Ethnically Bound:

Misguided Depictions of Criminality in Fraser Valley Indo-Canadian Communities and its Significance in Ethnic Relations

Abstract

A disproportionate number of ethnically Sikh, Indo-Canadians have been depicted to be involved in gang activity in the BC Lower Mainland region. As such, conversations surrounding ethnicity’s influence in this gang development the forefront of public discussion. This paper attempts to frame discourse surrounding ethnic identity in relation to this region’s perspectives surrounding ethnic gang developments. This paper first outlines how youth and ethnic youth gangs are formed, and the implications of this formation in the scope of gangs in the Canadian and Lower Mainland context. The role of mainstream media in perpetuating the “Indo-Canadian Gangster” trope put forth by the dominant ethne is significant in understanding the widely misconstrued, and misguided attitudes in the region. This paper further attempts to understand the effect of gender roles in the ethnic community, and how this relates to the emergence of criminality, but finds that gender though possibly significant, is not an exclusive explanation of the ethnic landscape. Furthermore, the paper analyzes how a sense of ethnic pride rooted in cementing an ethnic identity may further contribute to incorporation through criminality, and finds that this has traditionally been emboldened by media depictions of minority ethnicities. Ultimately, it is conveyed that a wide variety of complex and interconnected factors contribute to ethnic youth gang development, and this development is perpetuated through dominant discourse surrounding the topic, not exclusively ethnic identity.

Introduction

Since the mid-1990s and into 2008, 440 people had died of gang violence in the Lower Mainland of British Columbia alone, most of whom were typically under the age of 30. Of these 440 at least 100 were of Indo-Canadian, largely Sikh, ethnicity (Sumartojo, , 2012). The topic of ethnicity regarding gang involvement is a constant topic of discussion when one reads the news or analyses crime in society. There is a narrative surrounding the Indo-Canadian community in Vancouver which brings to question the extent as to which ethnicity influences gang involvement. To frame this question, one must first understand what an ethnic gang is, how ethnic gangs are formed under a wide array of circumstances, and ultimately situation-specific examples.  Through this exploration, the role of media portrayal’s potential impact on identity, as well as the impact of cultural views of gender and structure, which may enable the development of an unrealistic façade within the community, will be analyzed. With this knowledge, one can then apply theory to the reality of gang involvement in Indo-Canadian households, and fully understand how the rhetoric around these ethnic gangs relates to reality. Ultimately, though media perpetuates a very simplified portrait of the role of ethnicity in Lower Mainland gang involvement, the discussion around ethnic youth gang development in this region is shaped through “dominant ethne” rhetoric and is much more complex than a mere religious or cultural factor.

What Makes and Ethnic Youth Gang

In order to understand the contributing factors to the development and portrayal of ethnic gangs in the Lower Mainland, one must first define the terms in question.  According to a Government of Canada report on youth gangs there exists multiple defining factors which make a gang. These factors include organization, a self-formed association to peers (group name or identity) shown through the use of symbols or belonging, and a control of a specific neighborhood (Dunbar, 2017). According to these guidelines, a gang, youth or otherwise, acts as a form of a social grouping, and would ultimately construct a sense of community amongst members. In reflection, this sense of community would be very significant in developing connections to a member’s peers who have undergone similar lived experiences as themselves, ultimately solidifying a sense of belonging to an ethnic group.

If one further analyzes these guidelines for youth gangs, they would notice that these distinctions mirror the guidelines laid out by Anthony D. Smith’s conceptualisation of ethnicity. He outlines that ethnicity must include a name, shared cultural features, territory, and an imagined sense of group, among other factors (Smith, 1988). If one contrasts these factors it is easy to find clear relations, gangs establish a set territory, develop signs and symbols which may represent culture, define a distinctive name, and members often feel a strong connection to the group.

This strong correlation is significant for one could argue that it is these similarities which help solidify the advances of ethnic gangs. A strong culture may already exist regarding the specific ethnicity which allows for an instant connection amongst members, but further, this culture may be repressed in the dominant culture. This could allow the members of a given ethnicity to easily create a group which could evolve into a gang under the correct circumstances. On the flip side, if one feels disconnected from the larger ethnicity, this development of a group could help fill gaps they feel are present in their lives. This desire to fill gaps or reclaim their ethnicity could be a more poignant way for ethnic gangs to become more radical, as their loss of identity could translate into a vendetta against those that they felt took it away. This is significant for it could pave a path for radicalisation, whether in the form of gangs or other crime groups which aim to revolt the oppressors. When discussing ethnic youth gangs, the ability for ethnicity to relate so clearly to gang structure allows for multiple avenues of mutual understanding between their peers.

