintaining one’s power. Batista clearly understood this as can be seen through his amplification of the communication systems in Cuba (46). Drawing on Bronfman’s ideas that media is an actor, the immense power of media to transform a situation can be highlighted by several incidents. One such incident that is emblematic of the power of media, was the non-violent strike that turned violent after falsified reports of President Machado’s resignation were broadcasted (45).
The power of media and governments using it against their people in order to maintain their hegemony can be seen in many countries, including Canada and the U.S. Biased broadcasting and control over the media, specifically what can be said and when, runs rampant even today. For example, the media during the Presidential elections in the U.S, is saturated with opinions (oftentimes biased and unfounded) that are able to influence a vast amount of people Though seemingly not as a sinister as the complete control of media that Batista had, media is still a critical platform from which to project ones views and sway opinions.
The excerpt Elizabeth Dore quotes of Carlos interview with the two Cuban journalists struck powerful(see top of p.41). In expressing his thoughts on the Communist governments propaganda, Carlos associates with the Revolution some new ideas: hypnosis, collective hysteria, manipulation, psychology, belief versus non-belief, self-interest, honesty, secrets. This caused me to reflect on how the enticing effects a specific socio-context can have on your conditioned beliefs and thought processes, has prevailed in all histories, times, spaces, and places. Furthermore, Carlo’s adds how ‘rhetoric-tuned-on-repeat,’ can have a sublime sort of power to penetrate into your very internalizations. To quote: “They can make you believe that you are happy and, I just don’t know. They repeat things so many times they end up making you believe…” As Dore demonstrates, the beliefs Cubans developed with the fervour and enthusiasm as true, and for the revolution, didn’t always meet to coincide with their feelings, and experiences.
I remember a large conversation within the biography of Che Guevara that I read which dealt with whether he was a philosophically leaning toward Leninist or Maoist principles, and Soviet Union officials summed him up as a Maoist but were taken with his charm. I like how this discussion is furthered here without actually dwelling on individual actors but has created a deeper well for me to jump into learning about Cuban relationships with other global players. This questioning must have arrived during the “Sino-Soviet split of the 1970s when China and the Soviet Union were at odds and looking to Cuba to define its’ communism in proximity to one of the two communist superpowers. I think it is interesting that Cuba allied itself with Vietnam after Beijing invaded it even though Vietnam was not as powerful an economically viable alliance. This may show some ideological integrity, though it may have forced the PRC’s hand to abandon Cuba economically. Although isn’t it odd that Cuba supposedly expressed understanding for the Chinese government’s response to the protests in Tianemen Square, a popular grassroots movement for democracy? Does anyone else find this odd?
That Canada did not bow down to the US to immediately distance themselves from Cuba seems remarkable in the modern day, when Canadian interests are almost always forced to align with the United States. It is interesting how Fidel seeks to trade and consolidate internation relations but is branded as a Communist which may not even effect his actions with other trading partners but becomes an issue of appearances.
Within the madness that is the santeria article, I can’t help but attach myself to something we talked about on Tuesday, that skilled laborers are at a disadvantage to tourist workers who have access to convertible pesos and even dollars. It is interesting how these spiritualistic intermingle with official religions, which were looked down upon in Cuba under the Revolution. How does race and spirituality interact in Cuba? Another interesting connection to the movement in Angola is that Che Guevara lamented over the “superstitious” beliefs of the Angolans which made them bad guerrilla fighters, what would he say about santeria in cuba?
I am really glad that we got to take a deeper look into Sino-Cuban relations with Treto’s chapter. It actualized the brief references made in Barcia to Chinese workers in Cuba in the 18th and 19th centuries. After reading both Treto and McKercher’s chapters a parallel is formed with Cuba’s alliance with China and Canada’s alliance with Cuba in the face of disapproval from USSR in the former and the US in the latter. Both Cuba and Canada take their own routes despite the potential consequences of their allegiance. I would argue that their steadfast loyalty is demonstrative of peaceful relations amongst what could have been much more gruesome. However, no one’s hands are entirely clean what with Cuba’s intervention in Angola and China’s responsibility for a massive famine due to socialist reform policies but both chapters demonstrate peaceful coexistence and successful reciprocity that was seemingly unfettered. Another interesting features of diplomatic relations illustrated in both chapters is visits to allied countries. Castro visited Moscow in 1963 and 1964 despite it’s allyship with China. Of course the US was supporting the Cuban economy more than China was but it’s odd how there is a diplomatic obligation to visit repeatedly to demonstrate peaceful relations. In McKercher’s chapter things were getting heated between Cuba and Canada when Chretien sought to implement “constructive engagement” (AKA attempt to make Cuba change) but this was eventually smoothed over with the visit of the Canadian trade mission in 2002. These visiting diplomats, or rather “othered” bodies (because they are outside the prescribed population of the place they are visiting) is extremely meaningful in the Cuba-Sino relationship and the Cuba-Canadian relationship. It suggests that borders and ideologies are firm but the tangible presence of a diplomat is that much more effective in sparking peaceful relations. Even if other allies harshly condemn this practice.
Today’s readings from Krull provided a very engaging look at Cuban society both politically and culturally. The chapters about China and Canada were a refreshing take on Cuban international relations. Whenever Cuba’s bilateral relations are mentioned, the topic inevitably turns to the US embargo. In my opinion, this has been a futile attempt at engineering change. In the end, as shown at the beginning of chapter 8 with Alejandro’s mother, it’s the individuals that are affected by the lack of supplies. The government continues it’s daily activities and its ideology remains unaffected. Rather, constructive engagement allowed Canada and China to have meetings with the Cuban leadership and express their opinions. As a country leading an embargo, US opinion is of very little concern to Cuba. I found it interesting how the chapters placed the Cold War in a far more complex perspective. Generally, there is more of a duality shaped between the USSR and US, with all other countries falling somewhere in either camp. Evidently, this was very far from the truth.
I found that Krull’s chapters invoke some interesting similarities between Cuba’s bilateral relations and international culture. Despite the constructive engagement, Canada and China failed to significantly impact Cuban political life. Providing a dialogue is important, but there were no impactful changes. There appeared to be a certain understanding of Cuban ideology and life that was lacking. Similarly, international film makers fell in the same trap. While there are the concrete issues and events in Cuban society, including the Angolan intervention and the Sierra Maestra Revolution, capturing the essence of Cuban struggles is something that both filmmakers and politicians failed to accomplish. Overall, I found the chapters chosen this week to provide yet another look at the less popular, and more intriguing, discourse regarding Cuban society. As a non-aligned country, Cuban foreign relations are perhaps a more reasonable approach to governing in our international system.
