Towards an Uncertain Future 

Dilma Rousseff’s acceptance speech, October 26, 2014

After lengthy thanks to colleagues and supporters and long pauses for cheering, and after explaining that she was using what remained of her voice and calling for some quiet, she began:

My dear friends, we have reached the end of a campaign that mobilized all the forces of our country. As the winner of these historical elections I have words of thanks and solidarity, for my Vice President Michel Temer, for the political parties and their militants, who sustained our alliance and were decisive in our victory. I thank each and every member of this combative militancy that was the soul, the force of this victory. And I thank without exception each and every Brazilian. I thank, from the bottom of my heart, militant number one for the causes and for the people and of Brazil, President Lula.

I call without exception on all Brazilians to unite in favour of the future of our country and of our people. I do not believe, sincerely, from the bottom of my heart, I do not believe that this election has divided the country in two. I understand that it mobilized ideas and emotions that at times were contradictory but were inspired by a common sentiment: the search for a better future for our country. Rather than amplifying differences between us, I have great hope that this mobilizing energy has prepared the ground for the building of bridges. The heat liberated in this dispute must be transformed into constructive energy for a new future for Brazil. With the force of this mobilizing energy, it is possible to find points of agreement and build on them on the basis of understanding to allow our country to advance.

Sometimes in history, close election results lead to stronger and quicker changes than do victories by a wide margin. That is my hope, or rather, my certainty of what will happen now in Brazil: that the debate of ideas, the shock of contrary positions may create spaces of agreement, able to move our society forward along the lines of change.

My first words are therefore to call for unity. In mature democracies, unity does not mean necessarily unity of ideas, nor does it mean monolithic action as one. Rather, it presupposes openness and disposition for dialogue. This president before you is open to dialogue, and this is my first commitment for my second mandate: dialogue.

My friends, every election has to be seen as a peaceful and secure form of change for a country. Every election is a form of change, principally for us who live in one of the largest democracies in the world. [Chants of ‘Dilma, Dilma’.]

When a re-election takes place, it should be understood as a vote of hope given by the people for a better government. I know this is what the people say when they re-elect a leader. This is what I have heard from the polls, and I intend to be a much better president than I have been so far. I want to be a better person, I want to be an even better person than I have tried so hard to be.

This feeling of betterment should not only influence the government and me but all the nation. The road is very clear. A few words and themes dominated this campaign. The word most repeated, most spoken, most dominant was “change”. The theme most widely evoked was reform. I know I am being sent back to the presidency in order to make the big changes that Brazilian society demands.

As far as my force, my role and my power can reach, you can be sure, I am ready to answer that calling. I know that this feeling comes from the depths of the Brazilian soul, I know the limitations on any president, and I know also the power that any president has to lead a great popular cause, and I will do it. My disposition [chants of ‘Dilma, Dilma’ and of ‘Olé, Olé Olé Ola, Dilma, Dilma’]… my most profound disposition is to lead in the most peaceful way – please everyone, I can’t shout any more – my most profound disposition is to lead, in the most peaceful and democratic way, this moment of transformation. I am ready to open a great space for dialogue with all sectors of society, to find the quickest solutions for our problems.

My friends here present and all who are hearing us, and all the Brazilian people, among these reforms, the first and most important must be political reform.

My commitment, as was clear throughout the campaign, is to bring about this reform, which is the constitutional responsibility of Congress and which should mobilize the people in a plebiscite, in popular consultation. Through the use of this instrument, of this plebiscite, we will obtain the force and legitimacy demanded in this moment of transformation to take forward political reform. I intend to discuss this theme deeply with the new Congress and all the Brazilian population and I am sure there will be interest in all the sectors of Congress, of society, of all the forces active in our society to open a discussion and deliver concrete measures.

When I mention political reform, it doesn’t mean that I don’t know the importance of other reforms. [Cheers.] Reforms that we have the obligation to push forwards. I will have a rigorous commitment to fighting corruption, strengthening the institutions of control and proposing changes to the law to do away with impunity, which is the protector of corruption. During the campaign I announced measures that will be very important for Brazilian society and for all, to confront corruption and end impunity.

I will take urgent action specifically on the economy to allow us to resume our rhythm of growth, to continue guaranteeing high levels of employment and ensuring increases in salaries. We will give more impulse to economic activity in all sectors, especially in industry. I want the partnership of all sectors, of all productive and financial areas in this task, which is the responsibility of all us Brazilians.

