Category: analysis

The Quality of our Democracy

Post author By Jon
Post date June 14, 2010
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Translated by Tristán Niamath.

The source text is taken from an editorial in the Spanish newspaper El País. The skopos is to give brief summary of Spanish politics after Franco’s death. The article is obviously aimed at Spanish readers in general but should be translated for the rest of the world. Most people are unaware of the specifics of how Spanish government works and the political history of Spain in general.

Source text: “La calidad de nuestra democracia”.

The Quality of our Democracy
By Julián Casanova

Some of the powers that be intend to prevent political, legal and moral reparations to the victims of the civil war and the dictatorship. The pursuit and persecution of judge Baltasar Garzón proves this.

At 2:15 in the afternoon on Sunday the 23rd of November 1975, a granite tombstone weighing 3306 lbs was placed over the tomb that had been dug for Francisco Franco in the basílica de la Santa Cruz in the Valley of the Fallen near Madrid. The tombstone that sealed the grave was as heavy as the legacy that Franco left: four decades of genocide and civil unrest. Almost 35 years afterwards, we Spaniards are still debating (which is mostly just shouting with little discussion, and on very little grounds) over the virtues and defects of the democracy that we have constructed without feeling the need to demolish the framework of the dictatorship.

Political corruption, along with politicians that ignore it, along with the prosecution of judge Baltasar Garzón upon the ideological heirs of Franco’s regime, places us in the argument again. Let’s remember how it all started and where we are today.

Right after the death of Franco, many of his faithful supporters threw away their blue uniforms and put on the jacket of democracy. The scattering of the so called reformers or “progressives” in search of a new political identity was at this moment, slowly but surely, general. Many francoists as always, whether powerful or not, converted overnight into democrats for good. It must be said clearly, for this reason, against the biased opinion of a few illustrious ex-francoists that have taken to the transition to democracy, that the framework of the dictatorship that had power when Franco died did not contain the seed of democracy and neither the king, nor the new chief of state, offered the best guarantees in that moment.

The politicians and bureaucrats formed in the administration of the francoist state had in their hands the repressive machine and the consent of an important part of the educated population during the years of distrust towards political change, identified with the values of authority, security and order. Without Franco there wouldn’t have been francoism, but the francoists that led the democracy at the time, benefited from the fears of the public and their beloved dictatorship had disseminated throughout the decades: the fear of disorder and protest, the tiresome negative propaganda circulated about the “red” political parties and about the opposition, and the traumatic memory of the civil war, with the well-worn theory that it could happen again.

It’s true that from underneath there was a powerful social pressure that, exerted by associations of neighbours, students, unions, Christian communities, intellectuals and professionals, tried to break the ultra-conservative positions, of the deep rooted government, that prevented the transition towards a system of liberties. But the project of the Political Reform Law conceived by Adolfo Suárez and Torcuato Fernández Miranda passed through the francoist courts, behind offering important concessions to the group of dignitaries that, around Manuel Fraga, ended up founding the Popular Alliance (Alianza Popular), and was approved in a referendum on December 15, 1976 with an elevated participation, 77% of the registered voters, even though in the Basque Country it remained at 54%, and 94% were affirmative votes, even though the democratic opposition had requested abstention. The promise of peace, order and stability was Suárez’s great trick to set the rhythm and the rules of the game and to mobilize a great number of people. With this help to the political reform, they ruled out the “democratic rupture” and a popular inquest to decide on the continuity of the Monarchy.

In the following two years, the story started to accelerate amid agreements, pacts, fundamental decisions and democratic participation. The process of legal reform ended up in the celebration of the general elections in June 1977, 40 years after the last elections when the Second Republic was able to preside. The passing of the constitution at the end of 1978 was accompanied by the Law of Amnesty, passed on October 15, 1977. Because of this law, and amongst other reasons, they renounced both the opening of investigations and the demand for justice regarding “crimes committed by civil servants against the exercising of people’s rights.” There are those who believe that this forgotten political pact of the past, stamped by the elites coming from Franco’s regime and the forces of the opposition, was indicative of Spanish democracy. In reality, the fear of the Armed Forces, the traumatic memory of the war, and the repression conditioned the public voice and political culture (or rather lack thereof) of millions of citizens. At that moment, the stage was dominated by the economic crisis, social conflicts, the terrorism of both the Basque ETA and of the extreme right, and the threat of military involution. This democratic process was based on the deals and negotiations of the political elite with the left and right parties for rigid structures and closed lists that did not encourage the affiliation or participation of civil society. The majority of the people accepted this and the dissident voices could not advance by other means because they did not have the available resources either.

The consolidation of democracy since the socialist triumph in the elections of October 1982 brought enormous benefits to Spanish society. This lead to the development of the autonomous model, the expansion of the welfare state (with fiscal politics of the redistribution of wealth), the integration of Spain in the European institutions and the supremacy of civil power over the military. Militarism occurred throughout history and, in spite of the existence of ETA, violence became a legacy of the dictatorship that democracy has not been able to destroy. This violence is no longer a vehicle of political action between us.

But it would soon be confirmed that Spanish democratization and modernization was accompanied by high doses of corrupt practices, speculation, fraud, and private negotiations at the expense of tax payers by those who didn’t want to put a stop to the governments or the political parties. The parties, on the other hand, were surrounded by friends and loyal people who defended the leader and his own interests. They seldom came up with a plan of coherent decisions destined to last.

The political, social, economic and cultural evolution of the last three decades constitutes the major period of stability and liberty of the contemporary history of Spain. Little or nothing remains of the romantic and adventurous vision of the foreign travellers who, until not many decades ago, saw Spain as a preindustrial territory distanced from Europe. It was a country saddled between the tradition of a few distinct regions and the modernity of others, obstinate in its backwardness and incapable of overcoming its traumatic history. Around the middle of the 20th century Gerald Brenan still described it as an “enigmatic and disconcerting” territory.

Paradoxically, when democracy appeared the most absent, after leaving behind the most disastrous parts of the authoritarian legacy of Franco’s regime, new coercions and threats made us doubt our political model. Some of the powers that be prevent us from searching and freely investigating our violent past. This prevents the political, legal and moral reparations of the victims of the civil war and of the dictatorship. Many politicians, in addition to not doing anything to face this, show a cynical attitude towards the corruption that implicates them, proud of the protection that they exert on their electorate. We citizens are very distant from the places of political decision and the political parties concentrate power excessively within their leaders and closest friends. Nobody seems willing to launch the changes and reforms that better the quality of our democracy, place the democratic institutions above the corporative and biased interests, and strengthen civil society. That’s the way things are.

analysis crime Mexico

Five myths in the US about drug trafficking in Mexico

Post author By Jon
Post date June 14, 2010
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Translated by Mohammad Movassaghi.