After reading the selected chapters for this week, at first I had a difficult time understanding how each of the four chapters related to each other. After careful consideration, it seemed to me that all four articles discuss the relationships of Cuba on an international and domestic stage. For example, Chapter five and chapter six largely concern themselves with Cuba’s reputation on the world stage as it provides an in-depth understanding of Cuba’s relationship with both Canada and China. Chapter 14 also describes how Cuba has been perceived by the world by focusing in on how it has been represented by filmmakers. Chapter eight however, does not focus solely on Cuba’s relationships or image on the world stage. In fact it goes to a deeper level of analysis in that it instead makes the argument that Cuban relationships on a personal level have an effect on and mirror Cuban relationships internationally. For example, based on the concept of interpersonal internationalism Delgado makes evident that through informal international networks of individuals, Cubans are able to exchange with foreigners in a mutually beneficial way. Though this has become problematic in some ways, the process nonetheless encourages interaction between foreigners and Cubans. Similarly, based on findings in chapter five, Cuba on an international level has engaged in similar behavior through its engagement with China during the post cold-war period. While negotiations were cold for a while, China and Cuba have engaged in mutually beneficial engagement through the trade of oil and nickel for appliances and aid. This again can be similar to Delgado’s concept of interpersonal internationalism in that it is a mutually beneficial exchange that induces increased interaction between parties. In sum, while on a first glance this weeks chapters seemed difficult to draw a theme between, focusing on interpersonal internationalism’s parallels on an international and domestic stage can encapsulate the content of each article.
After reading the chapter this week I found it very interesting how the Krull describes Cuba’s image both on a domestic front and an international one . It was interesting reading into Cuban and Chinese relations because it was something that I have never considered in politics and influence . It was also interesting reading into Cuban heavily researched medical epicenters and how they are continuing to to push for investment to provide other Latin American countries the needs for pharmaceutical goods. I also enjoyed reading the Canadian perspective with Cuban diplomatic relations , as diplomatic relations with Cuba is generally referred to as American relations . It was refreshing reading a unique perspective especially with Trudeau expanding relationships with Cuba . And previously seeing a picture of Castro holding Justin Trudeau as a small child. It was interesting reading future prime ministers takes on humanitarian efforts and economic efforts towards Cuba and how those reflected differently from American presidents . Lastly looking at Santeria and Cuba’s effort for internalization made me think how lucrative this unique religion has become and how the Cuban state saw tourism was greatly beneficial to Santeria and how they sponsored “religious tourism in an attempt to capture
hidden international Santeria commerce”. Overall the readings very interesting as they play a role in Cuba’s future of political relations and how diplomats are able to change the tide of previous predecessors .
In the four chapters from Cuba in a Global Context by Catherine Krull, many different things stood out to me. I found the chapter on Canada-Cuba relations and Santeria to be the most interesting to me. Chapter 6, ?Complicated and Far-Reaching: The Historical Foundations of Canadian Policy toward Cuba?, surprised me in many ways and made me realize that Canada hasn?t and doesn?t always follow the lead of the United States, which I now know is a common misconception. I enjoyed reading about the way that the leadership of Canada through many decades stuck to their values as a country in continuing the dialogue with Cuba, and holding their ground not only in regard to the United States, but also Cuba. Although the U.S. was constantly making aggressive moves and even implementing laws such as the Democratic Solidarity (or Helms-Burton) Act, Canada kept its original stance on Cuba, a position that was advantageous for both countries. When I began reading the chapter on Santeria, I was confused at first, but I quickly understood the somewhat rebellious spiritual culture of the Santeros, and the way that their movement has survived throughout the unpredictable political climate in Cuba. In terms of the different Cuban currencies, the way that the Santeros have formed a respected and reliable network of people is quite astounding, as well as the way that they have created ties in which they are able to obtain the peso convertible. The strength of their religion to bring foreigners to Cuba in order to gain an authentic initiation is extremely beneficial to Cubans living off peso nacionales, and it is a very innovative way of breaking out of the limiting Cuban economy. I found that both of these chapters increased my knowledge of Cuban culture and international history, and helped me gain a better understanding of Cuban relations within Canada, as well as the cultural intricacies within Cuba.
This weeks readings demonstrated how despite the US embargo, Cuba was still connected to the international community. Treto’s chapter on Cuban-Chinese relations was very eye opening to the way the two countries found common ground through socialism and created a bilateral alliance. This alliance was based in Cuba and China’s leader’s sharing a radical approach to governance. The countries also exchanged rice and sugar, which benefited both economies and provided the basis for a long-term trade partnership. Treto highlights that even with the “Sino-Soviet split” and with the dangers the bilateral partnership, a relationship was confirmed and strengthened between 1989-2001. Both Cuba and China were in need of new allies, China needed an alliance in Latin America and Cuba needed access to resources that they lost with the fall of the Soviet Union. Cuba’s relationship to China also aided in their growing biotechnology and pharmaceutical industries and created tourism.
Furthermore, Canada’s continuing relationship with Cuba demonstrates that Cuba was not restricted to alliances with socialist countries. McKercher’s chapter analyzing the Cuban-Canadian relationship strengthens the argument that Cuba continued to be very interconnected in the international sphere. Canada’s policy, based on the continuance of normal relations with Cuba demonstrates that the motivation behind the US embargo did not extend to Canada. Alternatively to the US, Canada continued bilateral trade agreements while simultaneously opposing Cuba’s foreign policy. I think Canada continuing normal relations with Cuba signals Canada’s autonomy from the US and also the benefits Cuba had to offer, such as travel, trade and a diplomatic partner. Overall the readings showed me that Cuba was not nearly as isolated as American media portrayed.
I found Chapter 5 very interesting for this week’s readings. I have known that in recent years that China has heavily invested in Cuba with a strong economic partnership growing, but I was curious about how this all came about as it seemed a bit like a strange partnership. However Chapter 5 paints a very good background of the origins of Chinese and Cuban relations. The many similarities between government types and to some extent the nature of the population allowed for a strong bond between both countries. Even the Sino-Soviet split with Cuba being in the middle, did not cause any harm to relations once they were normalized and strengthened once more after the fall of the Soviet Union. The level of respect that both governments have for each other was a very strong point in this chapter. One interesting aspect that I did not previously know was the strength of Cuba’s biotechnological industries and how China valued this aspect of Cuba. Previously I only thought that China was only interested in the natural resources that Cuba had to offer, like with what China is currently doing in Africa.