I will continue to fight inflation with rigour and to advance in the area of fiscal responsibility. I will encourage as quickly as possible dialogue and partnership with all the productive forces of the country. Even before the beginning of my next mandate I will proceed in this task. More than ever, it is time for each and every one of us to believe in Brazil, to deepen our feelings of faith in this incredible nation to which we have the privilege to belong, and to deepen our responsibility to make it more and more prosperous and just.

This Brazil, our dear country, has emerged better form this dispute and I know the responsibility that weighs on my shoulders. We will continue to build a better Brazil, more inclusive, more modern, more productive, a country of solidarity and of opportunities. A Brazil that values work and entrepreneurial energy, a Brazil that cares for its people with a special eye for women, blacks and the young, a Brazil more and more concerned with education, with culture, with science and innovation. Let us join hands and advance on this journey, which will help us build the present and the future.

The warmth, affection, love and support that I received during this campaign give me the energy to go ahead with much more dedication. Today, I am much stronger, more serene, more mature and more ready for the task you have delegated to me.

Brazil, once again, this your daughter will not shirk from the battle. Long live Brazil, long live the Brazilian people.

Summary/Analyses 

Last month Dilma Roussef was re-elected by a narrow margin, this way ensuring that Latin America’s biggest nation will remain under the control of a Worker’s Party (Partido dos Trabalhadores or PT) which is committed to tackling inequality. The only issue now is that Rousseff must pull together a deeply divided Brazil. Capturing 51.6% to her rival’s 48.4% in a second round run-off election, as her second term begins, she faces the challenge of governing a nation that is more divided than ever. This was Brazil’s tightest election for 25 years, a bitterly fought election that ended with the narrowest presidential win since the nation’s return to democracy three decades ago.

Both Rousseff and her challenger Aécio Neves coincide on a common set of resolutions, which are: to renew and restore the economy, to continue with social inclusion, control inflation, and to invest in education, health, infrastructure, public security and public transportation. By the end of Dilma Rousseff’s second term, PT will have been in power for 16 years. Partido dos Trabalhadores was founded in 1980 as a new party of the left, committed to structural economic change, participatory democracy, and working-class mobilization, the PT played a big role in ending Brazil’s military regime of 1964-85 and in constructing a new democracy. In 2003, Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva made a space in Brazilian society for a reformist left in the early 21st century. However, widespread protests during the 2013 Confederations Cup (and ongoing protest for the following year), revealed public anger at overspending on the World Cup, poor quality of public services and government corruption – as well as alienation from political representatives and political parties.The impact of these difficult years showed in the second round results: despite winning the presidency for the 4th time in a row, this elections weren’t particularly good for the PT.

Dilma’s acceptance speech was an attempt to reach out to those who did not vote for her. She starts her speech by assuring the listeners that the election, had not divided the country in two – although the results, with 51.6% to Dilma and 48.4% to her rival, suggested it had done just that.

Her first commitment, Rousseff said, was to dialogue. She also said that her narrow margin of victory could actually be a force in favour of speedy reform rather than against it, which personally sounds very contradictory. She promised and assured the people that she would be a much better president than she had been in her first term. But despite promising change she gave little hope that reform would advance. Political reform was her top priority, she said. The hearts of seasoned Brazil watchers sunk at those words, on the knowledge that this is a debacle. By promising to discuss such reform with Congress and all society and then put it to a plebiscite, she basically buried it before it was born, for plebiscites have a history of not working in Brazil. She promised briefly to fight corruption and even more briefly to bring the economy back to growth. She would continue to fight inflation with rigour – something critics and public say she has roundly failed to do – and to advance in the area of fiscal responsibility. 

In conclusion, Rousseff in order to have a successful second term, she must change and improve from her previous mandate. The most important thing at the moment is that she needs to restore the credibility of economic policy, especially tax policy. Personally, I believe she has a lot to prove to the Brazilian people, even though PT had positive results in the elections, I feel that it has a rough phase ahead of them, and problems will surge starting 2015. 

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Price Riots Erupt in Venezuela, February 28, 1989, New York Times

Caracazo, 1989

Demonstrations against price increases across Venezuela turned violent today as thousands of protesters threw stones at the police, broke store windows and looted businesses. Hundreds of people were reported injured.

