José María Arguedas, through his work Yawar Fiesta, tells a powerful story of how class, race, and political power hinder ‘Indians’ of the Andes in established Peru to authentically express their culture, beliefs, and collective identity. Seen through the annual Turupukllu and the rivalry between the two of the four ayllus, the K’ayau ayllu embrace a dangerous but proud task of bringing back an auki of a bull named Misitu. Most of the upper echelon Mestizos whom exploit and command the town appease the Subpre in contending these Indian bullfights as being barbaric to ensure an edict for prohibition of an Indian authentic bullfight, in favour of a more restrictive and professional bullfight is upheld.
Throughout the story, I was most intrigued by the response from the delegates of the Lucanas Union Center in Lima. These educated Mestizos and Chalos, who are brought together in a resistant faction to look over the rights and wellbeing of the Indians, are confronted by both the actual wants of the Indians of Puquio and what the delegates’ educated and assimilated selves believe the Indians truly need. Their hearts are in the right place, proven by them using their status and power to aid in imprisoning the most exploitative offender of the town, Don Julian Arangüena. But their disconnect from Indigenous wants can be seen in their initial yearning to go to Puquio. They thought that the Indians were being forced in some capacity to retrieve this almighty bull and fight in the ring, knowing that their exploiters would love to see a blood bath made of Indians. This disconnect is nearly reconciled once the delegates make it Puquio through glimpses of their own pridefulness of such an event, such as Escobars speech of the communities powerfulness and their pride in wanting to successfully capture Misitu on their own, or Martinez, a ‘full’ Indian, helping drag Misitu down the to the cattlepen, in the name of the Center, and feeling ‘prouder than ever’ to be a part of the community affair.
(Yet, right in between this, the delegates tried to describe the Indians pridefulness and power as their own innate strength and ‘resolute’, subordinating Indians belief system in thanking the spiritual auki for its protection because of their devote worship to it.)
Afterwards, the delegates still found themselves struck with the reality that the Indians still contended they must go in the ring, Misitu, blood, and all, and send in their own top notch bullfighters from their ayllus; even amounting to the Centers delegates to confer with the Subpre to ensure that authorities will have rifles pointed at the ring in case any Indians jump in.
How can the delegates reconcile their Chalo and their heritage? They definitely do not need to be mutually exclusive. The book does not end explicitly stating whether once K’encho, Honrao, Raura, or Wallpa jumped into the ring did the delegates also subtly rejoice; I will presume they did.
3 responses to “Yawar Fiesta: Indigenous Wants vs. Imposed Needs”
Your section on the dissonance between the elites and the actual wants of the Indigenous population is spot on. This was part of the novel stuck with me too- it seemed like their intentions were generally good, but it is also telling that rather than call for better treatment for the Indigenous groups, the law they made restricts them. Even if the edict was made with good intentions, it still does nothing to solve the structural problems that they claimed to care about.
I think your observation on the Lucanas Union Center in Lima adds depth to the discussion, showcasing their well-intentioned yet sometimes misguided attempts to understand and support the Indigenous community of Puquio. You accurately point out the delegates’ initial disconnect from the desires and beliefs of the Indigenous people, as well as their eventual recognition of the importance of embracing and respecting Indigenous perspectives.
Your question on the delegates’ reconciliation of their Chalo and their heritage is thought-provoking. It makes me consider the complexities of identity and belonging, especially in contexts where different cultural backgrounds intersect. The suggestion that the delegates may have subtly rejoiced at the actions of the Indigenous bullfighters in the end adds an intriguing layer to the analysis, inviting further reflection on the potential evolution of their perspectives throughout the story.
I really enjoyed your points here. Some of the specific terms you used stuck out to me as reminiscent of some of the other texts we have read and of contemporary discussions of indigineity in North America, including “barbaric”, “educated”, “authentically”, and “collective identity.” I think these ideas are all really important, and the way you connect them with the story does help place this text in a broader political context. I also thought your point about the disconnect between Indigenous wants and what actually ends up happening was really interesting. It reminds me of the notion of intent versus impact in conversations about allyship today, and discussions about whose voices we are centering.