Mediating Natures: The Role of Environmentalists in a Divided World 

 

  1. Abstract 

Written amid multiple monumental social and political movements, this paper attempts to answer the tricky question “What is our role as environmentalists”, particularly when the future of the world seems uncertain. Through a lens of existential inquiry, I begin by highlighting the dominant discourse surrounding Western environmental imaginaries, as well as further discussions around settler discourse in these imaginaries. I suggest that a focus must be held on a shared relationship with the land, this relationship being elevated above other de facto intersectional identities, as a unifying intersectional layer in broader local discourse. 

I then investigate how this has been applied in the broader discussion around the environment in various art forms including re-naturalization work by novelist Jack Kerouac and the broader Beats generation, as well as depictions of the Gaia hypothesis. To suggest practical applications of this inquiry, I investigate how these findings relate previous eco-political conflicts including seal hunting in Canada’s North and The Berger Inquiry. I suggest that the role of environmentalists consists of reaffirming an obligation outside of anthropocentric identities; working to situate the human experience as inherently natural and interlinked with the natural world. 

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  1. Introduction 

In the eyes of many, the caricature of ‘we’ ‘environmentalists’ can be more closely related to hippies chaining themselves to trees and protesters blocking off intersections more than much else. Consequently, the question of whether “‘environmentalists’ should work towards protecting nature” would illicit a seemingly obvious response, after all, it is at the center of many of our goals. However, the term ‘nature’ is inherently culturally specific; what it means to protect ‘nature’ for one group may mean something entirely different for another. As it stands, we live in a world divided, fissured on grounds of allegiance to identity, many of such identities existing at odds with environmental cohesion. The very crux of the existential struggle of climate change remains rooted in a constant battle to identify what it truly means to be human, independent of identity, and increasingly, what matters at all. Therefore, the task we face as ‘environmentalists’ is to reaffirm an obligation outside of anthropocentric identities; working to situate the human experience as inherently natural and interlinked with the natural world. 

  1. What Is Nature 
  1. William Cronon 

The term nature conjures up unique imaginaries for each individual and broadly within groups. In the context of dominant western culture, nature has traditionally been viewed as an entity separate from society. This was elucidated more poignantly through William Cronon’s Trouble with Wilderness. He brought to question the existence of a dichotomy between society and nature, alleging that, particularly among white middle-class communities, wilderness was supported as an escape from the struggles of the city  (Cronon, 1996). While the origins of these imaginaries are complicated, (some pointing to Judaeo-Christian, frontier, capitalist, and colonial attitudes), the result is the privileging of an idealized, human devoid sense of nature  (Collard & Dempsey, 2018). This was most clearly seen projected in public policy through John Muir’s philosophies of conservation and national parks in the late 1800s which portrayed humans as separate from the natural world (Lukes, 2016). 

While many see national parks as an effective form of conservation, protecting this idea of nature can bring with it potentially oppressive results. Many national parks throughout North America forcibly evicted Indigenous inhabitants to fortify this idea of ‘Nature’. To add insult to injury, many of these parks fell short of meeting conservation goals (Stevens, 2014). Ultimately, this urge to protect this understanding of nature led to, and justified, dispossession of land from marginalized Indigenous communities. All of this came as the result of an idea that nature ought to be protected and shielded from the naturality of humans. 

  1. Dian Million 

Dian Million furthers this conversation by arguing in her piece We are the land, and the land is us that settler discourse divides land into colonial-capitalist ideas of urban and rural (2018). She claims that in current rhetoric, the land is depicted as split between an educated and multicultural urban core and uneducated-whites in rural geographies, particularly in the United States. She decries this ‘oversimplification’, claiming it erases indigenous epistemologies present on the land since time in memory. She claims they are replaced by oppressive dominant ideas of nature  (Nishime & Hester Williams, 2018).  To address this erasure of indigenous identity, some would argue that ‘environmentalists’ should elevate and work exclusively off indigenous epistemologies of the land, particularly in discussions surrounding nature; indeed, engaging traditional knowledge systems does have the potential to broaden the academic discourse and diversity of thought surrounding environmental imaginaries (Pelai, Hagerman, & Kozak, 2021). That considered, privileging a single group’s ideologies, and situating this group as a discrete entity above the rest, brings with it its own obvious challenges. 

Despite Million’s claim that she seeks “to acknowledge our relations as we come together, in this collection, rather than to just identify differences” (p. 20)(2018), she still situates the experience and imaginaries of rural whites as hegemonic, inadvertently perpetuating a sense of othering and ignoring their own intersectionality. This acts to limit the possible cultural variation in the stream of ecological views before and after settlement.  

  1. Cronon, Million Grouping 

Both Cronon and Million’s essays seek to make distinctions based on identities, particularly surrounding race, while mitigating the potential place-based influences that may also impact a relationship with nature. Though it is perhaps simpler to address trends among racial groups, the challenge that remains is an overly simplified and potentially harmful view of environmental imaginaries which reduce place-based influences on their development.  

A considerable amount of learning can come through implicit teachings from the land, and arguably, with time, these teachings have shifted settler relationships with the land (urban and rural) and this has occurred regardless of racial grouping (Riney-Kehrberg, 2016). For example, hunting, fishing, agriculture, mining and other land-based practices are important cultural components among many in rural America, and invariably shape understandings of their relationships to the natural world (Riney-Kehrberg, 2016) 

The ability to engage with nonhuman antagonism and bond overreactions to these challenges is important, and something which likely shapes a group’s ideal of nature beyond broad racial relations to the land (Riney-Kehrberg, 2016). The challenge may be more rooted in how these imaginaries and relationships are translated into political discourse, rather than a lack of these relationships to begin with. Therefore, the focus of ‘environmentalists’ ought to remain centered on local discourse and how individual relationships with the land translate into a larger mosaic of collective environmental imaginaries, rather than imaginaries and narratives which are linked exclusively to singular identities and difference. 

Despite intentions for otherwise, Million presents an ‘us vs them’ dichotomy and fails to temporally recognize the impact of place on all communities. Of course, imaginaries of what nature ‘is’ clearly vary among individuals and within groups. This considered, it is important to consider “the land as first teacher” in conjunction with societal structures and intersectional discourse (Riney-Kehrberg, 2016; Styres, 2012). Therefore, reminding humans of the land as a teacher, and allowing for effective storing of these memories and relationships as lessons could be highly beneficial, regardless of identity. Then translating these understandings to converse about options for working with the land is significant. 

Some may argue that this is a proposed erasure of indigenous identity, however, the collections of stories regarding many indigenous relationships with the land are often extremely rich and intrinsically engrained in many indigenous stories, languages, and cultures (Nishime & Hester Williams, 2018; Styres, 2012). Theoretically, these place-based relationships, due to their meticulous integration with the local setting, have highly specific connections with the natural world, which would undoubtedly align with similar observations by settlers through open and collaborative discourse  (Leech, 2019; Taylor, 2016). To facilitate dialogue and encourage settler participation in these discussions, the limiting of difference/othering and amplification of shared stories and experiences with the land is critical. Fundamentally, these approaches are perhaps more aligned with ideological decolonization than the imposition of imaginaries on these groups. 

  1. Identity  

As it stands, identity maintains a strong foothold in conversations surrounding climate change and among ‘environmentalists’. The challenge is that these identities often divide, rather than garner effective results. This can be seen in the burgeoning nationalism related to climate goals, rooted in identity and the proliferation of the other (Conversi, 2020; Podoba, 1998; Vedi & Vedi, 2001). In the American Midwest, white nationalism stokes a nostalgia of imaginaries of an ethno-state flourishing with the pollutant industry of the past. (Conversi, 2020) Even the use of cars or trucks can be seen as connected to identity or political decision. In many cases, it appears to these communities that there exists despite pleas from ‘the other’ to focus on environmental components (Barber, L. B., 2019). 

