Vancouver – Queer and Trans Black, Indigenous and People of Colour Vancouver

Queer Mosques as Place of Solace: El-Tawhid Juma Circle & Salaam Vancouver; the Politics of Queer, Muslim Space Making

Salaam- Vancouver: Space Making

There exists a select few places in Vancouver allotted and reserved for Muslim, queer folks to engage in healing and community building. Even having the ability to publically celebrate Ramadan, while speaking communally about Islamophobia and its intersections with queerphobia and anti-Blackness over Iftar was a mere fantasy for queer Muslims residing in Vancouver up to a year ago. Previously, solace was solely found within groups and centres who organized either around queer of colour issues or just Muslim, and particularly cis-gender and heterosexual issues; therefore, one had to choose between their intersecting identities as a queer Muslim, as official organizing in public spaces within an intersectional framework of queer politics and Muslim existence was not configured yet. It was not until a queer man from Vancouver got in contact with El-Farouk Khaki, a gay, African- Indian, refugee and immigration lawyer who had initiated Salaam Canada in 1991, as a “social/ support group for lesbian and gay Muslims” which held regular meetings, celebrations and get-togethers in secret locations in Toronto (Salaam Canada). Salaam Canada went on hiatus shortly after announcing their commencement due to death threats and claims of failure of intersectionality (Salaam Canada). In 2000, Salaam came back and in addition to providing space for interaction, they started to provide refugee support, host annual Peace Iftar dinners during Ramadan and hold forums on human rights and social justice within the queer/trans and Muslim communities of colour (Salaam Canada). After viewing the success Salaam had in Toronto with space-making for queer Muslims, a chapter of Salaam in Vancouver was started near the Davie street area, which is infamously known for its White and gay gentrification and its “violent remapping of lives, bodies and desires” of folks identifying as trans, Two-Sprit, queer, Indigenous, Black, people of colour, poor and sex-workers, as they were legally evicted from, and pushed to the deadly streets during the late 70s, and still continue to be forcefully relocated to what is now known as the Downtown Eastside (Manalansan, 2005, p. 141). The political implications of Salaam Vancouver, a social centre open to queer and trans Muslims of colour living within the multitude of intersectional oppression, holding Islamic events and talks about state-enforced internalized queer and Islamophobia, all function as forms of disidentifying with a gentrified zone which was created to ensure the erasure of those very discussions and people for neoliberal corporate profit (Manalansan, 2005, p. 145). White and wealthy gay men latched onto what they viewed as an opportunity to achieve full-status Whiteness by being seduced by empire to turn on other queer folks, aiding in the oppression and propelled murder of poor, Muslim, racialized, trans sex-workers (Agathangelou et al, 2008, p. 121). This was done with the establishment of the CROWE in 1980, the Concerned Residents of the West End, lead by a White gay man named Gordon Price and middle class residents and business owners, majority White, who “emphasized how the street ‘prostitutes’ on the West End ‘commandeered its streets’, accelerated ‘the process of decay’, and made the area ‘vulnerable to criminal invasion’ (Ross, 2010, p. 201). During this process of exile, “the West End had begun to cater to a ‘pink market’ of gay consumers both locals and tourists alike”, which was being constructed in order for White middle-class gay men to begin to see themselves as apart of the nation state, so they would partake in oppressive measures to aid in the gentrification of the West End (Ross, 2010, p. 203). In this manner, White gay men “achieved a measure of respectability, political and social capital, and residential entitlement […] by the early 1980s, whereas sex workers “were subjected to evermore intrusive tactics of ‘spatiality governmentality’”, in the form of fines and restrictions to the distance a sex worker or homeless person can stand from schools and residential places (Ross, 2010, p. 203). Therefore, the White gay men signed up to join in on doing the empire’s dirty work in exchange for a facade of heteronormative acceptance and inclusion (Agathangelou et al, 2008, p. 122). In light of this grotesqueness, Salaam’s Vancouver location near the Davie street area now disturbs the White, cis male and gay “minority-mainstream”, reclaiming the right to an intersectional way of being within that Whitewashed space and remolding the geopolitics of the area into a configuration that encompasses the intersection of being queer/trans and Muslim, while viewing existence as tied to other non-Muslim, exiled queers of colour (El-Tayeb, 2012, p. 80). The establishment of Salaam Vancouver not only affirms queer Muslim existence by providing a space which lets racialized queers flirt while enjoying Iftar during Ramadan and praying together, but also reconfigures bars and clubs filled with middle to upper-class Whiteness in the area by opening its doors for free to invite back the queer and trans folks of colour who were kicked out of homes and cut off from making a living (Manalansan, 2005).