In the book Street Gangs, Migration and Ethnicity it is claimed that “many Canadians believe that their country’s gang problem is largely imported from other countries and concentrated within the ‘non-White’ population”(Gemert, 2008)(p.192). This is said to the due to Canadian media coverage of gangs in urban areas, and an overarching narrative put forth by politicians and law enforcement agencies: claiming that “foreign ‘gang cultures’ are inconsistent with Canada’s traditional values and beliefs (Dunbar, 2017). Regardless, this paints an “us vs them”  narrative which may lead towards the exclusivity or incorporation of ethnicity. This becomes a vicious cycle as the incorporation of a minority ethnic group would reduce the contact that this group would have with the dominant ethne, and therefore cause a sense of disconnect from the overall realities of that group. A recent study in the Netherlands found that negative media coverage of ethnic minorities led to heightened suppressive sentiments in parliament (Aydemir & Vliegenthart, 2018). This is significant for it shows how a lack understanding of ethnic groups perpetuated by media could affect the way that they are viewed and, therefore, would contribute to an increased dissatisfaction with the nation they are apart. This very narrative brings to question whether the youth gangs in the Lower Mainland or anywhere else, are in fact a product of stringent ethnic lines or rather socially engrained inequalities within the region.

Joining Youth Gangs and the Link to Ethnicity

A recent study looking into the lives of immigrant youth involved in Calgary gangs showed that these youth often had extensive personal and interpersonal challenges stemming from all elements of their lives. The gradual disintegration of familial, social and community relationships caused an ultimate “unravelling of self-concept, ethnic identity, sense of belonging and sense of citizenship”, sending them towards involvement in high risk social groups and criminal gangs (Van Ngo, Calhoun, Worthington, Pyrch, & Este, 2017). Though one may argue that all youth experience some sort of emotional and social difficulties at some point in their life, the concept of “pre-migration” trauma caused undue stress on foreign-born respondents. The extreme violence experienced in their home countries or refugee camps caused tremendous personal trauma on the individuals involved(Van Ngo et al., 2017).

When speaking of immigration in Canada and the Lower Mainland, one often hears rhetoric around the social integration of immigrants and ethnic groups. This becomes especially difficult when the trauma engrained within an immigrant youth will never be comprehensible for those already living in the country. Though not all ethnicities experience these traumas, the idea that each ethnicity comes from a set of cultures shaped by the ethnicity’s past is highly significant and could influence an increase in the extent as to which one identifies with their ethnicity. In the case of Indo-Canadians there may be a difficulty or prejudice that their ancestors had to face which influenced their culture, this influence of culture could translate into unforeseen circumstances.

In the Canadian context, however, often those who were susceptible to this pre-migration trauma (those who immigrated in the first place) were, in fact, white, largely Eastern European immigrants, while many of those interviewed with non-white ethnicities were domestically born (Gemert, 2008). This is significant for it may show the ability for some ethnicities to avoid gang involvement due to their ability to “fit in” with the dominant ethnicity, as through time the children of those who immigrate with trauma would be able to more easily assimilate in to the dominant ethnicity. For visual and racialized ethnic minorities involved in gangs, their being born domestically supports the idea that being accepted into the dominant white group may prove difficult, and the desire for connection through alternative means may thus be perpetuated.

In interviews with those of minority ethnicities involved in youth gangs, particularly those of racialized backgrounds, certain phrases highlighted an overarching disconnect from society. This lack of representation was seen on multiple levels, ranging from seemingly simpler to systemic and complex issues. Regarding the education system one gang member claimed that “Schools are shit, teachers don’t think you can do the work.”(Gemert, 2008) (p.203) Other respondents felt a further sense of alienation and separation from mainstream society, saying “This is not my country. This country does not care about me or my family. They just want people like us to clean the shit out of White people’s toilets or look after their fuckin’ kids.” (Gemert, 2008) (p. 204) Many respondents had similar and pronounced views of inequality facing their ethnic groups. This was only seen amongst racialized youth interviewed and motioned to the larger issue facing youth who may feel under-represented in the larger dominant, largely white, ethnic society.