Ultimately after reading the translated version, the target audience should come away with an educated and objective view of the reality of the drug trade on the ground in Mexico relative to the spin US news media. This should help to diffuse negative and inflammatory stereotypes with regard to Mexican culture.

Source text: “Cinco mitos en Estados Unidos sobre el narco en México”.

“Five myths in the US about drug trafficking in Mexico”
By Carlos Chirinos

Mexico is in the US media almost everyday, but it is usually only about bad news: drug trafficking and the violence associated with the struggle between drug cartels and Mexican state officials.

The American public’s view seems to fluctuate between feelings that these tragic stories take place in a distant, lawless land with no connection, and the need for alarm that the violence is spreading at an accelerated pace.

Recently at the Woodrow Wilson Center’s Mexican Institute, the centre of American political studies published a paper in the Washington Post about the disinformation in the US about Mexico.

The institute’s director, Andrew Seele who is one of the author’s of the paper, told BBC how this “myth” often prevents citizens, politicians and media from understanding what happens south of the border.

Myth 1: indiscriminate violence

The paper points out that there has been an increase in drug related violence due to the struggle between cartels for control of trafficking routes in the US, the primary market for their goods.

“Violence in Mexico has regional overtones, while others are still in relative peaceful. We must recognize that overall Mexico has similar crime rates, and in some cases less than some neighboring countries”, said Steele.

Although in his investigations Steele says the majority of the victims are drug dealing gang members (there are few civilians killed in the “line of fire”, while soldiers and police account for 7% of the casualties according to the article), he recognizes that in some cities there are troubling levels of violence.

Ciudad Juarez, in the state of Juarez, for instance is frequently cited, where since 2006 more than 5000 people have died because of the war on drugs.

Myth 2: A lost cause

Studies done at the Wilson Centre cited a survey by the Mexican newspaper Goals, in which 59% of respondents believed that the cartels were winning the battle against the government. This feeling is shared by most Americans.

Nonetheless, Seele believes that this is an inaccurate view and refers to the police successes against drug traffickers, for instance the capture of Arellano Felix, head of the Tijuana cartel.

“In the long term, the Mexican government has the ability to change what is today a national security issue into a public safety issue, says Steele who notes that this would require shoring up weak justice institutions.

The authors of the study assert the urgent need to modernize and professionalize Mexican courts and police. They believe the constitutional reform of 2008 is a good starting point.

Myth 3: Corruption and drug trafficking

American citizens and figures of authority have come to view Mexican security forces with suspicion, and in the recent past they have had their reasons.

Last year, the Fiscal Investigation Agency was disbanded for alleged corruption. The head of Interpol Mexico, Prosecutor officials, regional and local police chiefs, hundreds of officers and several mayors have been arrested for association with organized crime.

Sometimes it seems like an internal battle between parts of the state. There are officials who are fighting crime and there are those who collaborate with organized crime. There are positive signs however, at least fundamental ones. Above all there are brave journalists and civic leaders who seek to hold the government accountable to the citizens according to Steele.

Nonetheless Steele recognizes “that it will be a major struggle to alter the tide of corruption in any part of the state.”

Myth 4: Mexican Problem

This is perhaps the most widespread and unfounded myth, because the drug trade is a bilateral market.

“The money that finances organized crime is courtesy of US consumerism. Weapons are for the most part imported illegally from the US. We are talking about a cyclical narcotics market ranging from south to north, and money and arms from north to south”, according to Steele.

Americans spend $60 billion on illegal drugs, and it is estimated that $39 billion of this amount is transferred out of the country and into the bank accounts of drug traffickers.

Since President Barack Obama assumed power, he and his cabinet have recognized the co-responsibility the US has in controlling the problem of having the primary target market that traffickers seek. The government has announced it will focus on programs to reduce consumption.

Myth 5: The violence comes from the south

The recent executions of three Americans associated with the consulate in Juarez reactivated the concerns of those warning that cartel violence is corrupting the border region.

Even the US media warned that the problem could be reaching remote areas of the border such as Phoenix, Arizona which has been dubbed the nation wide capital for kidnappings.

Nonetheless, El Paso, Texas has one of the lowest crime rates in the US despite being at the forefront of Juarez, which is regarded as one of the most violent places on the continent.

Andrew Seele recognizes that “there is violence associated with drug trafficking in the US, but it is a matter of local violence.

“The Mexican groups operating in the US try not to draw attention because they fear the authorities have the ability to pursue, and prosecute them.” Although imperfect in the US, there is an institutional framework that complicates the life of organized crime, and it also aspires towards to Mexico, and Mexican society.

Experts from the Woodrow Wilson centre the impression held by many citizens, and above all many congressman that Mexico is heading towards failed state status, as were considered Afghanistan and Somalia. This is perhaps the myth most feared by Americans.

analysis Bolivia politics

Yes to Autonomy! No to Cliques!

Post author By Jon
Post date June 14, 2010
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Translated by Natalia Moreno.

When looking for an article to translate, I picked an opinion article that would take a stance on the polemic issue of autonomy in Santa Cruz, Bolivia. There are two points to be made: 1) I understand the issue 2) I have my own biases and opinions about the issue. Thus, I picked an article written by an opinion writer outside my network to limit the opportunities of transposing my own opinions to those of the writer.

Source text: “Autonomías sí, logias no”.

“Yes to Autonomy! No to Cliques!”
By Omar Quiroga Antelo

Translator’s Note: In Bolivia, political tension has increased over the past seven years. Ever since Gonzalo Sanchez de Lozada was forced out of presidency, the political landscape has changed significantly. For the first time in history, Bolivia has an indigenous president, Evo Morales. Evo’s presidency is a source of great debate.

Santa Cruz, a province on the eastern side of the country far removed from the capital, wantsautonomy. As there are significant cultural, economic, geographic, and political differences between the two sides of the country, many of their arguments are justified.

Still, there are a lot of mixed fillings within Santa Cruz. Given the divide between rich and poor in the region, tensions arise between the leaders of the region representing the different sub-groups. In the following passage, Omar Quiroga Antelo expresses his dislike for the wealthy, upper class of the region. He disapproves of their actions and opinions and says to represent the poor.

I’m compelled to write this article given the recent developments in Santa Cruz de la Sierra. A small group of individuals that is said to “represent” Santa Cruz has proposed dividing our beloved nation. Having the muscle to control all mass media, the group makes waves in taking a stance and voicing an opinion. Despite only representing a select few, their intentions are to speak for all of us cruceños and cruceñas. Indeed, they have characteristics not inherent of the “camba de verdad.”

a) Elite Cliques: The power groups’ main objective is to add additional dollars to their accounts and distribute them amongst their close relatives. In protecting the region and promoting autonomy, they are indeed protecting their own interests. Don’t get me wrong, I support autonomy but not their pursuit for autonomy.