Canada also has maintained favorable relations with Cuba since Fidel Castro came to power, despite the clash in policy between Ottawa and Washington. This is interesting as it portrays that Canada wants to develop a more independent stance from the US. It was frequently noted in the chapter that Canada never found any problems with the legitimacy of Castro’s government, only disputes would arise and now and then surrounding policy.
Reading about Cuba’s economic and international relations in Catherine Krull’s “Cuba in a Global Context” deepened my understanding for the trade agreements (like Venezuelan oil for Cuban doctors) discussed in class. What I found really interesting was in chapter 8, the commercialization of Santeria, the Cuban religion. While the government hardened its policies towards all other religions in the 60’s to promote Santeria, it then exploited the religious practise for economic gain. This was particularly fascinating to read about after discussing the strategies the Cuban government came up with for revenue this week. While foreigners were travelling to Cuba to partake in the religious rituals for a cheaper rate, with (perceived) better quality in Cuba, they also possessed illegal currency. This had attributed to the dual-currency economy, which factored in to state intervention and religious tourism. In the 1990’s, the government authorized the ACY (Asociación Cultural Yoruba) and had offered all-inclusive tours to work in partnership with the state. I am curious as to how the religious practise would compare to its practise unbound to the government.
This weeks chapters were an interesting mix of topics. Looking at Cuba’s relationships with China and Canada were interesting after so much information of Cuba-US relations it was refreshing to see how they interacted with other countries. It was fascinating to me that Canada stood firm in their decision to maintain normal relations with Cuba despite their differences in regards to policy, and especially for not “knuckling under US pressure”. The commercialization of Santeria was an eye opener to the inside factors of inequality in Cuba. When thinking about tourism and CUCs I never thought about how the commoditization of religion would play into this as well. Recent exchanges of doctors and students between China and Cuba are an example of the positive impact normal relations with Cuba can have.
It was very interesting after reading more about Cuban-American relations last week to go on to read about Canadian-Cuban relations this week! When reading this chapter I found that the Canadian policies towards Cuba made a lot more sense to me than the American one of complete isolation. That being said, I also found it hard to accept that although the Canadian government outwardly condemned the Castro governments’ ommittance of civil rights in trials and with political prisoners, that they didn’t really try to do anything about it. They were clearly very concerned that Castro was treating prisoner’s inhumanely but still they did not actually take any real action to try and remedy this. To me it just seemed like a sort of tactic to turn a blind eye in order to continue a prosperous trade union. Also, maybe the author just didn’t explain this properly, but it seems although the Canadian government was openly saying that they believed they could keep a dialogue going with Cuba, there was very little proof of dialogue actually occuring. In the Leogrande and Kornbluh book we read about all the backroom and secret talks that were going on between the United States and Cuba but in this book it seemed like each Prime Minister had a spat with Castro and then didn’t talk to him again. I’m sure that there was more back-and-forth than this between Cuba and Canada but I don’t believe the author presented the information in a way where it appeared that they did.
I found this weeks readings very interesting, especially with relation to China and Canada and Cuba. After class on Tuesday where we discussed the strategies the Cuban government came up with to get revenue, it was interesting to see how this connected to the relationship and trade with China. This was especially evident within the medical research and education. I also found the chapter on Canada and Cuba’s relationship to be telling, especially in how it indicates the pressures the United States put on Canada to cut ties. Yet, in response Canada stood strong in their beliefs in trading with all Nations, even if it would create turmoil with the United States. I also liked how it showed Canada, to “engage instead of isolate” when it came to disagreements between countries. These two chapters were also key in highlighting the fact that the relationships were beneficiary for both countries involved. I think that when most people think of Cuba, they recognize the lack of trade with the US, and therefore see that they have a huge reliance on other countries, yet these chapters indicate that Canada and China also relied on Cuba.
The Chapter on Santeria, the religious practice in Cuba, really had me thinking about the use of the convertible peso and the division in labor and class as a result. When I went to Cuba, our guide told us many times that the highly sought after jobs were those within tourism, because it is outside of the government. These were seen as better jobs then those of doctors and other high status jobs based on the expose and possession of the convertible peso. Guides, such as ours receive tips in the convertible peso, which is only accessible through relations with tourists. I thought it was interesting how a religious practice, could be turned into a business, by a means of accessing the convertible peso.
Though I love reading about Canada, and Canadian politics, I found the first chapter on relations with China to be the most interesting. In class, and in the texts we read, I’ve gotten used to thinking about Cuba as such an important place in history. That combined with the fact that in high school all we learned about Cuba was that it almost caused World War 3, it seems like a pretty significant country in history. But while reading Chapter 1, I started to realize, despite being the centre of attention, that Cuba was often like the little dog yapping and barking at the big dogs. Not to say that Cuba had no effect, or was completely insignificant in world events, but rather that this chapter put into perspective for me Cuba’s place in the world. You have this relatively small island nation, extremely distant from the two Communist powers of the world who is trying to budge in try to settle a dispute between the Soviets and the Chinese. On the playground, it would be like if a 3rd grader tried to break up a fight between a couple of 7th graders – those kinds of fights are big boy stuff. The fact that China simply shrugged them off when they were no longer of use, said a lot to me about how important Cuba was to China. Cuba was handy when Mao Zedong was trying to gain international diplomatic recognition, but as soon as Castro waivered when tensions arrose between China and the USSR, he was of little importance. This was displayed when Mao refused to greet Che in person. Also, I could be wrong, but it seemed like the relationship did not last very long. Castro came to power in 1959, and then made his anti-China speech in 1965. So, until later in the century it does not seem to me that China cared much for Cuba.
From this weeks reading of Catherine Krull, it was interesting to read about international relationships of China & Canada, to look at both past and present relations and to see how these two nations went against both the USSR and the US to align with Cuba. And also interesting because I wasn’t expecting both these relationships so it was fascinating to see how they developed. And that Cuba had shown through these relationships the ability to survive while fighting against the U.S. economic blockade, and they weren’t as separated as some may have thought from the world. It is interesting that the intimate bilateral relation China and Cuba had, began to deteriorate as a result of the Sino-Soviet split, the struggle between the Soviet and Chinese communist parties over the direction of the communist movement, which put Cuba in a difficult position to balance its relationships which led to Cubas neutrality causing more tensions for the relationship. However, by 1989 the relationship continued to grow in strength seemingly not affected, since both China and Cuba needed something from one another (Cuba needed new allies & Chinas opening to Latin American trade). It interesting that trade isn’t the only important relation but education (scholarships provided), science (biotechnology and pharmaceutical), tourism and so forth have also expanded substantially. The Canadian relationship (which was interesting to learn &to be separated then being under the umbrella of US relation to Cuba), was a surprise that they had there own ideas and wouldn’t be pressured into adopting policies they didn’t agree with, thereby going against the US knowing the relationship between the two you would think automatically Canada was side with America on the Cuban issue and that they remained consistent to there approach to Cuba from the beginning. Even though Canadian diplomats were critical of Cuba, through their ideology, domestic policies and human rights (of which upset Canada) this didn’t prevent a bilateral relation being established, as they decided engagement and dialogue (the opposite of the US approach).