This sense of inequality cannot be the only factor leading to gang involvement, however, as many youths from ethnic backgrounds have similar sentiments, but do not join gangs. The combination of this inequality, paired with multiple other motivations, including financial incentive and desire for adventure and protection, are also factors that may contribute to the desire for those within an ethnic group to join or start an ethnically linked gang(Dunbar, 2017). This complex interaction between factors makes a simple causal piece highly invalid. In the case of Indo-Candian gangs, there are multiple suggestions in mainstream media that blame religion and slyly suggest that the main causal factor is their race or ethnic background. (Sumartojo, 2012) What these assumptions fail to do, however, is realize the larger public issues which shape systemic gang involvement across ethnic backgrounds. Therefore this supports the notion that media coverage perpetuates an unrealistic understanding of the causes of ethnic gang violence as religious or cultural, and fails to see the larger social forces at play which affect those involved.

In discussing ethnic gang involvement, one often sees the negative results but ignores the positives which come with. Gangs have been found to add an increased sense of ethnic pride or involvement, which have been shown in some cases to increase a sense of protection and self-esteem amongst members(Barbieri, Clipper, & Vasquez, 2016). For youth struggling with their identity, getting involved in a gang has the potential to solidify positive self image and a sense of community. This is significant for it may help ethnic youth who feel subjugated in the larger scope of the country to feel as if their involvement gives them a reason to live or reduce the chances of being led to homelessness.

Case Study: Indo-Canadian Youth Gangs in the Lower Mainland, BC

Between the mid 1990s and 2012, at least 100 men of South Asian, particularly Indo-Canadian descent under the age of 30 in BC have died as a result of gang or drug related incidences (). When analyzing gang conflicts in the region, two major ongoing incidents are occurring, the Townline Hill conflict in Abbotsford and Major Gang Conflicts in Surrey. In both regions, those who are reported on tend to be of South Asian ethnicity. According to the Globe and Mail, in Surrey, and broadly in British Columbia, gang activity is said to be within a “new age”(Stueck, 2018). Gang members are supposedly lured to material possessions and a sense of adventure have a much larger ploy than race. It also mentions ethnicity is the larger factor in gang involvement (The Canadian Press, 2015).

Currently, there is a disproportionately high number of deaths among Members of the Indo-Canadian ethnicity. According to 2006 Statistics Canada Data[1] calculating the proportion of Indo-Canadians to the general population in British Columbia is very roughly around 1:20, however in regards to gang related shooting deaths, the proportion of those who are South Asian to non-South Asian are very roughly 1:4.4 (Bhatt & Tweed, 2018; Statistics Canada, 2006; Sumartojo, 2012). This is significant for it highlights the possibility that ethnicity has a role to play in the distribution of gang involvement in British Columbia, but also how media’s coverage of events may have an inherent bias which limits, or guides discourse away from reality, ultimately guiding coverage to biased understandings and conceptualization of the events.

In interviews with the Indo-Canadian population in Metro Vancouver performed by Widyarini Sumartojo in her dissertation, an interesting display for preference surrounding “non-mainstream” news sources for reporting the of the ethnic community. Interviewees commented on the coverage of Indo-Canadian affairs in mainstream media as one-sided and found the coverage of a traditional dancing event instead of gang violence as shocking, as the news media often only covers the negative events associated to their ethnicity(Sumartojo, 2012). It is not abnormal for ethnic groups to develop their own media sources which would be beneficial for developing a stronger ethnic identity or association. With research, there is little to no evidence to suggest that these media sources have any effect in the increase of gang violence amongst ethnic minority groups, however, evidence may suggest the opposite. When members of the Indo-Canadian community were interviewed about the media situation in the Lower Mainland, their responses suggested that the lack of diverse coverage somewhat radicalised them.

Bindy Johal, one of the most prevalent gang members from the community often perpetuated in the media, was seen by many youths as a rebellious and exciting figure. In the mainstream media’s portrayal of him there was a sense of confidence and unapologetic attitudes. Sumartojo, noting:

“He was both unapologetic and Indo-Canadian. The idea, however, that he was unapologetically Indo-Canadian (i.e., that he was somehow standing up for Indo-Canadians) is the unfortunate result of media’s tendency to strip individuals from the context of their lives and turn them into iconic figures” (Sumartojo, 2012)(p.109)

This is significant for it shows the ability for the dominant news media to guide discourse, and for a community who feels underrepresented, this media effect could have a massive impact on the youth who live within the community. For those who may look for a role model, and who don’t feel culturally represented by politicians, journalists or teachers all of whom supposedly “whitewashed”(Sumartojo, 2012), the ethnic pride and identity had to be found elsewhere. In this case, that elsewhere was a poor role model.