These imaginaries are supported on media outlets, in the physical environment, and through online channels (Conversi, 2020). All settings entrench identity-based politics, only expedited by the proliferation of social media tribalism (Hayes & Knox-Hayes, 2014; Robards, 2018; Ross, 2018) The challenge is an amplification of difference which could inadvertently politicize environmental relationships. The possible result is a barrier of allowing people to identify as an environmentalist, largely due to their understanding of what the identity of an environmentalist means, rather than a deficit of the relationships with the natural world in itself. This seems to only be amplified by intense polarization and identity politics, as well as an apparent dissociation from our shared speciation.  

The term ‘environmentalist’ is largely (albeit anecdotally) associated with caricatures of ‘liberals’ and thus identity. Eco-consumerism ironically even feeds off this identity as a fad. And yet what it truly means to be an environmentalist is pushed to the side in favour of conveying a particular identity. For many, particularly self-identified conservatives, ‘‘environmentalists’’ are The Other, which further stifles conversations about environmentalism, since, to be an environmentalist, would mean adopting a liberal policy at odds with their own identity.  

There are many explanations as to why this might be the case. For example, Benjamin Barber might argue that this dichotomy is a struggle between globalization and traditional values, liberal values being conflated with globalist pressure, particularly against those benefiting from the market (1992). It is possible that the development of environmental imaginaries, particularly related to political discourse, further entrenches environmentalism as a threat to their identity as opposed to a unifying and human obligation. 

The root of this could be, as Barber notes, reactionary protection of culture, which in this context appears to be at odds with the protection of nature (Unless of course nature can be used to justify these nationalist tendencies) (Gardiner, 2020). The challenge, therefore, is that those standing in the way of environmental action politically, are doing so because of a stoking of their identity.  

Furthermore, an overarching challenge of claiming that ‘environmentalists’ should protect nature, is the creation of a rhetorical war. To protect implies that nature is under attack by The Other. Whether the other be capitalists or communists, white nationalists or immigrants, to project a need for protection inherently spurs the creation of an Other who is harming it   (Gardiner, 2020; Mihaylov & Perkins, 2015; Noor, 2019; Savoulian, 2019). Depending on who is portrayed as The Other, the urge to protect can inadvertently create intense hostility which may further entrench anger directed towards climate action.  

Whether it be France’s Yellow Vest Movement or North America’s terse climate denialism it could be argued that many of these protests come as the result of threats against identity and against a miscategorized Other (Barber, B. R., 1992; Conversi, 2020). To fundamentally counter these trends, strongly held identities must be mitigated (at least in public discourse) in favour of identities of shared humanity and connection with the natural world. It would be prudent for environmentalism to be detached from identity and be presented as a natural and fundamental relationship we all share with the land. With that, the natural world may relate to something worth privileging over other strongly held values such as capital accumulation or identity. Undoubtedly, the goal of ‘environmentalists’ must be to constantly remind their respective societies of an obligation to the natural world independent of identity and facilitate those conversations. 

  1. The Significance 

In a practical sense, the previously mentioned distinction would entail a shift from a role of imposer of environmental imaginaries “‘environmentalists’ should protect nature”, to the role of a facilitator and mediator “‘environmentalists’ should facilitate discussion of what environment means, reaffirm the land as a unifying force, and mediate these understandings to guide industry to preserve and strengthening these relationships”. This has been seen throughout grassroots activism for environmental objectives, particularly concerning Deep Ecologies and environmental justice (Mihaylov & Perkins, 2015) Of course, ecologies are inherently political, so the role of an environmentalist must be to embrace the diversity of environmental imaginaries and further embrace growth and diversity of thought. Not all rural communities are monolithic entities, therefore attempting to understand the histories of ecological relationships, as well as facilitating a diversity of thought is critical in local activism and mediation. (Mihaylov & Perkins, 2015) It is our job as environmentalists to understand these histories, and the people in a community to attempt to understand and develop local environmental imaginaries and assist in the making of decisions because of these understandings. 

It is critical to use the land itself as a baseline, acting as another layer of unifying discourse independent of exclusive group identity. It has been said that the “environment provides the natural boundaries and material exo-structure for community relationships”(p. 130) as a result, anchoring to these exo-structures is critical in environmental mediation  (Mihaylov & Perkins, 2015) We environmentalists must inspire curious investigation of nature relations within a society, preventing identity linked polarization and combative defensiveness of what nature truly means, or what it ought to mean, and instead facilitate conversation and, hopefully, community action built off these baselines.  

  1. Applications in Art 

Multiple attempts have been made to reduce ideas of a society-nature divide in dominant North American culture, as well as reduce the tendency to stoke difference. James Lovelock is widely known for his Gaia hypothesis, which situates the earth and all its components, including humans, as a holistic and self-regulating system (Lovelock, 2003; Mohammad, 2017). As much as we as a western society may attempt to sanitize our existence through processes of metabolic rift, there is inescapable naturality to who we as a species are. Though some have heavily critiqued or debunked the theory, the overarching vision is a call for society to work together to interact with the regulating of the global climate. Lovelock implicitly builds on this idea of reducing individual identities while portraying a much broader approach to planetary relations. This philosophy places humans as a small puzzle in an overarching natural system and reminds us of our minuscule existence and overarching human unity which has the potential to be employed to re-evaluate our relationship with the planet and each other. 

 In literature, Jack Kerouac’s book “the Darhma Bums” also conveys a larger need to reconcile with identity and tribal impulse, however, this reconciliation is more introspective than Lovelock’s portrayal (Kerouac, 2006).  Kerouac espouses a philosophy inspired by eastern religion, predicated on the idea that, with enough mindfulness and meditation, one can simply exist and connect with the natural world. The result was a novel with brings to question the value of consumerism and human-nature separation, both in the physical sense and mental state of nature. 

Interestingly, Kerouac mentions quite frequently the naturality of sexual pleasure, in contestation to puritan American values, and fundamental to many of the Beats’ writing. By doing so, Kerouac builds off the work of Foucault, viewing sexuality akin to hunger or other human needs, and further points to a need to reengage with our natural selves rather than repress our existence. Though seemingly unrelated, this notation calls on a deconstruction of human features we deem unnatural; It highlights the unifying force of the human experience and  the naturality of this experience (as well as the histories of attempted suppression), which remains a significant consideration when viewing the western societal-nature divide.  

Ultimately, this divide attempts to sanitize our existence as animals. The role of environmentalists must be to reduce these larger societal rifts built on identity which act to do the same. Kerouac, and many other artists in the Beats generation, prime a need to re-establish bodily autonomy and naturality over imposed state structures and ideologies, something which is critical in the conversation around personal relationships to nature (Kerouac, 2006; Taylor, 2016). To work off individual understandings of nature and reinstate a symbiosis with the natural world would be an ideal goal of environmentalists, as challenging as this may be. 

  1. Where ‘‘environmentalists’’ Fell Short 

Though this may occur in a collection of essays and art, the challenge is that hegemonic ideas of nature persist, even in ENGOs. Angry Inuk, directed by Alethea Arnaquq-Baril, speaks intensely about Greenpeace’s inaccurate portrayal of seal hunting as violent and savage. This resulted in the economic crash of the market for seal trade and subsequent decimation of many Inuit livelihoods. Consequently, a rash of community suicides ripped through Northern Canada, occurring at the hands of so called ‘environmentalists’ (Unikkaat Studios Inc, NFB Campus Collection, & National Film Board of Canada, 2016). Greenpeace effectively portrayed seal hunting as an a-political and morally reprehensible act, despite seals not being endangered and their presence as a key food source and economic driver of many Inuit communities. But seals are cute and animated, which made them an easy poster child for protection. 