Queer Mosque as Place of Solace: El-Tawhid Juma Circle: Vancouver Unity Mosque

In 2009, El-Farouk Khaki, a gay, Refugee and Immigration lawyer and man of colour raised in Vancouver founded El-Tawhid Juma Circle, which manifested within Toronto’s Unity Mosque (Juma Circle). This mosque has become a glowing sanctuary for cultural and religious Muslims of all gender identities, sexual orientations, races, linguistic groups, dis/abilities and class, in addition to all Islamic identities, including Shia, Sunni, Ismaili, Ahmadi, Jafri, Sufi identities (Mastracci, 2017). In addition to disrupting the traditional uniform crowd allowed into mosques, El-Farouk, a gay man, was the first ever Imam to lead prayer in the mosque and made it a mandate for anyone to have the ability to lead a khutbah (sermon), despite prayer traditionally being led solely by cis-gender and heterosexual Muslim men in the mainstream mosques (Mastracci, 2017). By enacting these radical openings of Mosque doors, El-Tawhid is reconfiguring notions of being Muslim both within the imperial-Western imaginary of the homophobic and patriarchal, backwards Muslim and by disidentifying with a religious space, which was never open to non-hetero and cis- male, normativity (El-Tayeb, 2012). Having queer and trans folks of colour mingle and pray while uttering Arabic script which was not written for queer and trans formulation of faith and uttering the prayers in spaces those folks have been exiled from in both non-Western homelands and on Western, stolen lands, is an act of reclamation (Pérez, 2016). Similar to how Latinx queers moving their hips in clubs, alongside one another and to songs either not written about their love or interrupted as lyrics of heteronormativity by their communities, is revolutionary space-reclamation (Pérez, 2016). However, the Vancouver branch of El-Tawhid initiated several years ago does not have a space within a Mosque, yet shares QMunity’s space for prayers which still embodies a form of disidentification with an exclusionary Islam and also functions as powerful pushback towards the hostility visible Muslim queers face in Vancouver, as a continuation of the global project of Islamophobia (Munoz, 1999). Yet, it is essential to recognize Vancouver’s inability to hold queer and trans friendly prayer within a Mosque and why that is, due to this functioning as a barrier to many Muslims as they cannot be situated within the QMunity space due to the overt visibility of queerness the organization presents (El-Tayeb, 2012). Many Muslim queer and trans folks are not even afforded the opportunity to mould into the White, queer-liberation discourse of “coming-out” and “being-out” as a form of survival, as doing so poses physical and emotional threat to their connections, their mobility through borders and their loved ones’ lives trans-nationally (El-Tayeb, 2012, p. 80). Therefore, in its attempt to juxtapose the exclusionary notion of Mosques, Vancouver’s El-Tawhid is configured, probably without say due to mosques refusing to let them in and the devious rise in property prices, into an inaccessible and limited space; the space only affords entrance and association to those whose identities are not fearfully concealed (El-Tayeb, 2012).

Works Cited

Agathangelou, Anna, M. Bassicchis and Tamara L. Spira. (2008). Intimate investments: homonormativity, global lockdown and the seductions of empire. Radical History Review, 100: 120-143.

El-Tawhid Juma Circle: Embracing an Inclusive and Compassionate Islam. (n.d.). Retrieved November 06, 2017, from http://www.jumacircle.com/

El Tayeb, Fatima. (2012). ‘Gays who cannot properly be gay’: Queer Muslims in the neoliberal European city. European Journal of Women’s Studies, 19(1): 79-95.

Manalansan, Martin. (2005). Race, violence and neoliberal spatial politics in the global city. Social Text, 84-85(3-4): 141-155.

Mastracci, D. (n.d.). What It’s Like To Pray At A Queer-Inclusive Mosque. Retrieved November 06, 2017, from https://www.buzzfeed.com/davidemastracci/toronto-lgbt-unity-mosque?utm_term=.qi5972YKm#.ds5P41ma7

Munoz, Jose Esteban. (1999). Performing disidentifications. In his Disidentifications, pp. 1-34.