In Chapter five which focused on Cuba and China’s relationship, I was a bit shocked to see how well they got along. I would never have put that much thought into their relationship with them being on opposite sides of the world, and so different culturally. Yet, Treto points out that they were actually quite similar, and the similarities were so obvious and yet the countries seem so distant that I did not connect them. Both the countries openly proclaim that they were striving to build a socialist economic system. That’s definitely a big factor that would tie them together, it seems that they both respected each other, because of that as well. Through this course it seems that is also what Castro wanted to have respect and be taken seriously, China gave him something the U.S never did, respect, and acknowledgement of that socialist state he was trying to create. Another one of the factors that Treto said tied them together was U.S government withheld diplomatic recognition to deny their legitimacy, so they had a common enemy in a sense. Even the Sino-Soviet split did not destroy their relationship, and afterwards they emerged with a great relation again.
The relationships between Canada and Cuba was something I was looking forward to read, as we’ve learned so much about the U.S but to see Canada’s relationship was interesting. I wasn’t surprised to read that Canada had tried to have a neutral or good relationship with Cuba, despite their relationship with the U.S. Both the countries even benefitted from economic, and cultural ties, and despite the U.S having a critical stance on it, Canada maintained their stance on Cuba. Diefanbaker seems to be someone responsible for that, he chose engagement with Cuba rather than isolation, which was a smart choice, if both the countries can benefit from each other, their is no need to follow the U.S. In the end of the chapter it was mentioned that Canadian officials have tried to mediate the Cuban-U.S dispute, which seems totally in character with Canada. Yet, the U.S was not having it, the U.S is so unreasonable in their stance on Cuba, they might not agree with how things are run, but they can’t run the whole world around their wishes.
The four chapters in Cuba in a Global Context written by Catherine Krull cover a wide range of interesting topics from Cuba-China relationship to foreign filmmakers in Cuba.
Chapter 5 discusses the Cuba-China relationship, which shows that Cuba and China have established long-term positive relationship. What surprised me the most was that their relationship is still actively going on in 2000s, such as the fact that “a number of Chinese enterprises have established branch offices in Cuba” which I totally did not know. It seems like their relationship is very healthy as the author says “while trade is crucial to Cuban-Chinese relations, exchanges and cooperation in the fields of social research, education, performing arts, science, sports, and tourism have also expanded substantially,” and also they are in win-win conditions as China takes advantage of Cuba’s highly developed biotechnology and pharmaceutical sectors and Cuba takes advantage of China’s manufacturing channels.
Chapter 6 discusses the Cuba-Canada relationship, which seems way more healthy and rational than the Cuba-U.S. relationship. I was impressed by the strong Canadian policy which contains the idea that “Ottawa should maintain normal relations with any other country, regardless of ideology, differences in political outlook, or the wishes of Canada’s chief ally” as I think this kind of idea is very modern and positive. Personally, I’m glad that I decided to study not in U.S. but in Canada because I could easily go to Cuba for travel.
Chapter 8 discusses religion in Cuba. The author explains Santeria, “a syncretic Cuban religion based upon West African beliefs,” which is very interesting to me, but I feel it’s sad that Santeria got commercialized and “just as tourists are widely visible in many areas of urban Cuban life, foreigners are increasingly a part of urban Santeria commerce.” This is a dilemma of tourism that tourists seek something authentic and unique but often destroy the authentic culture by bringing foreign presence with power of money.
Chapter 14 discusses foreign filmmakers in Cuba, which interested me a lot, since I can really sympathize with the filmmakers as I was so amazed how the city of Havana is beautiful when I visited Cuba. The most interesting topic for me was La novia de Cuba filmed by Kazuo Kuroki because he is a famous director from my country, and I never knew that he filmed in Cuba. He is particularly famous for requiem movies for WWII, so I got curious how he got interested in Cuba.
This week’s chapters explore Cuba’s international relations with China and Canada, and Cuba’s cultural relations within the intricacies of the syncretic religion –Santeria. It can be inferred from the readings that Cuba is definitely not the isolated nation that US wants us to believe. While Cuba maintains healthy trade relations with China and Canada, the US keeps condemning the island nation for governing itself under the socialist system.
Canada understands that sovereignty does not have to fiddle with business and bilateral relations continue; it demonstrates that in the past Canada has not always followed what ‘Big Brother’ commands. However, it is not mentioned if Canada took any measures against human rights abuse done in the beginning of the revolution, it condemned the acts but was there any positive outcome?
China and Cuba have developed strong ties based on opposition to anti-imperialism and hostile policies from Washington. Although, there was a period of frozen interaction, both nations understood that it was better for their economies to forget the past and become allies. The decision has proved right, nowadays, China is Cuba’s number one trade partner; a lesson that the US might regret not learning.
The reading about Santeria is interesting because the Cuban state takes advantage of religion to create revenue. Although in the beginning the communist party created the separation of religion and state, it has blended and adapted to the needs of the tourists who want to have first hand experience. What I find saddening is that the division between people who have access to CUC and the ones who do not is widening; a total contrast to the ideals of the revolution of 1959.
I worked at the airport at the summer and occasionally I’d get a chance to converse with some Air China crew members. One day, a flight attendant mentioned that they were planning to start nonstop Beijing-Havana flights. When I first heard that, I thought this route was going to fail and lose money in no time. After reading Krull’s chapters, it all makes sense now. The airline route itself may be losing money, but there is so much more at stake in this Beijing-Havana connection. Cuban raw materials, notably oil and nickel, fuels China’s economy. In return, Cuba receives Chinese technical aid and much needed infrastructure upgrades. It was also interesting how China acts as an intermediary for Cuba, such as the role China plays in helping market/promote Cuban pharmaceuticals and biotechnologies.