 The amplification of the identity of an ‘environmentalist’ may have enforced this elitism within Greenpeace, that ‘protecting’ seals could do no wrong. This environmentalism for aesthetic furthered a type of conservation decoupled from local understandings of the land, and a perpetuation of The Other. All of this was wrapped in the illusion of a black and white decision. The top-down approach, lack of consultation and lack of open dialogue resulted in another ‘us vs them’. The power imbalances inherent to large ENGOs stripped the communities of their agency and pushed a devastating narrative. There was no effort placed on attempting to understand how the individuals in these communities viewed their relationship to the land, and as a result, Inuit communities paid the price with institutional and globalized oppression resulting from hegemonic views of nature. 

  1. Where ‘‘environmentalists’’ Succeeded 

The Berger Inquiry was an Environmental Impact Assessment for the Mackenzie Valley ordered in 1974 by Jean Chretien, Canada’s then Minister of Indian Affairs and Northern Development. (First Nations Studies Program, 2009) The process did far more than simply protect nature, but rather brought an intricate review into the existing relations with the land. The report saw consultation with over 30 First Nations and Inuit communities and was broadcasted in 6 different languages (First Nations Studies Program, 2009; Goudge, 2016) The result was a process that attempted to understand environmental imaginaries through an intersectional and land-based approach. The report’s legacy was a collective northern voice that amplified grassroots and local relations to the land (Goudge, 2016). The report also made environmental imaginaries a conversation, which prevented hegemonic generalizations of what the communities might want, instead they intimately investigated what they did want.  

The report achieved a deep understanding of localized society-nature relations through a geographically specific lens. As a result, hegemonic views of identity-based relations were avoided, so too were top-down approaches to extractivist development. The precedent set with this report was largely related to making local communities feel heard, engaging with conceptions of the land on a deeper level. 

Though some may argue that ‘environmentalists’ ought to simply protect nature, the overwhelming and complicated role of ‘environmentalists’, as Berger displayed, is a need to work with and empower people on a community-based level regarding their personal relationships with imaginaries of the natural world: this so communication lines stay open and productive discourse can take place, thus allowing for communication dissociated from politically ambiguous and charged identities. Optimally, there would be a development of public recognition and dialogue of what the land means to its inhabitants. 

  1. Conclusion 

Working to situating the human experience as inherently natural and interlinked with the natural world, while reaffirming an obligation outside of anthropocentric identities, ought to be the goal of ‘environmentalists’. To simply ‘protect nature’ presents a challenge when one appreciates the vast difference in societal and individual views of nature. ‘Environmentalists’ must work to establish the ideological space, through Socratic methods and grassroots politics, to develop discourse around what nature means to communities, independent of their identity. This discourse will hopefully establish conceptions of nature as an all-encompassing state of being, and implicitly inspire negotiation of political ecologies from a more central and localized baseline. This is a complicated role, and not one many ‘environmentalists’ embrace; however, acting as the role of mediator could have a profound impact on relationships with each other and the ever-present natural world. 

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Within the Lines: A Case for Nuance in the Inclusion of Social Justice in Climate Legislation

“How much backing there will be (of environmental policy) — and in what quarters — depends on the specific environmental, economic and political conditions countries face.” (Gross, 2018)

Despite a long-standing debate among climate activists, the Green New Deal forced many mainstream political leaders to grapple with complex discussions surrounding the inclusion of social inequality initiatives in climate legislation. In many cases reducing social inequality and climate justice goes hand in hand, largely due to the link between the economy and fossil fuel production/consumption. Due to the politicization of these social issues, it may not be effective to present both, despite the need to do so (Mann, 2019). Therefore, the decision to address climate change and social justice together depends on understanding the nuance behind both geopolitical realities and the philosophical undertones within them.

Any legislation has the potential to influence people’s livelihoods and climate legislation is no exception. The fossil fuel industry remains the frontline of a significant rhetorical battle. On one hand, the industry employs hundreds of thousands globally, many of those employed being racialized and working class (Smith, 2014). On the other, those affected by fossil fuel extraction are also disproportionately working-class and racialized – as are those who live in climate-vulnerable regions (Smith, 2014). This presents a false dichotomy: those who belong to minority groups and in the working class are claimed to be negatively affected by both action and inaction on climate change. These realities point to the power of discourse in manipulating public opinion whereby these groups will always seem to be disadvantaged.

In the transition away from fossil fuels, how those in government address the possible negative consequences on those most vulnerable is important, but perhaps equally important is how this aid is framed. Kai Nagata from the Dogwood Institute mentions in a blog post “In the fight against climate change, we must point our energy not at the most vulnerable, but at the most powerful.” (2019) In saying this he makes the argument that the enemies of ‘eco-fascists’, (notably immigrants and racialized individuals), are illusions which shield the rich from much of the blame (Nagata, 2019).

In a lot of the western world, but particularly America, capitalist imaginaries frame a conceptualization of how society simply ‘is’, which is perpetuated in the very nature of the growth of capitalism (Magdoff and Foster, 2011). This naturalization of social constructions could be called cultural hegemony, and it acts to solidify and narrow the Overton window by also solidifying inequality as ‘how the world works’ (Cole, 2020). When pairing environmental legislation with social justice, one must acknowledge that a culture’s cultural hegemony impacts the extent legislation will be seen as even possible.  Unfortunately, I believe Nagata’s argument does not take into account the fact that changing the ideologies of those who have blamed marginalized groups for their environmental and economic challenges is an incredibly difficult challenge in itself (sentiments mirrored by some critiquing the green new deal) (Mann, 2019).   This would require a considerable amount of time, time which the climate movement does not have.

David Leonhardt mentions in his article “The Problem with Putting a Price on the End of the World” it is now a job of climate activists to present policies which are ‘popular enough to survive the inevitable attacks on them’, rather than find the theoretically most efficient (2019). It would thus be exceedingly difficult to pass a sweeping plan like the Green New Deal if most people do not see the change as possible. Leonhadt’s statement points to the idea that in most systems there isn’t a clear way to achieve bipartisan support. In some cases one might have to sacrifice meaningful social support, and even ideal climate legislation, in exchange for legislation which attracts enough support to pass.

This difficulty was seen first hand in France during the Yellow Vest Movement. The country’s struggling working-class erupted in protests over petroleum carbon taxes which they argued increased their cost of living to insufferable amounts (Gross, 2018). Had the government included social inequality considerations into the bill, much like British Columbia did with its revenue neutral tax (Leonhard, 2019), the discussion could have been much different.

Therefore, the decision to address climate change and social justice together varies in each jurisdiction. Generally, each jurisdiction should pass social assistance legislation to account for any adverse effects of shifting industry, the extent as to which this happens depends on the specific realities surrounding each country. Hence, governments must understand their geopolitical realities in order to not hyperextend the reach of their bills, regardless of the theoretically most effective social policy.

References

Cole, Nicki Lisa. “How the Ruling Class Maintains Power Using Ideas and Norms.” ThoughtCo. ThoughtCo, 06 Jan. 2020. Web. 23 Apr. 2020.

Leonhardt, David. “The Problem With Putting a Price on the End of the World.” The New York Times. The New York Times, 10 Apr. 2019. Web. 23 Apr. 2020.

Magdoff, Fred, and John Bellamy. Foster. “The Growth Imperative of Capitalism.” What Every Environmentalist Needs to Know about Capitalism: A Citizen’s Guide to Capitalism and the Environment. New York, NY: Monthly Review, 2011. N. pag. Print.

Nagata, K. (2019, October 7). Yes, racism is an environmental issue. Retrieved from https://dogwoodbc.ca/news/yes-racism-is-an-environmental-issue/

Gross, Neil. “Is Environmentalism Just for Rich People?” The New York Times. The New York Times, 14 Dec. 2018. Web. 23 Apr. 2020.