As a province, we’ve budgeted 100 million dollars to city hall, 140 million to the municipality, 15 million to Saguapac, 30 million to CRE amongst others. These budgets are intended for development, fundraising, savings, and others investments, but are usually misspent.

Who manages these funds? Not the poor. It is the rich families that seek control over all levels of these major institutions.

Funny enough, Marinkovic, Teodovich, Matkovic, Dadboub, etc. are foreign last names of counties destroyed by wars between these related cliques. These people did not get along with each other and now expect to break up our country and for us to fight amongst Bolivians.

b) Carnaval-like: Where were these cruceños when Johnny and Roberto made our city an open market? Where were they when these brothers practically robed us pocketing all our earnings to orchestrate their “star” projects? Where were they when Johnny would come to our neighborhoods prior to elections and hand down 20 to 50 bolivianos to visit his electoral podium while the camaras rolled? Where were they when our babies were dying at the maternity ward because the budget had been misspent by the Fernandez family?

Where were these fake cruceños? They were nowhere to be found! At this time, they were celebrating our misfortunes.

c) Subsidized by the State: These power families have controlled state-funded initiatives like the fund for agricultural development. They would take out credits and did not repay them. Thus, our tax money went to subsidize their spending.

Thus, when commercial banks would go bankrupt we would come to learn of their misdeeds. The numbers disclosed include 60 million dollars taken by the Landivar family, 25 million by the Tarabillos, and 60 million in tax evasion by the Fernandez.

d) Anti-nationalist: On October 17th 2003, these families drove us out of the central plaza. A group of cruceños had gathered to plead for justice for the death in El Alto. We were asking for the president’s resignation. We wanted the corrupt man out!

As our actions did not please these families, we were pushed out of the plaza. Indeed, they proved that they were the city “machos” after pushing out the poor. They even manipulated a group of young individuals with messages of hatred and racism to defend the province in their honour.

Given the situation, it is my duty to show the other face of Santa Cruz: the city of the honest, humble citizen.

a) Santa Cruz is multicultural: we are a large population with people from diverse origins. We have cambas, collas, chapacos, chiquitanos, ayoreos, guarayos, guaranis, yurcares, and others that love our Santa Cruz. They wish for a Santa Cruz of opportunities and not one that cultivates the interests of only the rich.

b) Santa Cruz is mostly poor: In our province, the “cambas de verdad” are those outside the cliques; the “cambas de verdad” value hospitality, justice, and honesty. They live in La Villa Primero de Mayo, El Plan 3000, La Pampa de la Isla, and La Oriental. They are employees of agricultural empires that work the land day and night. Some of us are professionals that manage hectares of land for a miserable salary. We are “cambas de verdad”!

c) Santa Cruz is nationalistic. Many of us professionals studied in other cities of Bolivia. We have shared our culture and experienced those of others. In fact, a guy from Oruro wrote our favorite song, “Viva Santa Cruz”!

Why not make the best of our diversity? The magnificent and beautiful cruceñas recently ran a fashion show in a few cities in the east to expand their brand into the Andinian markets. Why not make the best of our diversity? Isn’t it so that El Alto, La Paz, Cochabamba consume a great portion of the rice, sugar, and fruit that we produce? Why not make the best of our diversity?

In conclusion, we have to let everyone know we don’t agree with the opinions and actions of the elique cliques. Santa Cruz is more than just cliques! “Cambas de verdad” inhabit this region!

“Cambas de verdad” have been viewed as a mass of simple peasants during election time. The irony is that we do not agree with the actions of our “bad” leaders. Their campaigns don’t full us. we are aware of their obscure paths.

Viva Santa Cruz! Yes to autonomies, but with respect to others!

analysis Chile news

Earthquake in Chile

Translated by Caroline Letourneau.

I chose two very different articles on the same topic; the Chilean earthquake of February 27, 2010. My principal reasons are because they discuss a recent event, that affected the lives of millions people, the stability of Chile, have foster the solidarity action in the Southern Cone and generated global compassion. This event and its consequences will mark forever Chileans and the history of their country. Moreover, as living in Vancouver, British Columbia where a convergence of two tectonic plates causes the earthquakes felt in the area, we are us too exposed to the eventuality of a great earthquake. Perhaps we can learn some lessons from the Chilean experience.

Source texts: “Terremoto en Chile: tierra, agua, aire y fuego” and “Repercusiones del terremoto en Chile”.

Chile’s Earthquake: Land, Water, Air, and Fire
Cristóbal Orrego, March 1st 2010

I am not going to sketch out a cold analysis, when I have my heart flooded with sorrow.

Chile is a country of wild land, trembling, and rebellious, which bears in its bowels the power of fire. Since Pedro de Valdivia founded the capital city of Santiago in 1941, we have always lived between war trumpets and cries of protests, between fire and floods, and especially between earthquakes . We were not surprised by this disaster of February 27, 2010 for a disaster never surprises a Chilean . Ask any Chilean, anywhere in the world, no one would have denied that we were waiting for it. Between the 1960 earthquake and the 1985 one, half a century; between the 1985earthquake and the 2010 one, half a century. Everyone was waiting for it. There are already a thousand dead. Near me, because now everything is close, there are dead and injured; mutilated, undernourished, and dehydrated ones. The balm of international aid arrives slowly , for it arrived rapidly but we were stunned. Also, Opus Dei bishop, Don Javier Echevarria, before noon, was accompanying his faithful with a very heartfelt letter of his own hand, encouraging everyone to pray, to sustain hope, and to help everywhere.

The authorities lost hours-more than one day-wondering whether or not to bring the military into the streets, while in some cities looting broke loose. Yes, it is understandable, they were scared partly because by those terrible memories of a couple decades old: But now, now, minute by minute modest and defenceless villagers demanded armed protection! Even last night, someone from a southern city was telling that a band of twenty years olds raided homes after curfew. It is when the earth trembles, that the insides of souls are revealed. Yesterday I saw modest people sharing their water, their food, their energy. Yesterday I saw people crying, and I saw people comforting. Most Chileans are like that: they have fire in the heart, like the fire that from below is bursting our land.

But a few do not have fire, but dirt in the soul. It took too long before the authority started to suppress the offenders with the necessary strength! It is a shame to take advantage of the misery of others, to be oblivious to pain and sadness.