What was also interesting was the unintended consequences of increased tourism and openness. If I recall correctly, hard currency shops which operated in former East Germany and USSR also caused animosity between those who had access to hard foreign currencies and those who had no choice but to use their own non-convertible currencies. It’s unfortunate that doctors and other professionals are leaving their government jobs for more attractive tourism jobs, but it’s understandable “you gotta do what you gotta do” to keep your family afloat…
I liked that this week’s reading provided some interesting perspectives on Cuba’s interactions on a global scale. As a former film student, my attention was especially drawn to Chapter 14’s insight on foreign filmmakers in Cuba, particularly in the 1960s. Post-revolutionary Cuba appears to have been used as a creative landscape for international artists to witness a new society. However, this sudden incursion of foreign artists attempting to portray Cuban life was not without it’s difficulties.
With an influx of foreign directors in Cuba, I found it interesting to see what distinguishes these films from one another, and what contributed to the successes and the failures. Film can be a very powerful medium and it is the responsibility of the filmmaker to portray their subject matter with a sense of purpose and sensitivity. However, it seems that the excitement of working with revolutionary and foreign subjects may have obscured these qualities in some of the international films. Anytime a filmmaker enters an unfamiliar environment, capturing the character of a place can be challenging and not all filmmakers are successful in achieving the amount of nuance needed. The general complaint towards the unsuccessful films appears to be a lack of authenticity, resulting in a failure to capture the Cuban spirit. Foreign directors such as Ugi Ulive and Armand Gatti often found themselves unable to faithfully capture the Cuban reality, usually with an inability to make Cuban characters seem convincingly Cuban.
Despite some failures, many Documentaries of the 1960s seemed to do a better job, showing the importance of taking the time to establish the subtly and nuance of post-revolutionary Cuba. French director Varta achieved this by using small instances such as men embracing their girlfriends to construe a post-revolution air of masculine authority. Danish director Theodoro Christensen also seemed to achieve a level of authenticity by interviewing a wide range of Cuban women.
During the 1960s film acted as an international window into the post-revolutionary Cuba, and in some instances acted as a primary sources of information on the newly formed society. However, this article shows some of the challenges that film presents. Some directors were able to use nuance to combat oversimplifications of the revolution, while others inadvertently conveyed generalizations and misrepresentations. I wonder whether foreign viewers of these films would have been able to distinguish the levels of authenticity, and whether this may have potentially led to some misunderstandings of Cuban culture and society.
I found chapter 14 to be the most interesting of the chapters because it connected films with a reality that the island has not surpassed until today: foreigners not understanding what being cuban means. The recollections of the first attempts to present cuban life in cinema are insightful and demonstrate how out of touch the world was with Cuba. For most, it was a novelty and as the author says, it called the attention of not only politicians but also artist and famous people. The key word is attention: like a new toy, everyone liked the way the media (and Fidel himself) was portraying what was happening in Cuba at the time of the revolution, with this unexpected resistance to US control coming from a relatively small island. Many of the films mentioned are now forgotten, with the exception of those that still stand through time because of other reasons like their artistic value, such is the case of I am Cuba which I have seen before. Although the chapter talks about new films being produced in the island and this time, with a better understanding of the subject matter by foreigners co producing the movies, it fails to address some other topics of interest, which I think are important. For example, it should have talked more about the International Film and School in San Antonio de los Baños, considered in Latin America as one of the best film school in the region, an institution that has brought into the island high number of film students in the way that medicine schools have done in the past. I would also like to have a conversation on film and Castro, and how the many representations of his character have largely made his persona even more iconic. The way it happens with most leaders that reach the status of “legends” if you will, the iconography that exists out there is one of the most influential reasons why their power prevails, and the amount of biopics and miniseries devoted to Fidel are countless. In the same measure, Che Guevara’s representation in films is also a major point that holds his legend up high for a lot of people. Films like The Motorcycle Diaries have humanized the myth, the brand and ideology that he is for some, and it truly shows the influence of film in today’s society.
Although the relationships between China and Canada with Cuba were new to me, what it wasn’t surprising was the fact that Santeria is a great source of revenue for the island. I think this very specific practice represents the curiosity for that “otherness”, for the notion that a country and a culture like the Cuban one is deeply linked to roots far away from the western, “white” way of living. It could be seen as edgy, as a practice bordering in witchcraft and that feeling of not completely understanding what it conveys, whether good or bad, cements that image of the African man coming to this side of the world, bringing wilderness and mystery with him. Untamed and incomprehensible, whimsical even, this relationship with the unknown creates interest in Santeria for foreigners, and practitioners have known how to take financial advantage of it. It reminds of the common practices some countries along the Andes and Amazon jungle have, of taking foreigners deep into the jungle or the mountains to face and be part of ancestral practices indigenous groups hold in order to “clean the spirit”, or protect the soul from different outside maladies. Yes, for those ethnic groups these beliefs are structured and rooted, but they are surely devalued when they have a price attached to them or a tourist gets to cross out the “experience” from his/her travel bucket list.
This week we were tasked with reading Catherine Krull’s “Cuba in a Global Context: International Relations, Internationalism, Transnationalism”, specifically the chapters which outlined, Cuba’s international relationship with both China and Canada as well as chapters on Santeria and film. The latter two chapters I found informative on matters I had no previous knowledge- the most I knew about Cuban film prior would be entirely based on Dirty Dancing Havana Nights, which I doubt counts as a ‘Cuban Film’. Despite this, what I found most interesting was what the readings illuminated for me about Cuba’s international relations. I find that general knowledge of Cuba’s international relations is based heavily in it’s dealings with other powers. What never became so apparent to me until the readings this week was the specific role that Cuba played on an international scale. In learning about Cold War Cuba modern rhetoric, in my mind, placed Cuba’s position in the ordeal as purely significant on the basis of it being a state of ‘proxy conflict’ between two powers. In reading Krull’s work I found myself understanding a larger picture of what power Cuba had over the international stage. In defining it’s place in both the Latin American nations and the ‘third world nations’ we are provided with a better ground in which to view the proceeding relations. This gives us an understanding of the incentives behind particular international policy. As an example, for China gaining the recognition of Cuba during the Sino-Soviet split would have had a validating effect on the regime, thus the neutral stance of Cuba upset the state but not enough for outward backlash- rather just cool tension. We can see this need for Cuba’s validation from both the end of it being a functioning communist government and as a powerful voice in the third world community- both of which are important and relevant factors to China. It was this background that I found the most interesting as it gave a larger context to international relations and breaks down how such a small island could have such an effect on global politics. .
