Commerce, Coercion, and America’s Empire

The history discussed in this chapter titled as “Commerce, Coercion, and America’s Empire”, provides great insight into the different ways in which the United States’ economic self-interest had sometimes indirect but always significant social, political, and economic impacts on Latin America. The most prominent sentiment in the text and the documents is the justified vilification of the elites from both Americas. However, what seems inconsistent or unfortunate is the disdain Latin Americans have for the average North American, while it seems that the average North American is generally oblivious to the exploits of their elites in these regions, only really being exposed to the region by second or third-hand accounts. Everything targeted at middle class Americans concerning the south illustrates a sort of tropical wonderland, through Disney, Hollywood, and other media; however, this image is far from the reality of the Latin American working class. During a time of such limited access, it is plausible to assume the North Americans were living in ignorant bliss, while their Latin American counterparts were suffering at the hands of the elites.

 

All four documents similarly share a perspective on the events of this time in history, but definitely do not support the same sentiments. Augusto Sandino’s “Political Manifesto” expresses what it is that separates him and those like him from the Nicaraguan elites who in essence helped exploit their country for financial gain and foreign benefits. Sandino expresses a sense of shame through a metaphor of being a child of his nation. He writes that the “flag hangs idle and humiliated by the ingratitude and indifference of its sons who don’t make the superhuman effort to free it from the claws of the monstrous eagle with the curved beak.” The eagle he refers to being the American investors. “From the Noble Savage to the Third World” debunks a lot of the fantastical US media that is guilty of perpetrating the myths of unity and friendship between the two regions. By attacking Disney, Dorfman and Mattelart are striking American culture at its very core.

 

While in contrast, I found that both American narrated videos seemed quite fond of Latin American locals. Silent War spoke of the immense teamwork between South and North American scientists and expressed sentiments of unity between military pursuits of all the American nations in the global fight against fascism. Journey to Bananaland similarly remarked on the excellent work of the banana farmers, and makes the transaction seem very cohesive between producer and consumer. Overall, the US media conveys an amicable relationship with Latin America that keeps the average American ignorant of the severe negative impact US investment and presence had on many lives. It would be interesting to see a more authentic document produced by an elite from this time, as to their perspective and how aware they were of the negative impacts.

Signs of Crisis in a Gilded Age

The documents in “Signs of Crisis in a Gilded Age” all illustrate a common paradox of being secure in and proud of the Latin American identity, but insecure and vulnerable with regard to Latin American sovereignty. It seems that Latin American academics and writers express wanting more for their people, yet face internal conflict that holds the region back from reaching its full potential. Zapata’s “The Plan de Ayala” is probably the best example of frustration with internal conflict halting progress for Mexico, with strong themes of disappointment and frustration. It is obvious that development and sovereignty were not issues in Latin America for a lack of ideas and great minds, but in sense the people could not catch a break in time before they were handed from one colonial overlord to the next with the foreign exploitation of their resources becoming another contributing factor to their lack of autonomy.

 

“To Roosevelt” stands out particularly because it emphasizes both an admiration for the United States, with North America coming from a common history and able to become so powerful, but simultaneously resents the lack of respect the United States has for Latin American autonomy. Darío, however, identifies what makes Latin America special: “the aromatic America of Columbus, Catholic America, Spanish America…” He is successful in depicting Latin America as something more tangible and living than North America and seeks to suggest that soon Latin America will be strong enough to stand-up to the North, but fails to identify how.

 

Similarly, in the excerpt from “La raza cosmica” it is evident that Latin Americans of this time, whether in agreement with it or not, use North American models and norms to shed light on their own. Here, he supposes that on the question of inter-racial families, unlike the Northern and European norms that are supported by eugenics and taint the blood of Latin America, the future will move towards the pursuit of beauty no matter what race. While his style of writing is sort of brash and vaguely offensive, in the preface, Dawson prompts the reader to put him in the context of his time. In doing so it is more possible to make associations with the world today, and I would argue to some extent, in places where racism is less predominant, and among younger generations, people are more willing to cross racial barriers for love and it often is the case that people tend to procreate with those of similar subjective attractiveness to themselves. While his general insensitivity is a product of the time, I do not think he is completely in error in his analyses of the faults in a race-based culture.

 

I am including an article from National Geographic, which I thought of as soon as I read Vasconcelos text. Where it predicts in 2050, the United States will cease to have identifiable race: http://ngm.nationalgeographic.com/2013/10/changing-faces/funderburg-text

Order, then Progress & “Porfirio Díaz, Hero of the Americas”

The export boom is a familiar story for other post-colonial countries. Once the Europeans were removed from government it was a matter of time before the local people began to optimize their resources for their own benefit and establish social hierarchies of their own – both race and gender based; however, this proved to be much more fluid than previously, as questions of progressiveness and modernity followed relatively quickly after. Dawson suggests that the autonomy of these new-formed countries naturally introduced a larger and more significant middle-class in the form of small business owners, lawyers and bureaucrats. While marginalized populations certainly existed, I think the ability of women to enter the workforce (albeit under many constraints) and the more liberal approach to democracy forced issues of race and gender to come into question very quickly after the effects of the export boom began to take form.

 

The term “order, then progress” Dawson uses to identify this period aligns closely with President Porfirio Díaz’s intention to first establish institutions and develop national wealth in an effort to have a fully functioning democratic state in the future. President Díaz effectively navigated the Mexican people through this time of rapid development and economic prosperity. Creelman portrays Díaz as having a genuine and thorough understanding of the needs of his country and his people.  He identified poverty and crime as the major obstacles for Mexican development, and during his presidency, instituted tougher law enforcement, more efficient public services, transportation for goods, strict limits to religious influence and made schools more accessible. In this time, a middle-class was established and GDP soared. I was most interested in his admiration for democracy, and ability to justify his position as democratic and in the best interest of the Mexican people. He explained to his American interviewer that the failure in democracy he feared was not the re-election of the same individual so much as the lack of opposition at any point in his leadership, which he attributed to his popularity and large network of supporters. The development of Mexico as a republic is extremely interesting as it offers the closest comparison to the United States and Canada as former colonies of Britain. In studying Latin American history, this evaluation helps to isolate and identify what was distinctly Spanish and what narratives are truly Latin American.

 

 

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