The fury of the sea stroke strong, flattened houses and cars, dragged men, women and children. I am thinking of a young woman, inconsolable, unable to retain her four and two year’s old children. And she too, later, was dragged by the sea which denied taking her life. The sea denied killing anyone not wanting to live. This young mother will have to live, sorely, flooded by sorrow, with the deep scar that the infinite cruelty of the sea imprinted on her life. The sea did not despise taking the life her young babies. Now her only chance to keep on living with this pain is if she bares an unshakable faith in eternal life. Rest in peace, may your spirit be present in the family that remains down here mourning.

Friends, I apologize for failing to consider things as should have done an intellectual. Some will ask-So what? – What are worth brainy analysis before the immensity of land, water, air and fire, if life escapes us? Yes, I apologize . Because from the depths of my soul I can only say that, if there is no eternal life, if the telluric forces have the last word, if we are to live without hope, then the truth is that it does not matter to die in a great earthquake or to live slowly for things that now can seems so insignificant. Because if the last word is of this imperturbably trembling land; the fire of solidarity that arises these days from and the Chilean people is surreal And if the water that gives life, solely kills in the end, therefore these words, and theirs, and whichever, are air and dust, air and nothing.

Earthquake Consequences in Chile
Francisco Pineda Zamorano, March 1st, 2010

Mindful of the earthquake victims, their families, the thousands of injured, and the two millions homeless, I would like to focus this note on the implications that will have for Chile the terrible earthquake of last Friday. Chile is one of the most prosperous countries of the continent with an average annual GDP growth of 4.1% in the last 15 years. It is true that there are serious problems of redistribution of wealth in the country . There still remain large areas of poverty. However , it is also true that investments in infrastructure, communication, health and education have benefited all Chileans. Chile’s economy is strong and its growing trend was indicating that it could have been considered a developed country in 2020. Its success depends primarily on the diversity and competitiveness of its export oriented economy.

The consequences of the earthquake on the Chilean economic and social machine of progress send the country back (overnight) several positions behind in socio-economic growth index. This also postpones the mandatory investments planned for the country in the coming years . Some experts suggest that at least 10 years will be necessary to return to the level of economic development , of January 2010 . In other words, nature plays nasty tricks and spoils decades of planning pushing the country backward once again.

Chileans are an entrepreneurial people, capable, lucid, and creative. They will find ways to keep on going forward . I have no doubt about it. However, they could use a little help from the international community. It is urgent to renegotiate the Chilean debt to obtain its partial if not total remission. It is urgent to reconsider the geographical priority of Spanish cooperation and return to include Chile as one of the outmost important country, at least for the next 10 years. It is urgent that NGO’s resume their work in Chile especially concentrating their efforts with those who always remain outside institutional intervention.

The country is not yet completely reduced to rubble, however one can almost be certain that the number of dead and injured reported will increase. We must show our solidarity to this beloved country in order that it recovers quickly.

analysis education

Teachers: Do We Evaluate Each Other Whilst Evaluating?

Post author By Jon
Post date May 10, 2010
1 Comment on Teachers: Do We Evaluate Each Other Whilst Evaluating?

Translated by Alice Comi.

I offered my services to the Swiss Federal Institute for Vocational Education and Training (SFIVET), for which I sometimes work as a translator. After some research we finally agreed on a text about evaluation and teachers’ self evaluation that will be useful for a European project called “Parenting” that focuses on parents training in intercultural contexts. English is the common language for the project, and for the majority of the participants is a second or third language. For this reason I will try to keep the sentence structure very simple. However, I will not attempt any explanation of technical terminology based on the assumption that it is already acquired.

Source text: “Los docentes: ¿nos evaluamos cuando evaluamos?”

Teachers: Do we Evaluate Each Other Whilst Evaluating?
Marcelo E. Albornoz

The intention of this paper is to take up again a theme that is central to the pedagogical agenda: the evaluation of teaching and learning processes. In order to do this, we should acknowledge in advance the complexity of the theme and the compromises made in the educational system that are necessary to reach a basic consensus. Said consensus neutralizes the discretionary aspects that still persist on the agenda.

Evaluation of educational processes is one of the most important moments for the parties involved. It is the situation in which the asymmetry between teachers and students is the most evident. This happens because there is generally a one-way analysis of the student performance, realized by the teacher. It is however quite infrequent to have a holistic perspective on the complex process that the analysis implies.

Evaluation is the process of identification and obtaining of information – useful and descriptive – close to the value and merit of the goals, the planning and the impact of a stated object. Its aim is to serve as a guide in decision making, in finding solutions for problems of responsibility, and in promoting comprehension of the phenomena involved” (Stufflebeam)

In accordance with this definition, evaluation is a judgment of value that does not always reach a proper consensus, firstly because of the school institution itself, including board of directors and teachers; and secondly between teachers and students. Evaluation is a process of assessment that holds taking pedagogical decisions as its principal purpose.

There are different options and techniques in this process, among which the emphasis goes on observation, exposition, dialogue, interviews and different kinds of “testing” methods. The case of didactical evaluation, for its complexity, acquires polysemous characteristics that are based upon a subjective theory – ideology – that has a lot to do with the personal and professional history of the teacher.

With this in mind, the educator has to try neutralizing discretional assessments about his or her students. For this purpose, an adequate solution would be to refer said evaluation to the objectives and the expected achievements that all teachers set out in their refined plans. These have to be the result of the teacher’s experiences, of the opinions shared with their field or department colleagues, and of “diagnostics evaluations” of the class as a group. This, although redundant, is not common. It is a challenge to look at the situation from a different angle, and that requires an institutional culture to empower it.

For many reasons, cooperation among teachers is not easy to achieve; and not because the professional educators do not acknowledge its importance, but rather because the complexity and particularity of their task, cooperation is not properly promoted within an establishment, or because there is no space and time for it to happen. Another important matter to take into account is that of sharing relevant information about the course and, in particular, about the students. In this sense, the direction of studies, the psychopedagogic office, the tutors and/or preceptors have to form a focus group to exchange information about human aspects of the students. To omit such aspects during the evaluation could result in “incomprehensible” failures in judging the students performance.

Evaluation is therefore something more than a matter of didactical pedagogy. For its characteristics and implications, it goes beyond the classroom, having to focus its educational institution analysis in a much larger sense. The evaluation of the refined plans is competence of the institution, for said institution cannot avoid neither the evaluating of its teachers nor the risky results. The scholastic organization has to permanently approach this topic, favouring institutional spaces for it to be discussed; general criteria, ground rules, techniques, proofs and implications need to be agreed upon. With respect to those basics, it is essential to agree in order to evaluate, and as already said, an evaluation always happens so that a judgment of the student performance can be made. However, the teaching strategies put into practice need to be included as well.