After learning so much about the frosty US-Cuban relations it was fascinating to read about a western nation, Canada, that managed to maintain more normalised diplomatic and trade relations with Cuba. It really emphasised for me how much the USA was losing out on in refusing to interact with Cuba in a positive way. It was not just Cuba who benefitted from the relationship but Canada also. However I also found the issue of trade and human rights abuses to be somewhat conflicting for me personally. Canada condemned the treatment of political prisoners etc but didn’t take any real action to try and force change. I found it interesting how the US comparatively presented itself as taking a moral stand. The question of whether to trade with nations that have poor human rights records is very much in the public eye at the moment, with criticisms of western trade with and support for the Saudi government. Interestingly the US has not taken a similar moral stand in this case. While Canada engaged with Cuba, it was with China, unsurprisingly given their similar anti-imperialist, anti-US stances, that they had a much closer relationship. They had close trade ties but also exchanges in culture, science, education, and technical advisors. In some ways China helped to fill the hole left by the collapse of the Soviet Union, providing Cuba with a superpower ally that could help it to survive despite the US embargo.
The monetisation of Santeria was really interesting in terms of how far Cuba seems to have strayed from the principles of the revolution. From a position where both religion and commercialism were condemned by the government, they are now engaged in using both these things for monetary reasons. It shows the extent to which reality seemed to set in for the Cuban government in terms of revenue problems after losing the subsidies of the Soviet Union.
While the article was a little overwhelming to a person unfamiliar with contemporary art movements like myself, it was fascinating to learn more about what Cuban artists are doing in this new “Special Period” of globalization. Ironically, I think that both Cuba and the United States based much of their identity on their respective sides during the Cold War, and after the fall of the Soviet Union both countries are now scrambling to reinvent themselves. From what I learned from the article, Cuba is drawing on its colonial past while also eagerly exploring new avenues to carve out a place in the globalized world of art. This can be representative of Cuba’s position today geopolitically.
While reading Tonel’s essay on the 21st century art culture in Havana, it was very interesting to read an article that generally followed the chronological history of Cuba, but through art rather than political history. At the beginning of the article, the author describes the art culture during the Cold War, in which the artists were influenced by the political process that was extremely powerful within their country. He then moves on to discuss the struggle as well as the eagerness of Cubans to revive and revitalize the art community in Cuba, and the way that these artists reflected this new perspective in their pieces. Tonel explains the idea of “electronic globalization” following the Cold War, and the new art that was emerging in what he calls the “Special Period”. Even more, the way that he wrote about the nineties as being a turning point for Cuban art, resulting in new forms of art, the ISA, as well as the introduction of art forms from around the world into Cuba, conveys the prominent theme in Cuban history of the resilience of its citizens and the drive to explore new possibilities. Further, he created an understanding of their ambition and motivation to expand into the globalized world of art outside of Cuba, which was a response that was occurring within many other facets of Cuban culture at the time. It is fascinating to see the way that the cultural community mimics its’ surroundings, reflecting the geopolitical situation at that particular time, as well as its transformation along with Cuban society.
Re: Antonio Eligio (Tonel)
What struck me about this week’s article was the relationship between art and Havana itself. As the course has progressed, we’ve moved out of the mountains and countryside and centralized (politically and spatially) on Havana, from where ideology and narrative seem to come. It’s appropriate, then, that the art movements Tonel discusses are so inseparable from the spaces of the city. Havana embodies artistic expression by being the canvas as well as the site of resistance. There is solidarity and relationship building, as with the ‘Habana solo’ exhibit in which people dance “with the city, in front of the city, and for the city” (Tonel, p.26). Art movements are also social commentary on the friction between the city that comprises so much of the Cuban identity, while also being the source of much unrest. Tonel describes this being enacted through art “In the friction between body and streets, the damaged urban infrastructure is lined with the bodies of its equally injured inhabitants” (p.23). There is an irony in that the intimacy between Habaneros and Havana must have stemmed in part from Fidel’s use of public space in proliferating his political message – his frequent calls to the Plaza and the gatherings of thousands at his behest. The art movement took this ethos of use of space and included institutions, architecture, multimedia, and the power of artistic expression to create a discourse on the regime that inspired it. It comes across as really visceral and intimate; I think there’s something to be said about the (literal) softness of bodies within the hardness of the city that speaks to the relationship between the individual and the state, and art seems to be a way to make sense of this imbalance of power.
To be honest I have rarely been exposed to nor considered how social, economical and political changes can affect and become so visible in modern art forms. I therefore have to agree with Wesley that I too was a little overwhelmed at first, but at the same time very intrigued by a new world of understanding how and why artists reflect society in their work. I was particularly fascinated by Cuban poster traditions in the sixties and seventies and how it inspires new black/white design even today. (p 20). Poster traditions also allure to propaganda, advertisement and public information channels. This work by Tonel touches upon so many issues, but the visual, aural and sensory use of imagery, bodies and senses makes it easier to digest and certainly to appreciate it even more. Another thing that is interesting is how all of this ties into political consideration of crisis and recession, such as the special period, and how the author argues that remnants of the crisis still exist and are no less dramatic today. A recurring theme which I liked was the intersection of urban and domestic violence in inequality, gender and race and social justice. I think that we sometimes forget or neglect that these issues remain a reality even in contemporary considerations of history and certainly in Cuban nation building. Perhaps the importance we place on political spaces and global development is overshadowing these difficult societal challenges. Earlier in our course (slavery, class hierarchies, rebellion, Barcias book) I was more aware of these questions, while now towards the end I feel like I have narrowed myself into having more of a political approach. I am therefore really happy to start thinking about this intersectionality again, and especially how current movements of capital and opening of markets ties into the many nuances of Cuban historical and contemporary identities.
“The lists of titles, that appear and disappear to the monotone clicking of the projector, leads us to think of the unpardonable waste of so much intellectual effort, if outside of academe the results of the research have little or no effect on the lives of the people. Everything indicates that the possible answers to many societal problems are buried in those mountains of shelved paper, while the publishers, press, and media have little interest in this accumulation of knowledge and analyses” (p. 19).
I absolutely love the interpretation of this art piece and it’s commentary on the institution of higher education. Tonel’s article gives the learner of Cuban history the tangible means to attempt to understand Cuba back then. This quote is incredibly relatable and not only brings into question the institution of university, but also that of Cuba as a state, and all states with institutions of higher education more generally. From the times we have focused on media, whether it be radio or conceptual art such as this, it really brings to life the societal, political, and social strife and successes that had occurred in Cuba. As demonstrated by the use of the quote about higher education in Cuba it seems that art in Cuba was constantly questioning the status quo and the singular path of a specific education, which was in the case of Cuba, communism. Allowing these artists to express themselves through art as well as using it as a form of dissidence is integral to any society. The focus of Havana also demonstrates a shift in our own learning because the urban takes precedence with regard to the formation of art which suggests that rural Cuba eventually lost the fervour it once possessed during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries of the slave communities located far from Havana. Art is the most provocative indicator and timeline of a place and Tonel really aids the reader in seeing and understanding this.