Ross, B. L. (2010). Sex and (Evacuation from) the City: The Moral and Legal Regulation of Sex Workers in Vancouver’s West End, 1975—1985. Sexualities, 13(2), 197-218.

Salaam Canada: Queer Muslim Community. (n.d.). Retrieved November 06, 2017, from https://www.salaamcanada.info/

Black Lives Matter Vancouver and Toronto

Black Lives Matter Vancouver:

Cicely-Belle Blain co-founder of BLM Vancouver states that when Black Lives Matter is written about in mainstream and independent media, the point is usually completely missed (The Built Environment, 2016). This is because “‘mainstream media’ usually just means white media — as in, media written BY white people, FOR white people (The Built Environment, 2016). Rather than try to make ‘mainstream’ sound neutral, call it the ‘whitestream media. For instance, one of the mainstream media columns was are informed by a racist climate of white supremacy that requires black communities and black activism to be constructed as dangerous and disruptive (The Built Environment, 2016). Another depicted the organization as disruptive by questioning if, it was only Black lives that mattered. It further states that “Black Lives Matter” is a phrase that almost always fuels controversy and a wide range of heated reactions (The Built Environment, 2016). This is a reminder that the media is controlled by whiteness and therefore like its audience, it expresses white fragility. As a result, although racism is central the Black lives, this is not considered a factor, since everything is viewed through colour-blind racism (The Built Environment, 2016).

Blain opposes the co-optation of black experiences by white media-makers/writers and shares the specific strategies that they and the BLMV team have used in resistance (The Built Environment, 2016). This involves delving into historical research, to sharing Instagram memes, to building visible community presence through photography/video, to learning from the institutional experiences of academics of colour at the University of British Columbia (The Built Environment, 2016).

In addition, the movement deconstructs documentaries, like “Do Not Resist”, winner of best documentary of the 2016 Tribeca Film Festival (The Built Environment, 2016). This film is a depiction of the militarization of the local police departments since 9/11 (The Built Environment, 2016). As it relates to Vancouver, this medium signify the policing, suppression and dismantling of Black voices like those of Hogan’s Alley. Similarly it is an illustration of the many in which law enforcement police and control Aboriginal bodies, particularly in marginalized zones such as the Downtown Eastside. As well as the surveillance of brown bodies who occupy the space of the stranger, threat, and by extension (The Built Environment, 2016) the monstrous, Muslim terrorist (Puar & Rai, 2002).

Black Lives Matter Toronto:

Janaya Khan, one of the co-founders of Black Lives Matter Toronto states that the Canadian police, media, and society at large are inundated with anti-black racism. In addition, the movement is perceived by the media as a social, systemic, structural power because it challenges the homonormativity of the white queer community and mainstream Canada (Maclean’s, 2016). Both the Vancouver and Toronto chapters of Black Lives Matter opposed police presence in Pride parades with regards to racialized police brutality, but white Queer people benefit from police presence and inclusion in Pride parades because it assists in achieving homonormativity (Agathangelou et al., 2008). The “good” white Queer citizen can gain institutional acceptance by distancing themselves from and erasing Queer people of colour, posing as citizens on the same side of privileged white heterosexual people, emphasising the benefits of their whiteness and denouncing the detriments of their Queerness (Agathangelou et al., 2008). Because Queer activism is mobilized through homonormativity, Pride parades are restricted in what type of activism, and what type of Queer people, can be used in demonstrations. Thus, “freedom depends on the (re)founding of unfreedoms” (Agathangelou et al., 2008, 131). While Pride parades are designed to challenge heteronormativity, in practice, they actually normalise homonormativity, which then leads to homonationalism (Puar, 2007, in Greensmith & Giwa, 2013).

Extending upon homonationalistic discourse, many Queer activisms have a goal of obtaining social rights and acceptances through assimilation into current social structures, which leaves behind more vulnerable group members, such as Queer people of colour (Cohen, 1997). Similarly, immigrated citizens are forced to assume a lifestyle that benefits the market and values of economy (Ferguson, 2003). Who is deserving of inclusion and acceptance is dependent on the enhanced or subdued ability of citizens to assimilate in and adapt to cultural norms, which Aihwa Ong (1999) called “variegated citizenship” (in Chávez, 2010, p. 138). Therefore, both Queer people and migrant people challenge and threaten “family values” and the familial status quo, and they are often cited as the source of a multitude of social problems, such as the marriage crisis (Chávez, 2010).