As for techniques, though each field has its own specifics, the teacher body should reach a basic consensus about the instruments to be used to carry out the evaluation process, exceeding the sterile debates between the supporters of quantity versus the “opponents” supporters of quality. The most convenient solution is to adopt a methodological diversity that only the teacher can consider as the most adequate in the context and development of his or her class.

Evidence is another very important aspect in working together having to agree upon the quantity and quality of minimum signs that significantly represent the true performance of the students. For this it is necessary to record and categorize the refined development in the conceptual, procedural, and attitudinal aspects. According to Cesar Coll, this inclusion implies contemplating in the teacher’s own practice a determined kind of cultural forms and knowledge, among others, of which the importance is unquestionable. Lastly, the implications held by the results of the evaluative process are not less important. The numeral or conceptual indicators are nothing more than the exteriorization of the “subject” student attitudes, and not always are an accurate reflection of his or her ability. In some cases they represent a very different meta-message that the teacher needs to decode to understand the true situation since personal, intellectual and emotional aspects can be at stake.

In summary, the complex evaluation process should not be underestimated, and it should be kept in mind that the teachers do evaluate the students, though they also have to evaluate the teaching strategies, their pertinence and efficacy.

Works cited

Stufflebeam. Novedades Educativas. Vol. 117. p. 13.

Bibliography

Santos Guerra, Miguel Ángel. Evaluación Educativa. Magisterio del Río de la Plata, Bs. As 1996.

Camilloni, A. and others. La evaluación de los aprentizajes en el debate didáctico contemporáneo. Paidos 1998.

Zabalza, M. Áreas, Medios y Evaluación. Narcea, Madrid 1987.

analysis Colombia news

Blogging for Colombia

Translated by Patrick Russell

I searched around some Spanish media websites and came across some opinion blogs written by newspaper columnists about various issues in Colombia. Blogging is a relatively new phenomenon in the e-world, but its popularity is growing rapidly as it provides people with a public way of expressing their own personal opinions about various topics. So, I thought that translating a collecting of blog posts by the same writer would be an interesting final project as it is a good reflection of what I feel is the goal of this final project.

All of the following posts are written by Janeth Acevedo as part of the blog section for the Colombian newspaper La República.

Source texts: “Los 513.000 desempleados de Bogotá, el histórico karma”, “Se marchita el Polo en Bogotá”, “Sin problemas a la entrada de Eldorado”.

513,000 Unemployed in Bogota, the Historic Karma
April 5th, 2010

In Bogota, we get used to seeing delays in road work and issues of security stealing news headlines. However, other equally severe problems like the high rate of unemployment in the city go unnoticed.

This is one of the historic karmas of the capital, which keeps growing with every passing month; but, hardly anyone seems to care.

The figures could not be more disturbing. According to a report from the National Administrative Department of Statistics, the unemployment rate in the city reached 12.9% during the quarter from December (2009) to February (2010). This corresponds to a 1.6% increase from the figure reported one year ago.

The preceding statistics mean that there are 513 000 people without jobs in Colombia’s capital, 89 000 more than the same period from 2009.

Even more troubling is that while the level of unemployment has increased by 20%, that of employment has only increased by a measly 3.03%. In effect, the number of people with some sort of work changed from 3.3 million to 3.4 million.

The bad figures are mimicked in the data for underemployment, which increased by 19.5%. In the city, there are 1.1 million residents who are dissatisfied with their jobs which is either due to low salaries, the type of labor they perform or hours worked.

It is certain that this is not an easy problem to solve since the arrival of people from other cities searching for employment opportunities is spiraling out of control. The attraction to the city is due to the nearly 300 000 companies that are based in the capital. Nevertheless, cities like Bucarmanga, where there has been a focus on entrepreneurship and the creation of small and medium sized businesses to boost the level of employment(coincidentally is the city with the lowest unemployment rates in the country), should be taken as examples. Another successful example is that of the Colombian Coffee-Grower’s Axis, where governments in the region fervently created plans to generate work in reaction to social problems in the area.

The private sector must also play its part in this matter to make Bogota a more competitive and productive city.

The Pole Fades Away in Bogota
March 15th, 2010

It doesn’t seem strange that the Democratic Pole has lost power in Bogota. Even though the results of last Sunday’s elections came as a surprise to some of the Pole’s followers, the nonconformity of mayor Samuel Moreno Rojas’ administration is certainly to blame for the electoral loss.

No one is going to deny that leader is working hard. However, the residents of Bogota have not been content with the events and decisions from recent months. Problems with contracts and delays in the road work on Avenue El Dorado, the mess of public transit and the recent hold on transports by the Integrated Public Transport System not only tarnished the image of Moreno, but also the entire left party. This image was also reflected in the polls.

If there was one area where members of the Pole felt calm, it was Bogota. No less could be expected, given that when Samuel was elected over two years ago, the vote was heavily one sided and it was thought that the trend would be similar — although obviously not in the same proportion since the political machinery of the U was in full force.

Indeed, in the elections for the House of Representatives, votes for the presidential candidate Juan Manuel Santos’ party exceeded 410 000, which constitutes 30% of the vote in the country’s capital.

These results inevitably have the Pole thinking, as the U21 practically doubled its results. The yellow movement nearly had 216,000 votes, which represents 15% of the vote.

Hopefully the president can move forward. He still has almost two years left to demonstrate that he is a good leader and he should be left to his work, not only for the sake of his party, his image and his political future, but also for the welfare of all who live in the city. More specifically, the city needs the Transmilenio (Rapid Bus System) the Integrated Public Transport System projects to resolve quickly so that efficient transportation is guaranteed.

On another note, the amount of apathy towards the vote in Bogota is impressive. This past election will be recorded as one of the most abstentious. Of the 4.7 million people eligible to vote, only 1.8 million exercised their right. Could it be that it lacked candidates with more proposals and less politicking?

Eldorado’s Entrance Free of Problems
February 15th, 2010

After the the delays in the Phase 3 projects of Transmilenio due to the mess with Nule and the constant traffic jams on Avenue El Dorado, something good has finally happened for Bogota’s mayor, Samuel Moreno Rojas – for now at least.

I speak of the route to Eldorado International Airport’s closure. Many of us have doubts about the changes to the north causeway.

In fact, we expected monumental traffic jams that were worse than usual. However, much to our surprise the road was properly marked and transit officials were coordinating traffic flow. Most of the clueless drivers were from the public service who became disoriented at the peak of the roundabout despite having two stops on the service roads to allow the passing and going of passengers.