Wasted: Solutions for Overcoming Canada’s Relationship with Garbage

WASTED: SOLUTIONS FOR OVERCOMING CANADA’S RELATIONSHIP WITH GARBAGE

Introduction

Waste: humans produce it every day often without much of a recognition of the profound impact it has on the places that they live. Canada loves its waste, producing more per capita than the citizens of any other developed country (Wilkins, 2017). The production of items destined to be disposed of and the way in which these items are dealt with have a notable contribution to greenhouse gasses, as well as environmental decay. In general, understanding the way in which one can reduce consumption and the production of waste becomes an important topic of investigation when analyzing garbage consumption. To understand waste consumption’s impact on the country one must also understand a conceptualization of the term “Environmental Sustainability” to frame the issue of waste. This term will be derived through the critical analysis of the literature on the topic and used to apply to the framing of causes and solutions. Thus understanding how environmental sustainability applies to the topic of waste is critical in developing an effective solution.

Conceptualizing the Problem

Environmental Sustainability is a major buzzword in both the public and academic sphere, and for good reason. Already humans have surpassed planetary boundaries for climate change, rate of biodiversity loss, and nitrogen cycling, and are fast approaching many others, showing no signs of slowing (Rockström et al., 2009). With the pertinence of its use, however, much of the nuances of its meaning are lost when the term is referenced. Reconceptualizing the term is therefore highly significant in addressing possible solutions to any environmental problem.

In their book “Design for Environmental Sustainability” Vezzoli and Manzini (2008) argue that the term

“refers to systemic conditions where neither on a planetary nor on a regional level do human activities disturb the natural cycles more than planetary resilience allows, and at the same time do not impoverish the natural capital that has to be shared with future generations”(6)

Their conceptualization does two things. Initially, it highlights the significance of environmental integrity and the importance of sustaining this and later shows the need to preserve resources for future generations. It is important to note that this definition is rather anthropocentric and lacks an emotional and physical connection to the land which may accompany a more ecocentric approach. The definition continues to view the land through the lens of what should be extracted, and has undertones that separate humans from what is a “natural cycle”, thus perpetuating a euro-colonialist perspective that fails to define a symbiosis with the land.

Unfortunately, the definition is lax in the sense that it allows for a significant amount of leeway in determining the “planetary limits”. Though it is tempting to define the term to achieve the highest amount of benefit to society, one also must see sustainability as something which exists past the existence of humans.

Removing the juxtaposition of human activities and natural cycles, and the idea that resources are a pie to be consumed and shared would be a positive step in redefining this definition.  Therefore, for the purpose of this paper, the definition of environmental sustainability will be as follows:

The preservation of environmental and ecological integrity to the best of a society’s technological abilities, regardless of geolocation, and with the intention of implementing preservation that assists rather than hinders the robustness of ecosystems. Ensuring that resources are a least available at a similar abundance to future generations.

Framing The Problem

Canada has a problem with its garbage. According to Canadian Geographic, in 2017 the country leads the world in per capita production of garbage, at 720 kilos per capita annually, the production is twice that of Japan and 10 times that of multiple African Countries (Wilkins, 2017). The implications of this excess are real and not only impact the immediate environment. A recent shipment of 69 shipping containers full of garbage to the Philippines and subsequent refusal to process it, caused a verbose diplomatic dispute, underscoring Canada’s lack of either ability or will to process the copious amount of garbage it produces  (McKeen, 2019)

In addition to optics, garbage has some substantial climate impacts. According to the EPA in The United States, Landfill gas (LFG), of which 50% is comprised of methane and the other 50% CO2, accounted for 14.1% of human-related methane emissions (US EPA, 2019). Though less present in the atmosphere than Carbon, methane can contribute to 80 fold more heating than CO2 over 20 Years  (Schultz, 2019) Both gasses, are significant players in the human-caused greenhouse effect which is the major factor behind human-caused climate change. Apart from the contribution to greenhouse gasses, landfills also carry with them the potential for adverse health risks to animals and humans living nearby, and the toxicology of the soil. (Palmiotto et al., 2014) The lifecycle of garbage, particularly plastics, also has a large carbon footprint in its production, as does the transportation of waste.

Another factor to keep in mind is the ecological footprint of the items we are throwing away. The food, plastic, and any other waste produced all have their origins. Technology needs extensive mining operations, while food uses an extensive amount of land, soil and water resources to produce. A recent Environment Canada study claims that 20% of food produced in Canada becomes avoidable food waste. The trends show a minimal impact on a decrease of overall waste from 2002 to 2016, the total amount of solid waste collected in Canada increased by 3.5 million tonnes (or 11%)(Canada. Environment and Climate Change Canada, 2018).

The continual increase in the amount of waste we produce is not environmentally sustainable as, not only is creating the physical items we are disposing of applying a lot of pressure on the environment, but eventually, the country will run out of space to store the garbage locally(Wuennenberg & desLibris – Documents, 2019). Furthermore, the amount of greenhouse gas emissions from this source contributes to an already exceeded planetary boundary. (Rockström et al., 2009)

What are the Causes

 

The causes of the problem are numerous, to the extent that every factor cannot be individually accounted for. If one simply searches for the largest contributors to waste, they will likely find many articles highlighting industries in the country which are perpetrators of waste. Fast Fashion, E-Waste, Plastics, and Food will be the focus of researching the causes.

The result of many studies surrounding the waste problem in Canada recommends standard policy changes which suggest we reduce, reuse and recycle the goods that we consume This suggests little about the cause of the waste problem in Canada more generally. To understand their recommendations for remedial actions one must first understand the root of why we consume so much in the first place.

Classical economics would argue that it is because we are humans with unlimited wants and finite resources to get those wants. Though this may be accurate to an extent, the nuances of how this is applied to everyday life is quite significant.

A recent study on the impact of convenience and price orientation on food waste had some considerable findings. Those who were convenience or price-oriented in their purchasing wasted more food than those who purchased based on value (The best price to quality ratio). (Aschemann-Witzel, Giménez, & Ares, 2018) This is significant for the contributing factor of consumption is not necessarily an unlimited want, but rather a perceived scarcity of time that fuels waste.

The topic of convenience is a recurring theme when discussing waste. To save time coffee pods are used or clothes are not repaired, in favor of the path of least resistance (Harris, 2015). This leads to the question, why is time seen as so limited, and why is this acknowledgment of an inevitable cease of time translated into the consumption of more wasteful alternatives?  Some argue that time scarcity is supported through the marketing of ready-made meals and fast food (Celnik, Gillespie, & Lean, 2012),

Constant bombardment with the message that one is too busy, paired with the message that the way to fix this busyness to consume more, opens people up to countless wasteful activities. Whether it is using single-use coffee cups or consuming junk food in wasteful packages instead of traditional convince food such as fruits or vegetables. Invariably, marketing supports the consumption of these highly processed foods which likely have higher markups and fuel consumption in general. Thus, the topic of convenience is more a sense of manufactured convenience tied to the consumerist society in which we live.

Some argue that a lack of awareness of plastic recycling programs is a significant factor impacting the amount of garbage in the country.  In 2016 only 27% of solid waste was diverted from disposal so it would seem that there is a need to increase this number. However, with the country’s newest proposal which prioritizes a ban on overall plastics, it is more sensical to reflect on how to reduce overall waste consumption rather than focus on recycling at this time. This is also considering that much of the recycled plastic isn’t even recycled since there is much more plastic than recycling companies are often willing to buy.

Frankly, the main issue is that waste occurs throughout industries and almost everywhere we shop. The sheer complexity of the waste problem in Canada is extremely multifaceted which is why, despite all the possible individual causes, it is important to understand how the issue of waste is perpetuated systemically.

