In 1945, Lebanon signed the Charter of the League of Arab States, became a founding member of the Arab League, and in 1950 the Arab Common Defence Economic Cooperation Pact (Salem 1994, 73 in Wilkins 2013, 27). In the early 50’s it followed Arab policies until the 50s and 60s when, to the dismay of Arab countries, the government adopted a more Western orientation (Wilkins 2013, 27).
Lebanon’s policy towards the Gulf countries is “shaped in large measure by [economic constraints]” (Salloukh 2009, 290). In 2006, a fiscal crisis in Lebanon required Arab monetary aid, capital inflow, and remittances (of Lebanese expats in the Gulf states) to create a responsive recovery plan (Salloukh 2009, 290). Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and UAE have all provided significant and supportive aid to Lebanon in exchange for solidarity. Aside from aid, “Capital inflow from Arab investors – estimates at $1 billion in 2004 – and tourism revenues, both overwhelmingly from the Gulf states, have been the prime sources of postwar economic growth” (Salloukh 2009, 290).
Syria
Lebanon’s primary ties are with Syria and have been for centuries due to overlapping empires owning these territories, but since the civil war, Syria has had a hegemony in Lebanon (Najem, 2003, 209). Some scholars assume that Lebanon is overshadowed by Syrian foreign policy to have no authentic policy of its own (Najem, 2003, 209). Following this logic, Lebanon’s actions then reflect Syrian national interest. Following the end of the civil war (1975 – 1990), the Ta’if Accird resulted in ‘The Treaty of Brotherhood, Cooperation and Coordination’ signed in 1991 by the Lebanese and Syrian heads of state, stipulating the “highest level of coordination in all matters of political, economic, security, and cultural policy, and established a joint institutional framework (the Supreme Council), to achieve that end” (Najem, 2003, 213). With large Syrian forces present within the country as well as their support to not disarm Hezbollah in order to form a pretext for their continued presence, Lebanon had not official say in matters within this institution, leaving Syria to determine Lebanese policy. Salloukh argues that “in post-Syria Lebanon, foreign policy has reemerged as a battleground between overlapping local and external actors bent on redefining Lebanon’s position in the international system and the region’s geopolitics” (Salloukh 2009, 284).
Saudi Arabia
In November 2017, Hariri announced his decision to resign as Prime Minister from Riyadh. The explanation offered was that the increasing Iranian influence in his country make him “fearful he would suffer the same fate as his father, Rafik Hariri, who was assassinated by a car bomb in 2005 by agents believed to be affiliated with the Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah” (Ward, 2017). Hariri eventually released from his alleged house arrest in Saudi returned to Lebanon and continued as prime minister. Ward notes “[h]ad Hariri not returned, there would likely have been a political tug-of-war between Saudi Arabia and Iran to fill the power vacuum.”
Iran
With its relations in Syria, Iran has been able to generously and consistently provide financial and military assistance to Hezbollah, a powerful Shiite party within Lebanon. According to Bilaal Y. Saab, a writer for Foreign Affairs magazine, Hezbollah has “cemented its dominance over Lebanon’s national security decision making, bolstered its deterrence against Israel, and helped save the Bashar al-Assad regime in Syria, and supported fellow Shiite militias in Bahrain, Iraq, and Yemen (Saab, 2017).
Citations
Najem, Tom Pierre, “Lebanon and Europe: The Foreign Policy of a Penetrated State,” The Review of International Affairs, Vol 3. No. 2, pp 209-231
Saab, Bilaal Y, Don’t Let Saudis Destabilize Lebanon. Retrieved from
https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/lebanon/2017-11-20/dont-let-saudis-destabilize-lebanon
Salloukh, Bassel F, “The Art of the Impossible: The Foreign Policy of Lebanon”
Ward, Alex, The bizarre saga of the Lebanese prime minister’s un-resignation. Retrieved from https://www.vox.com/world/2017/11/22/16690312/lebanon-hariri-saudi-arabia-iran