The notion that this is the only reasoning for ethnic gang involvement is absurd, however, it does highlight the ability for the dominant ethnicity to inadvertently make other ethnic groups feel as if they are invisible or not heard. In relation to all ethnic groups, shared stories are significant in the piece of and ethnic identity. If these stories are seen to be lost or ignored, then it means for an ethnic group to feel as if they are being lost or forgotten. One way of fighting this could involve forming a group aimed at the resurgence of ethnic identity, in this case, an ethnic gang. Furthermore, it is possible that the manipulation by the dominant ethnicity on the identity of the minority could cause those in the minority to subscribe to a new identity and therefore move towards the inaccurate descriptions. Regardless, both factors are entirely structural, and do not correlate to the culture of the ethnic group, but rather how their culture is perceived or reported on. Therefore, it could be claimed that the reason there may be a disproportionate number of deaths within this community, is not a result of the values held by the culture, but rather structural factors imposed by the dominant.

This can be further illustrated based on how the dominant ethnicity presents the dichotomy of gender roles in each culture. There is a sense put forth that the way in which gender is viewed in some Indo-Canadian homes directly relates to the increase of gang violence among Indo-Canadian youth. In a highly cited expose written by Benu Rakshi commenting on the Indo-Canadian household, there is a clear narrative around the androcentric view of the household, and a strong patriarchal structure:

“ All Indos, as we tend to call ourselves, have witnessed parents, grandparents and relatives mourn the birth of a girl, even today, while celebrating news that an heir to the throne is born.” (Buffam, 2018).

The existence of this structure is supported in multiple studies and personal account, and this view is said to entitle men within the culture to feel as if they could do no harm, which some argue instill a desire to join gang life (Buffam, 2018; Sumartojo, 2012).

Though this seems significant, all it shows is a difference in structure between an Indo-Canadian home, and the thought of an “ideal” white Anglo-Saxon home, which itself inherently deals with its own sense of patriarchy. This specific type of gender imbalance is significant in possibly distinguishing structural differences between this ethnicity and the dominant, however, does not necessarily cause an increase in gang violence, despite rhetoric put forth by mainstream journalism which supports the link (Buffam, 2018). Through this analysis, one may begin to realize that it is possible that the narrative put forth by the dominant is a mere attempt of justifying the means of negative reporting of the ethnic group. Though it is unreasonable for one to not report on the difficulties facing any group, often these difficulties are the only stories put forth and instill a false sense of understanding of the ethnic community. The ignored structural components which contribute to these difficulties are clear notions of the lack of diversity in understanding the perspective of these groups and further perpetuate a lack of insight into other more pertinent structural factors which may impact gang involvement.

Many factors could be considered for the formation of Indo-Canadian gang formation, however, the extent as to which these factors are purely speculation is a significant idea to consider. Public opinion regarding gang violence in the region is very skewed by media representation, as well as what is considered “normal” by the ethnic majority. The thought that Sikhism, one of the main religions of those ethnically Indo-Canadian, was only supported by 30% of British Columbians as opposed to 26% of Canadians according to an Angus Reid poll reported by the Vancouver Sun (Sumartojo, 2012). This is an example indirectly of the effect of media on public perception as it shows the way that in a region with intense reporting on Indo-Canadian gang violence which is framed to wrongly paint those in the community as the same. Ethnic differences in familial pattern, as well as the way in which certain societal structures are viewed, can completely alter the way in which an ethnicity is viewed by the dominant, and ultimately shape public perception of the Indo-Canadian home.

Conclusions

Hence, though there are many perceived contributing factors to Indo-Canadian ethnic gang formation, there is often a failure to look past culture and towards the structural components with contributing to gang involvement. Gender roles within the Indo-Canadian community are often cited by media as being the main causal factor for gang formation, and the quantity of these reports add another level of rhetoric supporting cultural factors which may cause gang violence. However, what is often overlooked is the innate ability for non-racialized communities to feel as if they are welcome into a new society, and furthermore overcome personal “pre-migration” trauma. Structural inequities, paired with the poor coverage of ethnic groups in mainstream media, shows often overlooked factors in the perception of gang involvement. By perpetuating a misleading dialogue not only are perceptions of the community altered, but larger systemic issues are ignored. Therefore, when viewing the formation of Indo-Canadian ethnic youth gangs, one must recognize the larger social factors which impact gang involvement, as well as how media alters the public perception of the situation.

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[1] 2006 data used to correlate better with the data on shootings