At the front of the terminal, things were slightly more complicated due to the quantity of vehicles that were aiming to return to the east of the capital. In the end though, everything is running smoothly enough that it is not necessary to arrive at the airport early to avoid missing your flight.

Hopefully, the feelings of contentment with the traffic organization will last for the two years that it will take for the new passenger terminal to be constructed by Opain under the Eldorado Modernization and Expansion Plan.

analysis Chile news politics

Earthquake Unveils Hidden Chile

Post author By Jon
Post date May 1, 2010
No Comments on Earthquake Unveils Hidden Chile

Translated by Karen Chang

The ST is from Jorge Ramos’ recent article “Dos Chiles Tras el Sismo,” first published in March 2010, after the Chilean earthquake. The article is an opinion article that examines the underlying social problems such as inequality and poverty in Chile. The ST belongs to a hybrid genre within the written discourse. The ST contains factual reference of the earthquake, which situates the text in the descriptive genre. However, the ST also has a persuasive function that seeks to express the author’s opinion, and his interpretation on the situation.

Source text: “Dos Chiles tras el sismo”

Earthquake Unveils Hidden Chile
Jorge Ramos
March 8, 2010

It’s not about the 8.8 magnitude earthquake that has split Chile into two. What happened is that the earthquake has uncovered the reality of two Chiles. The first Chile is the one marketed abroad : modern, avant-garde, industrious , a country of free trade agreements, an almost first world nation. The other one is the Chile that wasn’t invite to the party, the one who didn’t board the development bus , the home for those ignored by the residents of the Mint Palace (Chile’s Presidential Palace) and the intact skyscrapers of capital Santiago.

This is the ‘primitive Chile’ , according to diplomat and writer Jorge Edwards. It has always been there, he commented, but not many noticed it, until the earthquake shook off the veil . The best evidence of the existence of two Chiles emerged during the riots in the city of Concepción a few hours after the earthquake. The violence caught everyone by surprise . Thousands of Chileans from the ignored Chile felt disconnected and completely isolated from the rest of the country and the central government. They went to the streets to sack shops and supermarkets. Some of them were after food for their families . Others took advantage of the chaos and stole Plasma TVs and refrigerators in a city that didn’t even have electricity. No wonder many Chileans were horrified at the thefts and looting. But, like the filmmaker Jorge Ulla commented, poverty cannot be hidden .

In Chile, as the rest of Latin America, the richest ten percent of the population earns more than half of the nation’s income. The poor continue to be terribly poor, and can barely survive. These poor people were the ones who complained of the absence of aid. They were the ones who were attacked by the army when the president Michelle Bachelet finally decided to send soldiers to control the disturbances a few days later. I can understand her hesitation in making that decision. The army has not attacked the people ever since the cruel era of General Augusto Pinochet . Even Bachelet’s own father died during the dictatorship. It was not an easy decision, but she hesitated too long. That was her first mistake.

Chilean’s fear towards the army seems hereditary. It’s as though it has been passed down from generation to generation through their genes. I have never seen a Latin American country respect their army so much. “Not even a bird flies without authorization” a military told me. He wasn’t joking. The journalists had to submit. We could only enter Concepción with a safe-conduct permit from the military. The curfew only allowed people go out from their houses for six hours a day to look for water and food. However, sometimes this was an impossible task. It was incredible to see that almost every business and office closed for days in the second biggest city of the country.

The second mistake was Bachelet’s government not warning the inhabitants of the towns on the southern coast the risk of a tsunami after Saturday’s earthquake. The army had already admitted their mistake. But it was tragic that many lives were lost because of bureaucratic inefficiency. The Third mistake was that Chiles’ reputation of self- reliance crumbled a few days after the earthquake. A government official stated that offers of international aid would be studied. But he mentioned nothing about accepting them. The vague and inept response stopped international aid when lives could be saved, and the populations in the most affected areas could receive help.

President Bachelet did not say anything about the minister’s statement and it took her six days to clarify that Chile never turned down international aid. I suppose that the sight of Peruvian President Alan Garcia offering help — in spite of the two countries’ long-standing maritime disputes and historical tensions – was too difficult for Chile’s politicians to swallow . But these are extraordinary moments.

The Fourth mistake was that the aid did not go to the people most affected by the earthquake. I talked to many people in the city who lost their homes, who were living on the streets, and hadn’t received a single piece of bread . This made the president’s earlier statement that there had been no interruption in food and gasoline provisions seem utterly absurd . If Bachelet walked a few blocks without bodyguards, she would realize that this was not true.

The fifth mistake was Bachelet’s paralysis in the Mint Palace . The earthquake overwhelmed Bachelet. The Chileans wanted her to be in control of the situation. But, she delayed to visit the worst hit towns and cities. Mind you , she was a good president in normal times but not during times of crisis.

Now, it’s the new president Sebastian Piñera’s turn, to fulfill the expectations of the people. His mission, he said, is not about rebuilding the country, but to rebuild it better. And it’s true. Chile’s fundamental problems are not the cracks caused by the earthquake or the cities destroyed by the Tsunami. The fundamental problem is that some people kept pace with modernity, but did not realize that millions of their countrymen were left behind, without hope, and without a way to catch up. With the collision of tectonic plates, the Chilean society may foresee what is to come. If the tension caused by inequality is not relieved , then the next problem might be greater. Piñera’s challenge will be to unite two Chiles into one. If he doesn’t, the country runs the risk of experiencing a shock even greater than the Feb. 27 quake.

analysis culture Ecuador politics

Ecotourism and Climate Change in Latin America

Post author By Jon
Post date May 1, 2010
2 Comments on Ecotourism and Climate Change in Latin America

Translated by Lucie Bardos

Both of the ST’s are popular media articles that can be found online. ST1 is from AFP (Agence France Presse) and can be found through Google News, and ST2 is from a Latin American news website, which deals primarily with the issues surrounding nature conservation and sustainability, called “Ecoportal” (www.ecoportal.net). ST1 talks about a small-scale ecotourism business, in the effort to gain economic self-sustainability, initiated by a group of Ecuadorian indigenous people after successful land reclamation from a previous hacienda owner. ST2, on the other hand, talks about some of the main issues that Latin America as a whole will be faced with in the coming years as a result of climate change, and the role that governments should have in managing the risks associated with climate change.

Indigenous People in Ecuador Discover Ecotourism as a Last Hope
By Alexander Martínez (APF) – 18/02/2010

Source text: “Indígenas ecuatorianos hallan en el ecoturismo su tabla de salvación”

PIÑAN, ECUADOR – A marvel of nature in the Andes has become the last hope for an Ecuadorian indigenous community that, after many years, has succeeded in obtaining a chunk of the roughly 27,000-hectare piece of land belonging to an old hacienda owner. Now, the indigenous community is putting its money on adventure tourism.