Furthermore, when queerness becomes inherently radical and taken up my white discourses of oppression, queer people are imagined as white, and Black/other people of colour are imagined as homophobic and backwards due to their race/religion, banishing queer people of colour from mainstream queer activism (Bacchetta, El-Tayeb & Haritaworn, 2015; Haritaworn, Tauqir, & Erdem, 2008). Additionally, these imaginations can perpetuate the “dual process of incorporation and quarantining” (Puar & Rai, 2002), which also erases people of colour from Queer activism. Rather than focusing on the binary of heterosexual/Queer, Queer activism should pay attention to the varying identities within the Queer community, regarding race, class, and gender (Cohen, 1997). Consequently, the Pride parade as a form of queer activism serves to promote the social visibility of Queer people through occupying space, and a person’s representation in a Pride parade relies on “commercialism and commodification of identities,” (Enguix, 2009, p. 24). Sonia E. Alvarez (1997) writes about the “NGOinization” of social movements (including Pride), which describes how these movements rely on corporate funding for mobilization (in Agathangelou et al., 2008). In this way, social movements backed by socially marginalized groups are forced to coincide with global capitalist relations to eliminate their own social marginalization. Pride parades emphasise consumption and, as a result, racialized Queer people and Queer people of low socioeconomic status are underrepresented (for example, because they cannot afford elaborate costumes, cannot take time off from work to participate, or because they cannot/refuse to support capitalism; Greensmith & Giwa, 2013). With regards to the BLM movement being viewed as social, systematic, structural power, this is due to the fact there is the perception that it bullied Pride and it hijacked the parade. This is unfortunate because the entity consists of a group of marginalized individuals whose mandate is to defend disenfranchised groups against the police and racism. Additionally the use of languages such as “bullies” and “hijackers” regarding the organisation, by multiple mainstream media is problematic and dangerous. This is bearing in mind that Blacks already live in cultural and institutional racism. Additionally, whites who opposes the authorities are not associated with such languages. Therefore the media is displaying anti-black practices (The Globe and Mail, 2016).

In another aspect, blackness as deviating from normality relates to the grand discourse of anti-Black racism through representation within media as spoken about by Khan of Black Lives Matter. Khan documents the fact that between 2005 and 2015 the federal black inmate population grew by 69% (Maclean’s, 2016). This is the fastest growth rate of any group including Aboriginals. What is more startling is that the Black populations makes up 2.9% of the population yet there is a 10% inmate representation in the federal prison (Maclean’s, 2016). Some these “inmates” are immigrants who arrive in Canada to visit their family member but they do not fit nation-state’s definition of a moral and good citizen. And therefore begs the question who is allowed to enter the border of the state and who belongs. As a result they are detained in jail awaiting a decision by the courts. It is for this reason that the organization speaks for Blacks and Aboriginal because their issues are intrinsically linked (Maclean’s, 2016). For example, on April 2016 First Nations communities “occupied the offices of Canada’s Indigenous Affairs Department to demand action over suicides as well as water and housing crises in their communities” (Democracy Now, 2016). These series of protests took place days after “the Cree community of Attawapiskat declared a state of emergency over attempted suicides” (Democracy Now, 2016). These protests were not constrained to one region in Canada, but were “set-up occupations inside and outside the offices of Indigenous and Northern Affairs Canada in Toronto, Regina, Winnipeg and Gatineau, Quebec” (Democracy Now, 2016). Black Lives Matter activists stood in solidarity with Indigenous protectors, after just weeks earlier launching their “15-day encampment outside police headquarters following news there would be no criminal charges for the police officer who fatally shot a South Sudanese refugee named Andrew Loku” that last July (Democracy Now, 2016). First Nations activists also showed up in solidarity, standing alongside BLM and their allies, in the same place Indigenous activists show up each year to protest the state and police complicity within the devastating issues surrounding the systematic ignoring of missing and murdered Indigenous women and girls (Democracy Now, 2016). To comprehend the relevance of Indigeneity and Indigenous resistant and sovereignty within the BLM movement, there must be an understanding that BLM organizes with the comprehension that they do so on stolen and often unceded Native lands. In addition, the police brutality and state sanctioned violence which targets Black/ Muslim and non-Muslim bodies, stems from the same institutions which developed policing as a way to guard the colonial state (Democracy Now, 2016). This form of colonial-stemmed policing ensured that Indigenous folks did not leave the locales of reserves and that the settlers would be so-called “protected” from the savage Others (Democracy Now, 2016). The struggle of deportation, Islamophobia, badge accompanied gun violence which hovers over Black trans, queer and cis bodies is parallel to the state sanctioned horrors faced by Indigenous folks who are attacked by swat police when protecting their waters/ lands from pipelines and corporations, and the passing off of murdered and missing loved ones. Black and Indigenous struggles therefore are intrinsically interlocked, making this relationship the core of the BLM’s politics of resistance and struggle on stolen lands.