Consumerism more generally impacts our relationship with waste. Often, we want the newest status symbol or the most perfect vegetable.  Even a single-use Starbucks cup could be seen as a desire for social supremacy. As we consume and produce waste, we leave fewer and fewer resources for future generations. By nature, consumption is the opposite of environmental sustainability. Consumerism is inherent to the capitalist system. a lot of tech waste, for example, could be averted if technology companies allowed for phones to be more easily repaired or designed software specifically for older phones, however, if items like phones lasted longer, consumers would buy less of them(Stenovec, 2014). This would, in turn, inhibit their ability to make a profit and would, therefore, produce disgruntled shareholders. Even the confusing nature of best-before labels could be seen as the food industry’s desire to consume more quickly due to a somewhat arbitrary date (Canada. Environment and Climate Change Canada, 2018).

Dr. Anne Meneley further argues that waste is inherent to consumerism and more generally, inherent to capitalism which depends on “strategic obsolescence” or the manufacturing goods which, in turn, will need to be replaced (2018). This makes addressing waste in Canada difficult as the consumption by individuals, which is seen as necessary, is often anything but. This consumption and subsequent waste, especially regarding consumption outside of the grocery store, is often manufactured and not even necessary.

The perpetuation of consumerism through capitalism, a lack of education, and an abject apathy for change all stand out as significant barriers to change regarding waste issues. To account for the system-wide individualism, human laziness, and gaps of education on climate issues, I recommend a shift in the way

The Solution

Though there are countless possible solutions, however, I believe that one of the most effective changes would be a fundamental change of labeling. First, I would implement a non-profit which would be entirely devoted to making an easy-to-follow grading scheme for each major industry in the Canadian economy. This grading scheme would produce an “eco-score” for both the packaging and the physical item within, and then an aggregate score for the total “ecological impact” of the item. The project would be funded by Government Sustainability Grants and would start with areas that already have a significant labeling system that would be easy to modify. This would include food, technology, and textiles. The upfront cost would be rather large, as developing a framework that applies for each subtlety of each industry would be quite difficult. This considered, after the initial framework is developed, the work required to keep it updated would be minimal.

An eco-emblem would then be created, like Figure 1 which could be displayed on or next to products. Each label would consider both the impact of the waste of the packaging and the waste in the production process and would be a voluntary addition to packaging. Ideally, after implementation, the government will consider mandating the score on products situated in industries with proven high waste, similar to the calorie count of food.

In that instance, it would be the responsibility of industry leaders by law to fund an independent investigation into the creation of scoring criteria given government-issued, cross-industry, baselines. The emblem would attempt to address the ‘Value-Action’ gap which exists in waste production and food waste, which is the gap between one’s intentions and their actions by making to easier to align with brands that hold the same values about waste(Schanes, Dobernig, & Gözet, 2018)

One may question why companies would willingly subject themselves to open scrutiny of their environmental practices and how this strategy would contribute to environmental sustainability. The idea plays off a mindset introduced by Anitha Acharya and Manish Gupta in their report on green consumerism. They note that there is a strong desire by consumers to start buying green, arguing that marketing in a way that alludes to environmental consciousness can translate into an increase in sales. (2019)

This considered, by displaying the eco-emblem, the company could increase market share by introducing an edge over the competition (Malyan et al., 2019). The emblem would thus encourage corporations to reduce the waste in the packaging and in the process, which would, in turn, increase their score and may increase their market share. This should initiate a net decrease in waste, as companies are rewarded for their sustainability efforts, this is similar to the conceptualization of creating a leaner waste stream, whereby all products use fewer materials that could be wasted (Jensen, 2017)

On the flip side, however, this strategy could increase the overall consumption of products with high rankings in an attempt by consumers to feel as if they are helping the environment, when they may just be consuming more. Furthermore, the strategy could be seen as using the consumer as a scapegoat for larger environmental and structural change, however in the case of waste, individual consumerism is a significant contribution and to relinquish the responsibility of the individual for this environmental issue, in particular, would be counter-intuitive (Akenji, 2014). Introducing fines for low eco-score companies would be an effective structural adaptation to take full responsibility away from the consumer.

Regardless, the score also initiates a baseline for the performance of companies and allows consumers to quantifiably compare the impact of the food they are buying on both the waste stream and the environment. This solution tackles multiple large overarching contributors to waste consumption. Initially, it targets a lack of education around waste and consumer laziness. The labels offer a simple and stand-out visualization of impact and prevent. The labels also take the responsibility away from the consumer to constantly educate themselves on every facet of society, which a vast majority of consumers have no interest or time to do. As indicated by Gupta and Acharya, companies are already attempting to market their products as green, this is an excellent opportunity for “green” to be defined by the terms of science rather than marketing.

The solution leans into the current system of capitalism and consumerism to make a proactive change, using the demand for environmental consciousness to stimulate adaptations without a significant impact on the price of products. Though unorthodox, the system covers multiple factors that influence waste production. The gap of information in the general public is filled with easy-to-read labels, waste is reduced in all categories and without the need for consumer thought. The emblem also allows for some latent functions, like reducing overall environmental impact and starting a dialogue around the processes by which our products are made.

Conclusions

 

Clearly, there is a strong need to address the waste problem in Canada. Canada’s immense waste production is substantially higher than most other countries which 720 kilos of waste produced per capita. Much of the issues we face with waste can be attributed to consumerism and an overarching desire for convenience and affordability. This is not without good intentions from the consumer who ideally wishes to make an impact but through their value-action gap fails to do so. Hence it is feasible to take these best intentions and produce a system that enables them to follow through on their intentions.

It is in the best interest of consumers to introduce a labeling system that clearly states the waste impact their products have, all the while using labeling to better inform consumers on the significance of what they are consuming. This proposal uses counter-intuitive thinking to curb waste production, without attempting to tackle the much more engrained issue of consumerism and the impact that that has on Canadian waste systems. Though this consumerism is pressing, it is unlikely that a given proposal would drastically change it enough to make a difference. Therefore, working within the confines of the consumerist system to reduce waste is the most practical option. Ultimately any solution to the waste problem must be addressed with the limitations and contributions of consumerism and capitalism in mind, or else any real change will be highly unlikely.

.

 

 

 

References

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Aschemann-Witzel, J., Giménez, A., & Ares, G. (2018). Convenience or price orientation? consumer characteristics influencing food waste behaviour in the context of an emerging country and the impact on future sustainability of the global food sector. Global Environmental Change, 49, 85-94. doi:10.1016/j.gloenvcha.2018.02.002

Canada. Environment and Climate Change Canada. (2018). Canadian environmental sustainability indicators: Solid waste diversion and disposal. Gatineau, QC: Environment and Climate Change Canada = Environnement et changement climatique Canada. Retrieved from http://ubc.summon.serialssolutions.com/2.0.0/link/0/eLvHCXMwfV1BS0MxDA5uXgQPOhU3N-nJ20bXvNe0Z3F4FkHwMrrX9qJMeJsH_73p2yub42EPhaa0paE0aZIvBUA1k9OjO8GXsiJdVhSlco7QSBfn1npVGBd1Y9n-P1TnGGrX6Z2xhMQKQg96SLa__9WNzxYWumBVpUwPM61ZqHIp2wQ8uW3-QO-TfFlcwGlIoINLOAnrAYx3mFnxFj6jq4N4EJnwVX9cgcwZBcQBSo17NxkLlcJdf0RyRlfpSb25htHi6fXxecrLLlt7zbLdBd7AuUtR7uttg4bztyCwIoXkjDOsaaXcbOgtuTkWq3JF6OMQBh0zDWFySM2MS-mKtbbKjDpH3cEZKwdmZ24YQ39bf4dJw6D7hrNcv8zefwH784dK

Celnik, D., Gillespie, L., & Lean, M. E. J. (2012). Time-scarcity, ready-meals, ill-health and the obesity epidemic. Trends in Food Science & Technology, 27(1), 4-11. doi:10.1016/j.tifs.2012.06.001

Harris, S. (2015). Canadians piling up more garbage than ever before as disposables rule. Retrieved from https://www.cbc.ca/news/business/canadians-piling-up-more-garbage-than-ever-before-as-disposables-rule-1.3248949

