Examining Heteronormative Power Relationships in Chinatown’s Former Bachelor Societies

The origins of Vancouver’s Chinatown are rooted in racist legislation like the Chinese Immigration Act (Apology for Historical Wrongs, n.d.). Enacted in 1923 and repealed 1947 (only 70 years ago), it discriminated against Chinese people by restricting their entry into Canada through policies such as a $50.00 head tax, which in 1923 was equivalent to $708.70 CAD today (Apology for Historical Wrongs, n.d.). Other discriminatory laws included an 1876 Provincial Act in British Columbia that denied Chinese males voting rights (Apology for Historical Wrongs, n.d.).

Judy Tzu-Chun Wu documents the effects of similar exclusionary immigration laws in 19th century America in “Asian American History and Racialized Compulsory Deviance”, stating that they created gender imbalances manifesting in the lack of nuclear families, and the creation of bachelor societies (Wu, 2003). Wu uses the term “compulsory sexual deviance” to describe a groups’ failure to obtain heteronormative ideals as a result of state legislation (Wu, 2003). This compulsory sexual deviance, along with large anti-Chinese sentiment from non-Chinese groups, kept Chinese immigrants confined in their own communities, as they were localized sources of support and familiarity – these communities would become known as “Chinatowns”.

Laws like the Chinese Immigration Act also reinforced compulsory sexual deviance by heavily restricting the immigration of Chinese wives and children (Chinese Immigration Act, 1923, 2017), which in addition to anti-miscegenation laws, resulted in the systemic isolation of male Chinese-Canadian immigrants in Canada and the creation of bachelor societies (Wu, 2003). These bachelor societies can still be located in historical buildings in Downtown Vancouver, one being the May Wah Hotel on East Pender Street (Historic Study of the Society Buildings in Chinatown, 2005). The May Wah Hotel offered living space for renters, all of whom were Chinese, as well as social areas such as gambling halls, and temporary accommodations that could be used for engaging with sex workers (Historic Study of the Society Buildings in Chinatown, 2005). The forced all-male make up of early Chinatown resulting in bachelor societies like the one documented at the May Wah Hotel is an example of homosociality, a term coined by Eve Sedgewick to describe the social bonds between people of the same sex (Hammarén and Johansson, 2014).

Exterior of the May Wah Hotel

 

The power dynamics of the laws that forced the creation of homosocial, and possibly heterosexual racialized bachelor societies can be analyzed using Cathy Cohen’s discussion of “straight queers” in “Punks, bulldaggers and welfare queens: the radical potential of queer politics?”, where she describes them as heterosexuals who find themselves on the outside of heteronormativity (2005), which many of these Chinese immigrants did as result from compulsory sexual deviance.

By understanding “queer” as “non-normative” and reflecting on the non-(hetero)normative lifestyles led by many of the residents of the May Wah Hotel – including the bachelor societies, the difficulty in obtaining heteronormative ideals like monogamy and nuclear families due to racist legislation, and engagement with sex workers (Historic Study of the Society Buildings in Chinatown, 2005)  – one is able to see how different components of identity, such as race, intersect to make it so not all heterosexual people benefit from heteronormativity (although it’s crucial to acknowledge that non-heterosexual people are unable to access the straight privilege heterosexual people have). It’s also important to note that it wasn’t these peoples’ ethnicities that caused them to have fewer rights than other Canadian citizens, but the Canadian government’s explicit targeting of their racialized bodies, notably after the completion of the Canadian Pacific Railway in 1885, which exploited many of those same bodies for labour. The effects of compulsory sexual deviance are still felt by later generations – this is demonstrated when Wu mentions Nayan Shah’s concept of “queer domesticity” which describes early 20th century dynamics of Chinese families in San Francisco who perpetuated the same heteronormative familial depictions many were cut off from before, in order to better assimilate into western settler communities (Wu, 2003). This need to present an image that made it easier to fit in with dominant power structures further marginalized non-heteronormative Asian-American identities and lifestyles, including bachelor societies and prostitution (Wu, 2003). Examining “queer” as not only being exclusive to the LGBT community through such specific sites like the May Wah Hotel helps us locate other marginalized positions where Cohen says that radical potential is found, and hopefully allow us to utilize that potential with multiple intersections in mind (Cohen, 2005).

 

Citations:

Apology For Historical Wrongs Against Chinese British Columbians.(n.d.). Retrieved from https://www2.gov.bc.ca/assets/gov/british-columbians-our-governments/our-history/historic-places/documents/heritage/chinese-legacy/written-submissions/lee_howe.pdf

HISTORIC STUDY OF THE SOCIETY BUILDINGS IN CHINATOWN. (2005). Retrieved from http://vancouver.ca/files/cov/historic-study-of-the-society-buildings-in-chinatown.pdf

Chinese Immigration Act, 1923. (2017). Retrieved from www.pier21.ca/research/immigration-history/chinese-immigration-act-1923.

Hammarén, N. & Johansson, T. (2014).Homosociality. SAGE Open 4(1), doi:10.1177/2158244013518057.

Barman, J. (2013). BEYOND CHINATOWN: Chinese Men and Indigenous Women in Early British Columbia. BC Studies, 39–47. Retrieved from search-proquest-com.ezproxy.library.ubc.ca/docview/1438645427?pq-origsite=summon&accountid=14656.