I found Tonel’s essay very interesting as his focus of the Cuban artistic community in relation to Cuba’s ever-changing political and social atmosphere was quite intriguing. Tonel’s discussion of art, while a foreign subject to me, was illuminating. From my understanding of Tonel’s text, it seems that much of the art created and proliferated during the 1990’s was stemming from an attempt to determine an identity for Cuban art. Not to say that there was no identity already in place for Cuban artists, but rather that considering the changing political and social structure of Cuba, there was space for a new identity to emerge. These new art movements, such as the “Special Period”, were definitively rooted in the lack of art that could be recognized more internationally, which stemmed primarily from a Cuba influenced by the Cold War and the it’s subsequent issues. Furthermore, Tonel provided the reader with an understanding of the history of artistic movements in Cuba. He explains the need for a more international approach to art in Cuba, and provides a detailed understanding of how that has gone underway and to what extent, especially in relation to the shifting political structure of Cuba.
I found this weeks reading to be very interesting, especially because I am currently taking an art history course. The article highlighted many points, which indicated that Cuba, like many other countries used art as an outlet to express political, social, and environmental changes within society. Art has always been recognized as a form of expression, in which the truth can be communicated between artist and viewers without blatantly speaking. This is especially important in Cuba, as it is illegal to speak poorly about the government and struggles within society, therefore art proved to be an efficient outlet, especially during the “special period”. Through art, sensitive issues such as politics, race, inequality, violence and everyday struggles could be communicated to the viewers. Changes in content are evident, but also are reflected in different form, colour and expression within each piece. The artwork is able to provide a lens to outsiders into some of the very real struggles that Cuba and Cuban people have been through. I really enjoyed Tonel’s analysis of artwork in Cuba, especially in relation to Havana.
I consider myself a dummy when it comes to art and while I thought the essay was filled with many interesting facts and information, at the same time, I did find it to be a little overwhelming. Although due to the fact that this essay is featured from an exhibit catalogue, maybe Tonel expected the readers of this essay to have a bit of previous knowledge. Nonetheless despite not knowing anything about art except for popular household names like Picasso or Van Gogh, this essay by Tonel was an interesting read for me because it opened my mind to how social, economical and political changes can not only affect the nation and the population but art as well. Tonel mentions that there is only a short list of Cuban artists who have achieved considerable visibility outside of Cuba. What is really interesting to me about this fact is that these artists are able to achieve visibility because they have access to “the circuits mapped out by the capital of globalization” and these circuits are defined by institutions in various places around the world. Tonel comments that if any Cuban artists has aspirations to have an active career, they first must seek to establish professional relationships outside of Cuba. This is striking to me because it only seems logical for an artist to first gain visibility within their own community and once they become more well known, their visibility will then expand further out. However, in Tonel’s essay, it doesn’t reject the fact that artists gain visibility locally first, but it focuses more on how if an artist aspires to achieve visibility, they should first seek to establish professional relationships globally, outside of Cuba. But I guess this one aspect during this time period is just a further reflection of the Cuban artistic community, in which it evolves and changes in connection to Cuba’s ever-changing political atmosphere and society.
While I did find this essay by Tonel overwhelming in the various artists and institutions mentioned, I did get a valuable perspective in the art scene that was very important to Cuban society. I am personally not a big fan of art or am very knowledge either, however I do admire how art can encapsulate and symbolize a society and its very complex inner workings. By reading this essay, from what I was able to gather was how so much social strife throughout the 20th century allowed for art in Cuba to be all encompassing. Art is a medium through which Cubans can now fully express themselves to the world about their lives and experiences, especially in the post-Cold War period where the old vestiges from the Soviet Union crumble away making space for a newer generation to rise.
The term “glocalization” pertaining to the phenomenon of Cuban art being both global and local during Cuba’s “Special Period” was interesting to me because it mirrors what is happening politically and in turn shows how connected the state and society are. Although some may argue against the notion that “all art is political”, it seems even when art is not making a political statement, the two maintain a close connection. The lack of access to sophisticated technology is one way in which politics are reflected through art. Even though the art itself may not be intended as political, the limited access to certain materials indirectly reveal economic hardship. While there may be limited access to materials, that which is attainable helps create new ways of expression for a broader audience. There was a time in Cuba when poets were punished for their “subversive” expression, and musicians were unrecognized on a global scale. Now there seems to be an opening of a new artistic market to foreign audiences. Those who have immigrated to the United States maintain ties to Cuba with their art and seem to blur a division line between the two countries.
Tonel’s article was a really, really interesting read. It really breaks through a Western conception of ‘Communist Cuba’—insofar as how creativity is presumably restricted. That being: if one is not a citizen of a Western liberal democracy, then one is less imaginative or artistic. Cuba’s historical underpinnings and environmental changes that affected the production of art (after emerging from the ‘end’ of the cold war) eventually came to provide a platform for expression. The complex array of emotions and desires used to describe the contextual pieces were very illustrative. The various pieces really characterized and gave ‘voice’ to the people and the environment in which they lived, bringing to life ‘historical facts’ that have contextualized our knowledge about Cuba, thus far. I am interested to see how ‘glocalized’ artwork will evolve.
Tonel’s essay was a great read. It was very interesting to see how art developed and changed in Cuba, and how certain periods or eras, such as the “Special Period”, affected art, or even vice-versa. It was good to see art as a continuum of Cuban society, and how each movement or development in the field of art can be traced back through artists and institutes. What was unexpected was the extent to which art was allowed to flourish; there seemed to be good options available to aspiring artists in Cuba to learn and develop, such as ISA or ENA. Artists also seemed to enjoy relative freedom from state interference, which is also somewhat unexpected. I also enjoyed this essay as it made me think of other instances in which we could see history through art. The example that sprung to mind was the muralist movement in Mexico in the years following the Revolution, with the works of artists such as Diego Rivera, José Clemente Orozco and David Alfaro Siqueiros capturing the feeling within Mexico at that time.