Jensen, M. (2017). Lean waste stream: Reducing material use and garbage using lean principles. Florence: Productivity Press. Retrieved from http://ubc.summon.serialssolutions.com/2.0.0/link/0/eLvHCXMwfV1Lb8IwDLb2uCDtwGATsA7lxI0przbkjIb2A5A4VqZ1L9uY1MH_J06pxlDF1VIcyVHyObY_G8DoNzm_eBMq5QpymVWqCldEmjLAprMpqkqZrY_N989Lddr4_p_s2sF3DJheL3Puy66ldWZ24hQTRxTlBn957pzkpC9-34bfmlw0gw_-Ee8ZXVZ9uCemHDzCDe0GkDSMWbGhrwprEjPRCn7qzyH0eQcR9YtG-xNMVu_r5cc86M1P4Zjc6zgEzzzDA3IR-24fyW7lCEQqLRpSGXmDtsAUAwAXqFVWlouts34Mgw5NY0jOpW3WKvfBMwre06Rz0Qv0NANULDxN4G5fH-g1GmAajXEErNh-Kw

Malyan, R. S., Duhan, P., & Taylor & Francis eBooks A-Z. (2019). Green consumerism: Perspectives, sustainability, and behavior. Oakville, ON; New Jersey: Apple Academic Press. Retrieved from http://ubc.summon.serialssolutions.com/2.0.0/link/0/eLvHCXMwfV09b8IwED2VVqqQOlAoIkArpm5Bxp_xXIH6A7pHDrFHVIUw9N_37MRKQBGLh5Ns-dvn83t-AIxuSXqzJxjhBDoOSgnDd4XUJTs6pYyyjBsrg5hDH6oTlbw6272BHxCYDvFy6l-pGP1s_9CvgtI7ObbURg9soATnAaa_HbHR9x5azpG-5BGqf40tIA1JpM-P8KJHskYz4Yqz7w-mwwSerGcrvMKDPU3hOcLYZzAJFdn0qvEGy8P-5-s7xTLyNmqTa46-hSBsDi_GY91PdeDElQvYEFJw5yRTjhXclpmmRvJMGsqdFlaJBKYDJSWw7lvj41aucYXiLWo5mGkFY_QQdBNzWMNjXV3se2jsR2j4P-EijSQ

McKeen, A. (2019). First of canadian trash returned from philippines arrives at metro vancouver waste facility. Retrieved from https://www.thestar.com/vancouver/2019/06/30/first-of-canadian-trash-returned-from-philippines-arrives-at-metro-vancouver-waste-facility.html

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Vezzoli, C., Manzini, E., SpringerLink ebooks – Engineering, & Ebook Central. (2008). Design for environmental sustainability. London; Berlin: Springer. doi:10.1007/978-1-84800-163-3 Retrieved from http://ubc.summon.serialssolutions.com/2.0.0/link/0/eLvHCXMwfV3dT8IwEL-ovEh8UNQ4RFxM1Pgw062Mbo8DR3zBFw2vzdhHYiSEsGHif-9dy6QQ4mO79HbXZt19_O4OgHvPzNm5E8LMyxjnngh8kYiinxSpmKZoSqRuEYZiF6pTo702c_8d_J4G09pf7lILFv9Bb_uLQkTce6wgO5jFmzwyqqzP3ut8JYKk_hyiFccC3RChCc2k_MIrB6-jqjTimYZK-hdF3crep1_U6BQaOeUtnMFBPm9B06gziKPJZ7lKZna0rMpzeNQ82sihnZv82eUWdxfQHsUfw1cHXyXXbh5JhewoqHcJJwmB4-eVSqLLrsB2p9xP3cTnpD71qds0fsqil2a9FM01b2rBnSGh_J6pQG0pqR5W0AtILeTcgo4WXC50HYzdx7f1dki1fA0ulfFgyPuCu54FT_UumSTQhlVEHKTicEkKKgstaO2RDVkwZ-v4nPSpYXoYtvcuuoZjjfEgt0kHjqrlKr9Rp9RVx9uFRhQNBhMcjcdvv9hQzVk

Wilkins, C. (2017). Trash nation. Canadian Geographic, 137(3), 48-54. Retrieved from http://ezproxy.library.ubc.ca/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=122662710&site=ehost-live&scope=site

Wuennenberg, L., & desLibris – Documents. (2019). Plastic waste in canada: A daunting economic and environmental threat or an opportunity for sustainable public procurement? International Institute for Sustainable Development. Retrieved from http://ubc.summon.serialssolutions.com/2.0.0/link/0/eLvHCXMwfV1NS8NAEB2sXgoeLNVaayUXvVWm3SXNnmtDbwoGPIZ8bNBLEGn_v292m0ZL6CHJZMMGJrtk3szumyFSi2eeHf0TYAkqk0VhLhQflcOsWjGlCvh8qXSRH23VaSqqtm2nBr6jwHSySmWBLZT5-eQ_-xvQKMbiccEfECyu4nmzSwIAnMaYETjL8ZL5Kg0QG3YwRLfPkNct_UwS8nPyKdgOgjjXLDFLfv0W5LyrXVZ_rtyD95YNhTsfkRMBRuoQB4x7cB058lUY_mUBEFMXX9GFFf7DgM5sPaTRXp_AaRN81YHX5Jom8TpZbWbonu5DQJKYWMPUR-qGLjPZOV9vHcOuvKXAzHVlQ3gdqjC6KoTYyhjWeanhW5mSxzTsetWYpn-bm7WyVHiHGpjwrrvbhPqAHMYHMe7pfPuzs1On64PT-xewhKUL

 

Ethnically Bound: Misguided Depictions of Criminality in Fraser Valley Indo-Canadian Communities and its Significance in Ethnic Relations

Ethnically Bound:

Misguided Depictions of Criminality in Fraser Valley Indo-Canadian Communities and its Significance in Ethnic Relations

Abstract

A disproportionate number of ethnically Sikh, Indo-Canadians have been depicted to be involved in gang activity in the BC Lower Mainland region. As such, conversations surrounding ethnicity’s influence in this gang development the forefront of public discussion. This paper attempts to frame discourse surrounding ethnic identity in relation to this region’s perspectives surrounding ethnic gang developments. This paper first outlines how youth and ethnic youth gangs are formed, and the implications of this formation in the scope of gangs in the Canadian and Lower Mainland context. The role of mainstream media in perpetuating the “Indo-Canadian Gangster” trope put forth by the dominant ethne is significant in understanding the widely misconstrued, and misguided attitudes in the region. This paper further attempts to understand the effect of gender roles in the ethnic community, and how this relates to the emergence of criminality, but finds that gender though possibly significant, is not an exclusive explanation of the ethnic landscape. Furthermore, the paper analyzes how a sense of ethnic pride rooted in cementing an ethnic identity may further contribute to incorporation through criminality, and finds that this has traditionally been emboldened by media depictions of minority ethnicities. Ultimately, it is conveyed that a wide variety of complex and interconnected factors contribute to ethnic youth gang development, and this development is perpetuated through dominant discourse surrounding the topic, not exclusively ethnic identity.

Introduction

 

Since the mid-1990s and into 2008, 440 people had died of gang violence in the Lower Mainland of British Columbia alone, most of whom were typically under the age of 30. Of these 440 at least 100 were of Indo-Canadian, largely Sikh, ethnicity (Sumartojo, , 2012). The topic of ethnicity regarding gang involvement is a constant topic of discussion when one reads the news or analyses crime in society. There is a narrative surrounding the Indo-Canadian community in Vancouver which brings to question the extent as to which ethnicity influences gang involvement. To frame this question, one must first understand what an ethnic gang is, how ethnic gangs are formed under a wide array of circumstances, and ultimately situation-specific examples.  Through this exploration, the role of media portrayal’s potential impact on identity, as well as the impact of cultural views of gender and structure, which may enable the development of an unrealistic façade within the community, will be analyzed. With this knowledge, one can then apply theory to the reality of gang involvement in Indo-Canadian households, and fully understand how the rhetoric around these ethnic gangs relates to reality. Ultimately, though media perpetuates a very simplified portrait of the role of ethnicity in Lower Mainland gang involvement, the discussion around ethnic youth gang development in this region is shaped through “dominant ethne” rhetoric and is much more complex than a mere religious or cultural factor.