Colossal mountains of green and ochre that seem to have been outlined by a paintbrush, rivers, lakes, vultures, and foxes all make up the Piñan landscape. Piñan is a village at 3,170 meters above sea level, which 180 Caraqui indigenous people (who long ago faced the Incan Empire in battle) now call home.

Piñan is located in the Cotacachi-Cayapas Ecological Reserve, one of the biggest and most ecologically diverse reserves in Ecuador. It also makes up part of a 27,000-hectare hacienda that belonged to a Spanish lord in the colonial period, which now belongs to a non-indigenous family-owned agriculture business.

Even though Piñan is 54 kilometers away from Ibarra, the nearest urban centre, the trip from Piñan to Ibarra takes 4 hours by car due to bad road conditions. The journey, nevertheless, offers a trip back in time through postcard scenes, such as those of the Pucares – perfect concentric rings that served as indigenous fortresses on mountaintops.

“This community has been historically forced into subservience. It’s a prototype of Ecuadorian haciendas, in which the indigenous people were kept captive and were transferred from owner to owner with the property,” says Iván Suárez, Public Relations officer of the indigenous collective and member of the Cordillera NGO, which supports the community tourism project.

The idea began to take shape 10 years ago after a rebellion by the indigenous people, who had become tired of working for the landowner. They began a process of reclaiming the land, alleging that there had been violations of both their ancestral rights and their labor rights.

“They were prohibited from passing through the door to the hacienda; there were threats, assaults. On top of neglect, they had to endure the fact that the owner, who wanted them outside, humiliated them”, remembers Suarez, who also claims that the owner only paid 400 USD a year in property tax.

The request made by the indigenous people ended with the landowner conceding 1,200 hectares of land where the high altitude grassland plains kiss the clouds. After the settlement, the indigenous group created a company that would offer guides, as well as carriage rides and trail rides on horseback.

However, the plan fell short for an indigenous community that cultivates crops for subsistence, and that can barely sell one broad bean harvest a year for the set price, according to Rigoberto Rodríguez (known as ‘Don Rigo’), one of the denizens of Piñan.

From this need arose the proposal for the construction of a mountain refuge for adventure-seekers. The European Union (EU) contributed 60,000 USD and the indigenous group pledged 30 “mingas” (communal working days) for the construction of a lodge capable of accommodating 20 people, between last July and December.

“We are very proud. We never imagined having something like this”, affirms Rodríguez, a 55 year-old guide overflowing with youthful energy as he accompanies the horseback rides on foot. For the purpose of being able to offer these rides, each indigenous family contributed one horse.

The lodge, whose comforts contrast with the humble indigenous communal huts, had its official opening last weekend, just in time for the annual Huairasinchi Adventure Competition (a race which forms part of the Adventure Racing World Series). The contestants of the race were due to pass through the town of Piñan, which also happens to boast views of several volcanoes, one of which is Mt. Cotacachi (4,937 meters above sea level).

A head administrator supervises the earnings made by the lodge and its services, and a percentage of these goes into a savings account. Other types of earning, such as tips, are distributed amongst the workers, and thanks to a store that supplies the town, the earnings made in Piñan stay in Piñan.

The refuge is “the first stage in the construction of the most important trekking route in all of northern Ecuador, because it covers the Intag River, the high altitude grasslands of Piñan, and the thermal pools of Chachimbiro,” explains Suárez.

The Chachimbiro Project, which has been in place for the past 15 years, involves the participation of nine communities that include people of African descent, Indigenous groups, and farming communities. In 2009, they reported sales revenues of 1.1 million USD.

Suárez remarks that if Piñan is to obtain such success, it is necessary that, first of all, the government pass a law that obligates it to buy up private land within the nation’s natural reserves in order to safeguard the conservation of these lands.

“We have been here since this world was born, therefore this belongs to us. Our parents told us to stay here and we will do the same with our own children,” promises ‘Don Rigo’.

Climate Change Will Wreak Havoc in Latin America
20/09/09

Source text: “El cambio climático causará estragos en Latinoamérica”

The FAO (Food and Agriculture Organization) announced yesterday that due to climate change, Latin America will be faced with growing deforestation and lack of water. These factors will complicate food security in a region where 53 million people suffer from hunger.

According to official government calculations, about 70 thousand hectares of forest have already disappeared from the subcontinent since 1990. They greatest decreases in forest cover have occurred in Brazil, Mexico, Honduras, Bolivia, Ecuador, Paraguay, and Venezuela.

At the same time, the total amount of agricultural land with access to irrigation has remained virtually unchanged. However, there has been a decrease in areas where cereals are grown, due to droughts that have affected Argentina, Uruguay, and Central America throughout the past few years.

“Governments will have to take action to prevent, adapt to, and mitigate the effects of climate change”, commented head official of the Latin American office of the FAO, Jan Van Wambeke.

On the other hand, there will be a direct threat to the capacity of production in the food and agricultural sector in the region, which currently generates 120 million USD in exports, due in large part to the contributions of Brazil, Argentina, Chile, Mexico, and Uruguay.

The situation will complicate the availability of key nutrients in cities, and, since around 60 million farmers will have their livelihoods negatively affected, there is the threat of new migrations of farmers to cities.

“It is probable that deforestation, soil degradation, and lack of water will result in concentrated land ownership, given that many farmers will be unable to adapt to the new conditions”, added Wambeke.

He also recalled that this process will be reinforced by the southward expansion of Latin American deserts, as predicted by various studies. In Chile, however, government officials predict that around 2050, the desert will actually shift by 500 km.

Taking these factors into account, the main worry of the governments should be “implementing a system to manage the agroclimatic risk”, said Wambeke.

With this in mind, he showed appreciation for the efforts put forth by Costa Rica, Brazil, Mexico, and Chile in confronting the effects of climate change on agricultural production and the environment.

Nevertheless, in the name of the FAO, Wambeke added that “the equation is a very complicated one, since we have to fight the effects of climate change, greenhouse gas emissions, and problems associated with food security.”

The Challenge Concerning Hunger

César Falconi, head of the Latin American and Caribbean branch of the Investment Centre of the FAO, confirmed that there are currently a billion people suffering from hunger, and that in 2050, the challenge will be to feed 9 billion of them.

At a press conference, Falconi announced some of the conclusions reached at a conference entitled “the Environment and Sustainable Development: Dialogues on Theory and Practice”, which took place at the Menendez Pelayo International University (UIMP) in Santander, Spain. Even though studies suggest that the world has the resources and the technological potential to face this challenge, “increasing investment in sustainable development is of utmost importance”, confirms Falconi.