Work Cited:

Agathangelou, A. M., Bassichis, M. D., & Spira, T. L. (2008). Intimate investments: Homonormativity, global lockdown, and the seductions of empire. Radical History Review, 100, 120-43.

Alvarez, S. E. (1997). Latin American feminisms ‘go global’: Trends of the 1990s and challenges for the new millennium. Cultures of Politics/Politics of Cultures: Revisioning Latin American Social Movements. S. E. Alvarez, E. Dagnino, & A. Escobar (Eds.). Boulder: Westview.

Bacchetta, P., El-Tayeb, F. & Haritaworn, J. (2015). Queer of colour formations and translocal spaces in Europe. Environment and Planning D: Society and Space, 33(5), 769-78.

Chávez, K. R. (2010). Border (in)securities: Normative and differential belonging in LGBTQ and immigrant rights discourse. Communication and Critical/Cultural Studies, 7(2), 136-155.

Cohen, C. J. (1997). Punks, bulldaggers, and welfare queens: The radical potential of Queer politics? Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies, 3, 437-65.

Democracy Now.(n.d.). Occupied Canada: Indigenous & Black Lives Matter Activists Unite to Protest Violence & Neglect. Retrieved November 25, 2017, from https://www.democracynow.org/2016/5/20/occupied_canada_indigenous_black_lives_matter

Enguix, B. (2009). Identities, sexualities, and commemorations: Pride parades, public space and sexual dissidence. Anthropological Notebooks, 15(2), 15-33.

Ferguson, R. A. (2003). Introduction: Queer of colour critique, historical materialism, and canonical sociology. In Aberrations in Black: Toward a Queer of Colour Critique. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.

Greensmith, C. & Giwa, S. (2013). Challenging settler colonialism in contemporary Queer politics: Settler homonationalism, Pride Toronto, and Two-Spirit subjectivities. American Indian Culture and Research Journal, 37(2), 129-48.

Haritaworn, J., Tauqir, T., & Erdem, E. (2008). Gay imperialism: Gender and sexuality discourse in the ‘war on terror’. In Out of Place: Interrogating Silences in Queerness/racialiality. A. Kuntsman & E. Miyake (Eds.). York: Raw Nerves Books.

Ong, A. (1999). Flexible Citizenship: The Cultural Logics of Transnationality. Durham, NC: Duke University Press.

Puar, J. K. (2007). Terrorist assemblages: Homonationalism in Queer times. I. Grewal, C. Kaplan, & R. Wiegman (Eds.). Durham, NC: Duke University Press.

Puar, J. K. & Rai, A. (2002). Monster, terrorist, fag: The war on terrorism and the production of docile patriots. Social Text, 72(20), 117-48.

Schwartz, Z. (2017, July 06). How Black Lives Matter co-founder Janaya Khan sees Canada. Retrieved November 25, 2017, from http://www.macleans.ca/news/canada/how-black-lives-matter-co-founder-janaya-khan-sees-canada/

The Built Environment. (n.d.). TALKING BACK: How whitestream media f*cks up when talking about Black Lives Matter. Retrieved November 25, 2017, from http://www.mediacoop.ca/audio/talking-back-how-whitestream-media-fcks-when-talki/36096