The growth of Cuban art in Tonel’s essay reminds me a lot of how little weeds and grass manages to grow through concrete. Somehow, the plant will find a way to break through or grow around the concrete. That being said, it seems as though the flourishing of Cuban art wasn’t necessarily supressed but rather discouraged (I could be totally wrong about this). Though I don’t know for sure, I think that perhaps art was looked down upon because it is not very practical, and therefore not revolutionary. But, as the tight grip of socialism has let up in recent decades, Cuban art has expanded and become more popular. It was interesting to note that Tonel hardly speaks of the eras before the 90s, mentioning briefly the 80s and the only talk of the 70s was the opening of the ISA. So that appears to correlate with the reduction in tight socialist policies in Cuba. Personally, my experience with Cuban art is mostly hand painted canvasses of Che or Fidel with the Cuban flat emblazoned somewhere behind them, however I did have the opportunity to see a couple of real art galleries in Cuba (one just outside of Veradero and one in Havana) and, not knowing much at all about real art, I would say they looked very similar to art galleries anywhere else in the world (haha).
I thought the compounding of art and education in Cuba was interesting to read about. “By fusing theory and practice, René Francisco drove art education as a flexible process that was open to collective participation by the students and directed towards a fluid dialogue with those to whom the work was intended.” This type of fluidity in art that allows for a discourse is something that seems to contradict common themes of secrecy and propaganda that are often associated with communist states. I like that the author goes beyond the obvious notion of politicizing art for the sake of the government and discusses how the establishment of art as a pedagogical practice within education expands Cuban culture. That being said, art and politics do seem to be inextricably linked and it makes me wonder what can be regarded independently from politics?
Tonel’s review of the most relevant personalities and events in Cuba’s national art history is very dense and explanatory, and it depicts a growing practice but, as in many countries, a struggling one, even with the support it has received from the government throughout the years. It is mostly because freedom of speech is fundamental for the creation of art, so the recount of art in Cuba focuses on those efforts made to teach new generations about the techniques, and open Cuban artists and audiences to broader, foreign markets and presentations. He mentions Tania Bruguera, who participated in the 7th Gwangju Biennale in Korea (2008), and in the Liverpool Biennial (2010) together with several artists enrolled in Arte y Conducta.
It is very interesting to read about how artists in Cuba still find spaces where to present their work and keep the discussion about art alive, in many cases, deconstructing the meaning public spaces have for the public that visits them everyday and presenting the space as an art gallery, as they did when they hosted a selling of art pieces by local artists at a bodega; some other artist opted to establish their galleries at their own houses.
I found Tonel’s essay to be a very informative introduction to a topic I previously knew little about. I have studied the relationship between art and politics in a German context, and it was interesting to see the dynamics of this relationship play out in a completely different setting. In the documentary we watched earlier this week, we saw many Cubans reluctant to discuss anything overtly political. I think that a discussion of art is an interesting contrast to this reluctance, as it is very difficult to separate and artist and their works from the political climate that they exist in. I think that art is inherently tied to the political sphere and certain aspects of contemporary Cuban politics were definitely reflected in the art mentioned in this essay, including the decline in romantic and nostalgic imagery in favour of harsher, more realistic depictions, and representations of racism and racial inequality. In this sense it is impossible for artists to abstain from political conversation, as even if their intent is not to create a distinctly political work (which it oftentimes is), any given piece of art can often be interpreted to suit a variety of different political agendas. After reading this article I would definitely be interested to learn more about how different political agendas interact with art in Cuba. I wonder if the government itself uses art to convey their ideas, how they might interpret specific works, and how they would determine whether or not a piece of art crosses a political line.
I don’t have much to say this week so this will be one of the short(er) posts! Photography is a hobby of mine so I found the sections on Cuban photography to be the most interesting. It was interesting how the artists/photographers framed the decline of Cuban sugarcane, capturing in pictures the abandoned mills and broken machinery that once formed the backbone of Cuban industry. I also found it interesting the photos didn’t just capture the unused machinery, but the people whose livelihoods have been affected by sugarcane’s irrelevance in post-Soviet era Cuba.
It was also interesting to read about how Cuban artists could market and promote their art and the various new avenues they can take with Raul in charge nowadays.
The reading by Tonel this week was really interesting to me to read about contemporary artwork from Havana to see their style and how their situation influenced that e.g. lack of equipment or not high tech/low production level and to see influences of politics, history, culture and the economy. I think you definitely need to look at the videos & paintings as well to visually appreciate the work and to get a better understanding of it. For example, Juan Aloms video, Habana Solo uses no spoken words just music, which acts as rhythms of the street, as it uses for example African style drum beats to show an energy of the streets emphasized by the frantic and jerky camera movements, and its interesting to relate the body and its interaction with the city as they seem to merge into one/become inseparable. I think the use of not directly making the art have a political component, but instead leaving it up to the art viewer to make assumptions is clever, since the artists knew the limits of what could be said and shown is interesting having this artwork that could have two meanings to be able to still communicate political ideas and to challenge and raise concern.
A really interesting read there in Tonel’s essay, greatly looking forward to listening to him speak. I must admit that when we I have studied the great socio-economic and political changes in history, rarely have I thought about the effects on art. This essay was a great introduction to the way in which art both mirrors and reveals complexities in societal changes, acting as a outlet for expression in a country where freedom of speech is limited. Artists, who seemed to be relatively free from censorship, were able to visually discuss contentious issues such as race, that maybe could not have been verbally talked about in the same way. The discussion of how Cuban art has evolved with Cuba was fascinating, particularly in how it has been given a much more globalised dimension since the 1990s. Tonel beautifully describes this as ” a constantly growing spiral, one informed by a process of ceaseless transformations”. I feel this mirrors Cuba greatly; it was not one event that saw a decisive break from the past and the advent of globalism, but a series of small steps building on one another and culminating in substantial change. The art produced serves as a record of this and other gradual changes in Cuba, giving an insight into the spirit of the people rather than just learning about what changes were being brought about from above.
Reading Tonel’s essay made me wish that I had a far better understanding of art history and symbolism. While I could understand the points that he made, I would not have been able to pick up on the subtleties myself. The unfortunate part is that this is clearly a large subject that has been consistently present in Cuban society, and has provided a voice to many living under tighter socialist controls. Tonel’s essay made me think about the Frikis podcast that we listened to. They both demonstrate an artistic way to oppose the government through celebration rather than violence. These show a sort of undercurrent of rebellion in the Cuban arts. Although music and paintings have been used for the regime, Tonel and the Frikis demonstrate how they evolve to match the current socio-political atmosphere. I also enjoyed how both groups would use any space necessary to express the work that they created. Whether it was an illegal radio station, or art in their own homes, they found a way to make it work.