The violence was most severe in Caracas and its surrounding communities, where gangs of youths wearing hoods blocked streets, set fire to buses and garbage piles and attacked policemen with rocks, homemade weapons and in some cases firearms.

The riots in Caracas were the most violent and widespread in many years. Rioting was also reported in six other cities and towns, including Maracaibo. San Cristobal, Valenica and Puerto La Cruz. Fares Increased by 30 Percent

The protests began this morning when students and other commuters discovered that the fares for buses and jitneys had increased by more than 30 percent. In some cases the fares exceeded levels set by the Government.

Prices in general have been rising rapidly in Venezuela over the last two weeks as the new Government of President Carlos Andres Perez has moved to ease official controls on the prices of many goods and services.

An increase in the retail price of gasoline, which went into effect on Sunday, pushed transportation rates upward nationwide. The higher fuel costs contributed to today’s protests.

The removal of price controls is part of a general economic program aimed at making the economy more efficient. The Government embarked on its new economic measures to persuade the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank to led int more money.

As of late tonight, officials gave no estimate of how many people were wounded in the rioting.

A doctor at one of the municipal hospitals in Caracas said that hundreds of injured, including many suffering from gunshot wounds, had been treated since this morning. President Appeals for Calm

Both President Perez and the Minister of the Interior, Alejandro Izagyrre, called for calm and said the Government would not tolerate looting and violence.

In several areas, National Guardsmen were called out to assist the police.

The rioting is the most serious problem faced so far by Mr. Perez, who began a five-year term on Feb. 2.

The President inherited a deteriorating economic situation and his Government moved recently to implement a variety of tough economic measures.

Summary/Analysis 

The newspaper article, written a day after the first riot outbreak of what will famously be come to know as Caracazo, talks about the violence, and political instability in which Venezuela was undergoing at that moment in time, results of the abrupt increase in prices in general all over the country. 

A mass insurrection, which had a stand out role in reshaping the political landscape of Venezuela. Even though this rebellion seemed to be a spontaneous uprisings, it was a the result of a long history of unresolved grievances. It reminded me of protest in Brazil that took place in 2013 after the rise in price of public transportation. It was just about the 20 cents increase, it was a much bigger picture, the 20 cents was just the trigger. This insurrections demonstrated the fragility of state power that Venezuela was in during this new era of instability in Latin America. This is where the voice comes in, the voice of the people, the public, along with the emergence of the popular coup, and the ever-present angst of mass mobilization. 

In 1989, Carlos Andrés Pérez (CAP), in presidency and with the power and opportunity to change the destiny of Venezuela, proposes to implement a neoliberal program of economic reform. This program comes to be know as “paquete económico” (economic package), which was designed following the recommendations made by the International Monetary Fund (IMF). These measures were part of a strategy to balance the country’s economy. CAP announced the macroeconomic program, whose consequences did not take long to take its toll on the population. 

And while the “paquete económico” had the support of those who saw it as the only way to save the economy, the process of change was very drastic and sharply affected the most disadvantaged sectors of the population, who did not hesitate to defend what they considered an attack on the poor. The economic measures taken by Carlos Andrés Pérez in 1989 were the trigger to a revolt that marks the history of Venezuela. 

The social upheaval took place in various cities in Venezuela, starting in the outskirts of Caracas in 1989. Known as the “Caracazo”, it was the publics response to the implementation of the announced measures, which produced an abrupt elevation in transport prices, food and among other things. The settings applied resulted in revolts which broke out on the 27 and 28 of February and ended on March 8. Hundreds of Venezuelans were killed at the hand of the military and police forces that suppressed the protest that took form in looting and burning of vehicles. There was huge material and economic loss for the owners of local shops and the public/urban transportation. The program was amended and on March 7th it was decreed the liberations of prices.  

As a result of this, in 1992 two attempts at a coup d’état were made, one in February and another in November. The Caracazo is said to have has a profound impact on young Hugo Chavez, who was deployed to crush the uprising. His experiences in this conflict inspired both his failed 1992 coup and his run for the presidency in 1998. As Dawson helps us understand “Chavez rode the anger of those masses throughout his career, never entirely in control and forever needing to rely on them to maintain his grip on power”.

The obvious consequence of the Caracazo was the political instability that present even today.