What Makes and Ethnic Youth Gang

In order to understand the contributing factors to the development and portrayal of ethnic gangs in the Lower Mainland, one must first define the terms in question.  According to a Government of Canada report on youth gangs there exists multiple defining factors which make a gang. These factors include organization, a self-formed association to peers (group name or identity) shown through the use of symbols or belonging, and a control of a specific neighborhood (Dunbar, 2017). According to these guidelines, a gang, youth or otherwise, acts as a form of a social grouping, and would ultimately construct a sense of community amongst members. In reflection, this sense of community would be very significant in developing connections to a member’s peers who have undergone similar lived experiences as themselves, ultimately solidifying a sense of belonging to an ethnic group.

If one further analyzes these guidelines for youth gangs, they would notice that these distinctions mirror the guidelines laid out by Anthony D. Smith’s conceptualisation of ethnicity. He outlines that ethnicity must include a name, shared cultural features, territory, and an imagined sense of group, among other factors (Smith, 1988). If one contrasts these factors it is easy to find clear relations, gangs establish a set territory, develop signs and symbols which may represent culture, define a distinctive name, and members often feel a strong connection to the group.

This strong correlation is significant for one could argue that it is these similarities which help solidify the advances of ethnic gangs. A strong culture may already exist regarding the specific ethnicity which allows for an instant connection amongst members, but further, this culture may be repressed in the dominant culture. This could allow the members of a given ethnicity to easily create a group which could evolve into a gang under the correct circumstances. On the flip side, if one feels disconnected from the larger ethnicity, this development of a group could help fill gaps they feel are present in their lives. This desire to fill gaps or reclaim their ethnicity could be a more poignant way for ethnic gangs to become more radical, as their loss of identity could translate into a vendetta against those that they felt took it away. This is significant for it could pave a path for radicalisation, whether in the form of gangs or other crime groups which aim to revolt the oppressors. When discussing ethnic youth gangs, the ability for ethnicity to relate so clearly to gang structure allows for multiple avenues of mutual understanding between their peers.

In the book Street Gangs, Migration and Ethnicity it is claimed that many Canadians believe that their country’s gang problem is largely imported from other countries and concentrated within the ‘non-White’ population”(Gemert, 2008)(p.192). This is said to the due to Canadian media coverage of gangs in urban areas, and an overarching narrative put forth by politicians and law enforcement agencies: claiming that “foreign ‘gang cultures’ are inconsistent with Canada’s traditional values and beliefs (Dunbar, 2017). Regardless, this paints an “us vs them”  narrative which may lead towards the exclusivity or incorporation of ethnicity. This becomes a vicious cycle as the incorporation of a minority ethnic group would reduce the contact that this group would have with the dominant ethne, and therefore cause a sense of disconnect from the overall realities of that group. A recent study in the Netherlands found that negative media coverage of ethnic minorities led to heightened suppressive sentiments in parliament (Aydemir & Vliegenthart, 2018). This is significant for it shows how a lack understanding of ethnic groups perpetuated by media could affect the way that they are viewed and, therefore, would contribute to an increased dissatisfaction with the nation they are apart. This very narrative brings to question whether the youth gangs in the Lower Mainland or anywhere else, are in fact a product of stringent ethnic lines or rather socially engrained inequalities within the region.

Joining Youth Gangs and the Link to Ethnicity

A recent study looking into the lives of immigrant youth involved in Calgary gangs showed that these youth often had extensive personal and interpersonal challenges stemming from all elements of their lives. The gradual disintegration of familial, social and community relationships caused an ultimate “unravelling of self-concept, ethnic identity, sense of belonging and sense of citizenship”, sending them towards involvement in high risk social groups and criminal gangs (Van Ngo, Calhoun, Worthington, Pyrch, & Este, 2017). Though one may argue that all youth experience some sort of emotional and social difficulties at some point in their life, the concept of “pre-migration” trauma caused undue stress on foreign-born respondents. The extreme violence experienced in their home countries or refugee camps caused tremendous personal trauma on the individuals involved(Van Ngo et al., 2017).

When speaking of immigration in Canada and the Lower Mainland, one often hears rhetoric around the social integration of immigrants and ethnic groups. This becomes especially difficult when the trauma engrained within an immigrant youth will never be comprehensible for those already living in the country. Though not all ethnicities experience these traumas, the idea that each ethnicity comes from a set of cultures shaped by the ethnicity’s past is highly significant and could influence an increase in the extent as to which one identifies with their ethnicity. In the case of Indo-Canadians there may be a difficulty or prejudice that their ancestors had to face which influenced their culture, this influence of culture could translate into unforeseen circumstances.

In the Canadian context, however, often those who were susceptible to this pre-migration trauma (those who immigrated in the first place) were, in fact, white, largely Eastern European immigrants, while many of those interviewed with non-white ethnicities were domestically born (Gemert, 2008). This is significant for it may show the ability for some ethnicities to avoid gang involvement due to their ability to “fit in” with the dominant ethnicity, as through time the children of those who immigrate with trauma would be able to more easily assimilate in to the dominant ethnicity. For visual and racialized ethnic minorities involved in gangs, their being born domestically supports the idea that being accepted into the dominant white group may prove difficult, and the desire for connection through alternative means may thus be perpetuated.

In interviews with those of minority ethnicities involved in youth gangs, particularly those of racialized backgrounds, certain phrases highlighted an overarching disconnect from society. This lack of representation was seen on multiple levels, ranging from seemingly simpler to systemic and complex issues. Regarding the education system one gang member claimed that “Schools are shit, teachers don’t think you can do the work.”(Gemert, 2008) (p.203) Other respondents felt a further sense of alienation and separation from mainstream society, saying “This is not my country. This country does not care about me or my family. They just want people like us to clean the shit out of White people’s toilets or look after their fuckin’ kids.” (Gemert, 2008) (p. 204) Many respondents had similar and pronounced views of inequality facing their ethnic groups. This was only seen amongst racialized youth interviewed and motioned to the larger issue facing youth who may feel under-represented in the larger dominant, largely white, ethnic society.

This sense of inequality cannot be the only factor leading to gang involvement, however, as many youths from ethnic backgrounds have similar sentiments, but do not join gangs. The combination of this inequality, paired with multiple other motivations, including financial incentive and desire for adventure and protection, are also factors that may contribute to the desire for those within an ethnic group to join or start an ethnically linked gang(Dunbar, 2017). This complex interaction between factors makes a simple causal piece highly invalid. In the case of Indo-Candian gangs, there are multiple suggestions in mainstream media that blame religion and slyly suggest that the main causal factor is their race or ethnic background. (Sumartojo, 2012) What these assumptions fail to do, however, is realize the larger public issues which shape systemic gang involvement across ethnic backgrounds. Therefore this supports the notion that media coverage perpetuates an unrealistic understanding of the causes of ethnic gang violence as religious or cultural, and fails to see the larger social forces at play which affect those involved.

In discussing ethnic gang involvement, one often sees the negative results but ignores the positives which come with. Gangs have been found to add an increased sense of ethnic pride or involvement, which have been shown in some cases to increase a sense of protection and self-esteem amongst members(Barbieri, Clipper, & Vasquez, 2016). For youth struggling with their identity, getting involved in a gang has the potential to solidify positive self image and a sense of community. This is significant for it may help ethnic youth who feel subjugated in the larger scope of the country to feel as if their involvement gives them a reason to live or reduce the chances of being led to homelessness.