Source website: www.ecoportal.net.

For more information go to www.pnuma.org (United Nations Environment Program)

analysis health politics Spain

Grandchildren of the Transition

Post author By Jon
Post date May 1, 2010
No Comments on Grandchildren of the Transition

Translated by Jeanette Anderson

For my final project I wanted to do something related to the medical field because of my interest in becoming a medical translator. So I went onto Spain’s Ministry of Health website to see what kind of materials were available and I came across this research presentation related to youth drug use and abuse in Spain. It talks about cultural issues that are related to the current situation in Spain, as well as historical changes that have taken place over time and have had a direct impact on this situation.

Source text: Salir de marcha y consumo de drogas. Plan nacional sobre drogas. Madrid: Ministerio del Interior.

Grandchildren of the Transition

Young people today have been socialized by a generation who grew up during the democratic transition in Spain. This generation of people, who are now between the ages of 35 and 50, entered into adulthood pursuing certain dreams, such as personal and individual freedom, because they were so repressed by the ruling morality of the time when they were growing up. There was also this idea of taking different substances and indulging in different pleasures that Spain, as a country behind the times, saw in its neighbouring European countries. These ideals that today’s adults share have evidently been passed onto their children, and young people today have taken these ideals and given them a meaning of their own.

The generation of young people from the transitional period has given rise to very tolerant and permissive parents and teachers because they want to make it easier for today’s youth to have a lot of life experiences, which is something they fought for but were somehow denied. The parents of today’s youth have tried to overcome their parents’ moral prejudices which made them repressive and intolerant towards aspects related to sexuality, recreation and having fun. Andrés Sopeña published two books that give us a better picture of the era in which the parents of today’s youth were socialized.

However, this tolerance for young people’s actions when it comes to sex, recreation and having fun also has its limitations and paradoxes. To be young, according to the adults, is to be ready for fun and excitement, and experimentation . This same concept of youth is in itself a reflection of reality. According to official organizations, this category encompasses anyone between the ages of 15 and 29 years old. It’s likely that this age range seems quite extensive and we have probably never had the definition of ‘youth’ extend quite this far in the history of mankind. We could also go as far as to say that adolescence begins at 13. Despite all of this, if we consider that someone is no longer ‘young’ once they have passed through a serious of stages that Gil Calvo proposes, many young Spaniards would still be considered ‘young’ even though they are already in their 30’s. Calvo proposes that “someone who is physiologically mature and still does not have a steady, productive job, a spouse, their own home or dependants is considered young.” (1984). In fact, the concept of youth has not changed much since the age of feudalism, when the youngest sons of the royal families, who were excluded from the family wealth and any decision-making, were considered young, regardless of their age. Many of them were allowed to live pleasant yet dissolute lives, dedicated to courting and pleasing the romantic desires of many bored ladies . (Turner 1989).

With regards to recreation, some social scientists consider that today’s youth is the result of the adult population’s imagination coming to life. (Comas, 1995, 1996). The adults’ attitudes are not passively tolerant; they encourage the young people to have fun. They tell them to go out at night and to go after this idea of freedom which includes being spontaneous and daring. They even allow them to be disobedient, they excuse them from their responsibilities, they encourage them to drink , and when they start acting like narcissists, which is common for their age, they make excuses for them. The parents and teachers of this generation, as well as the media, have all contributed to developing and giving off this idea of what it means to be young, which is very much like the current phenomenon.

The way in which Gil Calvo expresses the paradox of young people today is very descriptive. He states that the adults insist that they be disobedient, in such a way that when the young people go out at night to overstep the boundaries, they are actually obeying their parents’ wishes. But this kind of obedience is not exactly what the adults had in mind. However, the young people are not passive either. They have taken the adults’ ideals and given them a meaning of their own. It is true that this gives way to a “double bind,” as Gil Calvo proposes, because during the week the young people are obedient at school or at work, and during the weekend they are disobedient, partially because the adults encourage them to be that way. When it comes to obedience and disobedience, young people contribute to and develop their own ideals and strategies for life. In the adults’ idea of fun, recreational drug use and abuse was not what they had in mind. They fear heroine, which wreaked havoc in their generation, but they are not overly alarmed when it comes to recreational drugs, either because they don’t know enough about them or because they value their own experiences from when they were young and used to do drugs. What they don’t realize is that drug use is changing and becoming commonplace in the recreational lives of many young people today; something which is only made possible by the generous financial support of their parents. Recreational drug abuse is the evil consequence of extreme partying , which is also the focus in young people’s minds. What we have here is a paradox of the adults. On the one hand, they have promoted this idea of what it means to be young, and on the other, they are surprised when they find out the consequences. The adults find it hard to understand and conceptualize some of these changes, which is something they need to do in order to take over their role again and recreate the process.

The New Drug Culture

Parties, music and dancing are all key elements that define youth in Europe and in Spain, and something that has taken centre stage in all this is drug use, including both legal and illegal substances. Young people, as part of the social structure, rely on these drugs, use them on various occasions and therefore they take what society has created for them, and it helps them achieve their goals. Drugs are readily available , just as there are a wide range of recreational activities available . Young people have been socialized to believe that fun should be taken to the maximum; an ideal that has been developed through the various generations that overcame limits and repression to achieve this. Therefore, going out partying is not something that the young people invented, but what they do is use this socially acceptable freedom that they have to develop their own language, identity and strategies.

What is happening in Spain is very similar to what is happening in the rest of Europe and in other industrialized countries. Shapiro (1999) analyzes a substantial change in the role of drug use in social life, basing the study on the situation in England. He states that compared to studies carried out in the 70’s, drugs are no longer something that people use to escape from ordinary life; drugs have become a part of daily life. This change is fundamental to the growing importance of nightlife, partying (club culture) and the new trend of raves, where a lot of young people are developing their own new fun culture.

Recreation, which has always been important to young people, is now the focus of social research. In recent years, in England, Germany and Holland, different studies have been carried out on the connection between young people, recreation and drug use (Klee 1998, South 1999, Tossmann 1996, 1997). A longitudinal study carried out in Manchester (Measham et al. 1998) presents the importance of drug use in the transition from adolescence to young adulthood . It concludes that drug use is becoming acceptable as a part of recreational activity, not only by the ones who do drugs, but also by the non-drug-users as well. This situation shows how recreational drug use is becoming more commonplace.

One of the characteristics of these different studies is that they are confined to local and national areas. However, we must also keep in mind that in this day and age, there is a real interconnectivity between the different European countries. Through cyber communication or at recreational facilities across Europe, thousands of young people become cultural ambassadors and diffuse cultural interests.