Gay Gentrification and Space in Chinatown

On September 19^th, 2017, Yulanda Lui sent an open letter to the organizers of Babes on Babes, a nightlife event targeted towards Vancouver’s queer community featuring “a collective of artists, DJs, and promoters with the desire to showcase and celebrate local and international Queer talent” (Lui, 2017). In this letter, Lui had expressed her desire to attend the party, but explained that she was unable to due to being unsettled by the location that Babes on Babes decided to host their event at, that being Fortune Sound Club, located on East Pender Street in Vancouver’s Chinatown (Lui, 2017). This is a neighborhood that, according to a 2006 census, has a median income just over a third of the income of the city as a whole, and is facing rapid gentrification that pushes out its residents, many of whom are low-income Chinese immigrants and elders (Givetash, 2016). Fortune Sound Club does not serve the needs of the community surrounding them, and instead attracts and profits off of a more affluent demographic that does not necessarily face the same barriers to maintaining a livelihood as the residents who call that place home. Lui’s open letter explaining her refusal to attend the event is her direct attempt to make Babes on Babes aware that their choice to support and work with businesses like Fortune Sound Club makes them complicit in the gentrification of Chinatown, and also gave them an opportunity to own up to how their actions are harmful to the local community (Lui, 2017).

Exterior of Fortune Sound Club, located in Vancouver’s Chinatown.

It is important and telling to note that even after Lui communicated with Babes on Babes’ event organizers the event happened anyways, and continues to be hosted at Fortune Sound Club. Babes on Babes’ role in the gentrification of Chinatown is easily comparable to the figure of the Queer Gentrifier as discussed by Bacchetta, El-Tayeb, and Haritaworn in “Queer of Colour Formations and Translocal Spaces in Europe.” (2015). Described as enterprising “pioneers”, Queer Gentrifiers establish their creative spaces in pre-existing homes of residents who usually do not have an equal access to racial and class privileges (Bacchetta et. al, 2015). The non-intersectional methods used to create queer space end up excluding others, as seen through members of the creative class that move into low income places and push out the residents in a local neo-colonialist fashion. Lui also writes about Fortune Sound Clubs’ displacement of local business in this same, neo-colonialist fashion, when it replaced Ming’s Chinese Restaurant in 2009 in her letter – this is not only a physical displacement, but also a detriment to the local economy (Lui, 2017). The unequal power dynamics that are used in creating space and simultaneously making space unavailable to others speaks to the importance of making sure one’s “inclusive” activism is actually inclusive and open to improve on criticism in order to respect and do better by their community, rather than just performing their cause.

The Queer Gentrifier model directly highlights the irresponsibility of focusing only on uplifting one community independently from others, and the resulting harm inflicted upon those other oppressed groups. While Babes on Babes likely means well by trying to create a space for marginalized queer folks, and the opportunity to showcase their talents and celebrate their identities is done at the cost of embodying one of the many forces gentrifying Chinatown under the guise of so-called “revitalization”. Bacchetta, El-Tayeb, and Haritaworn’s observation of the pattern of attempting to legitimize racial and colonial violence in the names of protecting, or in this case, making LGBT spaces points to the fact that being oppressed does not give groups permission to oppress others. By choosing to stand for one marginalized group of the backs of others, Queer Gentrifiers also ignores members of the queer community that face other oppressions caused by the multiplicity of their identities. Like Lui, we need to be aware of the politics of the location of our activism, and take a stand to demand for real inclusivity.

Citations:

Lui, Y. (2017). Letter to Babes on Babes by Yulanda. Retrieved from www.facebook.com/events/1944507529207526/.

Givetash, L. (2016, August). Dying neighbourhood’: Vancouver’s Chinatown grapples with affordability, development. Www.thestar.com. Retrieved from www.thestar.com/news/canada/2016/08/20/dying-neighbourhood-vancouvers-chinatown-grapples-with-affordability-development.html.

Bacchetta, P. et al. (2015). Queer of colour formations and translocal spaces in Europe. Environment and Planning D: Society and Space, 33(5), 769–778. doi:10.1177/0263775815608712.

No Title. ThisIsBlueprint.com, http://thisisblueprint.com/wp-content/uploads/2014/05/fortune-sound-club/23490/fortuneexterior-redtint.jpg

[Exterior of Fortune Sound Club in Vancouver’s Chinatown]. (n.d.). Retrieved November 6, 2017, from http://thisisblueprint.com/wp-content/uploads/2014/05/fortune-sound-club/23490/fortuneexterior-redtint.jpg