Cohen, C. J. (2005). Punks, Bulldaggers, and Welfare Queens. Black Queer Studies, 21–51. doi:10.1215/9780822387220-003.

Wu, J. T.-Z. (2003). Asian American History and Racialized Compulsory Deviance. Journal of Women’s History 4(3), 58-62. Retrieved from https://search-proquest-com.ezproxy.library.ubc.ca/docview/203247139/fulltextPDF/DE1CBA79C5E94425PQ/1?accountid=14656

Ballegeer, S. (2010, June 14). May Wah Hotel, Chinatown, Vancouver [Digital image]. Retrieved November 7, 2017, from https://www.flickr.com/photos/uncle_buddha/4718223240

Gay Gentrification and Space in Chinatown

On September 19th, 2017, Yulanda Lui sent an open letter to the organizers of Babes on Babes, a nightlife event targeted towards Vancouver’s queer community featuring “a collective of artists, DJs, and promoters with the desire to showcase and celebrate local and international Queer talent” (Lui, 2017). In this letter, Lui had expressed her desire to attend the party, but explained that she was unable to due to being unsettled by the location that Babes on Babes decided to host their event at, that being Fortune Sound Club, located on East Pender Street in Vancouver’s Chinatown (Lui, 2017). This is a neighborhood that, according to a 2006 census, has a median income just over a third of the income of the city as a whole, and is facing rapid gentrification that pushes out its residents, many of whom are low-income Chinese immigrants and elders (Givetash, 2016). Fortune Sound Club does not serve the needs of the community surrounding them, and instead attracts and profits off of a more affluent demographic that does not necessarily face the same barriers to maintaining a livelihood as the residents who call that place home. Lui’s open letter explaining her refusal to attend the event is her direct attempt to make Babes on Babes aware that their choice to support and work with businesses like Fortune Sound Club makes them complicit in the gentrification of Chinatown, and also gave them an opportunity to own up to how their actions are harmful to the local community (Lui, 2017).

Exterior of Fortune Sound Club, located in Vancouver’s Chinatown.

 

It is important and telling to note that even after Lui communicated with Babes on Babes’ event organizers the event happened anyways, and continues to be hosted at Fortune Sound Club. Babes on Babes’ role in the gentrification of Chinatown is easily comparable to the figure of the Queer Gentrifier as discussed by Bacchetta, El-Tayeb, and Haritaworn in “Queer of Colour Formations and Translocal Spaces in Europe.” (2015). Described as enterprising “pioneers”, Queer Gentrifiers establish their creative spaces in pre-existing homes of residents who usually do not have an equal access to racial and class privileges (Bacchetta et. al, 2015). The non-intersectional methods used to create queer space end up excluding others, as seen through members of the creative class that move into low income places and push out the residents in a local neo-colonialist fashion. Lui also writes about Fortune Sound Clubs’ displacement of local business in this same, neo-colonialist fashion, when it replaced Ming’s Chinese Restaurant in 2009 in her letter – this is not only a physical displacement, but also a detriment to the local economy (Lui, 2017). The unequal power dynamics that are used in creating space and simultaneously making space unavailable to others speaks to the importance of making sure one’s “inclusive” activism is actually inclusive and open to improve on criticism in order to respect and do better by their community, rather than just performing their cause.

The Queer Gentrifier model directly highlights the irresponsibility of focusing only on uplifting one community independently from others, and the resulting harm inflicted upon those other oppressed groups. While Babes on Babes likely means well by trying to create a space for marginalized queer folks, and the opportunity to showcase their talents and celebrate their identities is done at the cost of embodying one of the many forces gentrifying Chinatown under the guise of so-called “revitalization”. Bacchetta, El-Tayeb, and Haritaworn’s observation of the pattern of attempting to legitimize racial and colonial violence in the names of protecting, or in this case, making LGBT spaces points to the fact that being oppressed does not give groups permission to oppress others. By choosing to stand for one marginalized group of the backs of others, Queer Gentrifiers also ignores members of the queer community that face other oppressions caused by the multiplicity of their identities. Like Lui, we need to be aware of the politics of the location of our activism, and take a stand to demand for real inclusivity.

 

Citations:

Lui, Y. (2017). Letter to Babes on Babes by Yulanda. Retrieved from www.facebook.com/events/1944507529207526/.

Givetash, L. (2016, August). Dying neighbourhood’: Vancouver’s Chinatown grapples with affordability, development. Www.thestar.com. Retrieved from www.thestar.com/news/canada/2016/08/20/dying-neighbourhood-vancouvers-chinatown-grapples-with-affordability-development.html.

Bacchetta, P. et al. (2015). Queer of colour formations and translocal spaces in Europe. Environment and Planning D: Society and Space, 33(5), 769–778. doi:10.1177/0263775815608712.

No Title. ThisIsBlueprint.com, http://thisisblueprint.com/wp-content/uploads/2014/05/fortune-sound-club/23490/fortuneexterior-redtint.jpg

[Exterior of Fortune Sound Club in Vancouver’s Chinatown]. (n.d.). Retrieved November 6, 2017, from http://thisisblueprint.com/wp-content/uploads/2014/05/fortune-sound-club/23490/fortuneexterior-redtint.jpg

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