 

Case Study: Indo-Canadian Youth Gangs in the Lower Mainland, BC

Between the mid 1990s and 2012, at least 100 men of South Asian, particularly Indo-Canadian descent under the age of 30 in BC have died as a result of gang or drug related incidences (). When analyzing gang conflicts in the region, two major ongoing incidents are occurring, the Townline Hill conflict in Abbotsford and Major Gang Conflicts in Surrey. In both regions, those who are reported on tend to be of South Asian ethnicity. According to the Globe and Mail, in Surrey, and broadly in British Columbia, gang activity is said to be within a “new age”(Stueck, 2018). Gang members are supposedly lured to material possessions and a sense of adventure have a much larger ploy than race. It also mentions ethnicity is the larger factor in gang involvement (The Canadian Press, 2015).

Currently, there is a disproportionately high number of deaths among Members of the Indo-Canadian ethnicity. According to 2006 Statistics Canada Data[1] calculating the proportion of Indo-Canadians to the general population in British Columbia is very roughly around 1:20, however in regards to gang related shooting deaths, the proportion of those who are South Asian to non-South Asian are very roughly 1:4.4 (Bhatt & Tweed, 2018; Statistics Canada, 2006; Sumartojo, 2012). This is significant for it highlights the possibility that ethnicity has a role to play in the distribution of gang involvement in British Columbia, but also how media’s coverage of events may have an inherent bias which limits, or guides discourse away from reality, ultimately guiding coverage to biased understandings and conceptualization of the events.

In interviews with the Indo-Canadian population in Metro Vancouver performed by Widyarini Sumartojo in her dissertation, an interesting display for preference surrounding “non-mainstream” news sources for reporting the of the ethnic community. Interviewees commented on the coverage of Indo-Canadian affairs in mainstream media as one-sided and found the coverage of a traditional dancing event instead of gang violence as shocking, as the news media often only covers the negative events associated to their ethnicity(Sumartojo, 2012). It is not abnormal for ethnic groups to develop their own media sources which would be beneficial for developing a stronger ethnic identity or association. With research, there is little to no evidence to suggest that these media sources have any effect in the increase of gang violence amongst ethnic minority groups, however, evidence may suggest the opposite. When members of the Indo-Canadian community were interviewed about the media situation in the Lower Mainland, their responses suggested that the lack of diverse coverage somewhat radicalised them.

Bindy Johal, one of the most prevalent gang members from the community often perpetuated in the media, was seen by many youths as a rebellious and exciting figure. In the mainstream media’s portrayal of him there was a sense of confidence and unapologetic attitudes. Sumartojo, noting:

“He was both unapologetic and Indo-Canadian. The idea, however, that he was unapologetically Indo-Canadian (i.e., that he was somehow standing up for Indo-Canadians) is the unfortunate result of media’s tendency to strip individuals from the context of their lives and turn them into iconic figures” (Sumartojo, 2012)(p.109)

This is significant for it shows the ability for the dominant news media to guide discourse, and for a community who feels underrepresented, this media effect could have a massive impact on the youth who live within the community. For those who may look for a role model, and who don’t feel culturally represented by politicians, journalists or teachers all of whom supposedly “whitewashed”(Sumartojo, 2012), the ethnic pride and identity had to be found elsewhere. In this case, that elsewhere was a poor role model.

The notion that this is the only reasoning for ethnic gang involvement is absurd, however, it does highlight the ability for the dominant ethnicity to inadvertently make other ethnic groups feel as if they are invisible or not heard. In relation to all ethnic groups, shared stories are significant in the piece of and ethnic identity. If these stories are seen to be lost or ignored, then it means for an ethnic group to feel as if they are being lost or forgotten. One way of fighting this could involve forming a group aimed at the resurgence of ethnic identity, in this case, an ethnic gang. Furthermore, it is possible that the manipulation by the dominant ethnicity on the identity of the minority could cause those in the minority to subscribe to a new identity and therefore move towards the inaccurate descriptions. Regardless, both factors are entirely structural, and do not correlate to the culture of the ethnic group, but rather how their culture is perceived or reported on. Therefore, it could be claimed that the reason there may be a disproportionate number of deaths within this community, is not a result of the values held by the culture, but rather structural factors imposed by the dominant.

This can be further illustrated based on how the dominant ethnicity presents the dichotomy of gender roles in each culture. There is a sense put forth that the way in which gender is viewed in some Indo-Canadian homes directly relates to the increase of gang violence among Indo-Canadian youth. In a highly cited expose written by Benu Rakshi commenting on the Indo-Canadian household, there is a clear narrative around the androcentric view of the household, and a strong patriarchal structure:

“ All Indos, as we tend to call ourselves, have witnessed parents, grandparents and relatives mourn the birth of a girl, even today, while celebrating news that an heir to the throne is born.” (Buffam, 2018).

The existence of this structure is supported in multiple studies and personal account, and this view is said to entitle men within the culture to feel as if they could do no harm, which some argue instill a desire to join gang life (Buffam, 2018; Sumartojo, 2012).

Though this seems significant, all it shows is a difference in structure between an Indo-Canadian home, and the thought of an “ideal” white Anglo-Saxon home, which itself inherently deals with its own sense of patriarchy. This specific type of gender imbalance is significant in possibly distinguishing structural differences between this ethnicity and the dominant, however, does not necessarily cause an increase in gang violence, despite rhetoric put forth by mainstream journalism which supports the link (Buffam, 2018). Through this analysis, one may begin to realize that it is possible that the narrative put forth by the dominant is a mere attempt of justifying the means of negative reporting of the ethnic group. Though it is unreasonable for one to not report on the difficulties facing any group, often these difficulties are the only stories put forth and instill a false sense of understanding of the ethnic community. The ignored structural components which contribute to these difficulties are clear notions of the lack of diversity in understanding the perspective of these groups and further perpetuate a lack of insight into other more pertinent structural factors which may impact gang involvement.

Many factors could be considered for the formation of Indo-Canadian gang formation, however, the extent as to which these factors are purely speculation is a significant idea to consider. Public opinion regarding gang violence in the region is very skewed by media representation, as well as what is considered “normal” by the ethnic majority. The thought that Sikhism, one of the main religions of those ethnically Indo-Canadian, was only supported by 30% of British Columbians as opposed to 26% of Canadians according to an Angus Reid poll reported by the Vancouver Sun (Sumartojo, 2012). This is an example indirectly of the effect of media on public perception as it shows the way that in a region with intense reporting on Indo-Canadian gang violence which is framed to wrongly paint those in the community as the same. Ethnic differences in familial pattern, as well as the way in which certain societal structures are viewed, can completely alter the way in which an ethnicity is viewed by the dominant, and ultimately shape public perception of the Indo-Canadian home.

Conclusions

Hence, though there are many perceived contributing factors to Indo-Canadian ethnic gang formation, there is often a failure to look past culture and towards the structural components with contributing to gang involvement. Gender roles within the Indo-Canadian community are often cited by media as being the main causal factor for gang formation, and the quantity of these reports add another level of rhetoric supporting cultural factors which may cause gang violence. However, what is often overlooked is the innate ability for non-racialized communities to feel as if they are welcome into a new society, and furthermore overcome personal “pre-migration” trauma. Structural inequities, paired with the poor coverage of ethnic groups in mainstream media, shows often overlooked factors in the perception of gang involvement. By perpetuating a misleading dialogue not only are perceptions of the community altered, but larger systemic issues are ignored. Therefore, when viewing the formation of Indo-Canadian ethnic youth gangs, one must recognize the larger social factors which impact gang involvement, as well as how media alters the public perception of the situation.

 

References

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[1] 2006 data used to correlate better with the data on shootings

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