Meredith's Web Folio

In an ideal world, the racial tensions the Dragon Centre provoked would have been left firmly in the past. Yet racism continues to rear its ugly head in modern Canadian society. In 2017 a woman went on a racist rant towards Chinese employees in the Foody Mart supermarket in Scarborough. Tellingly, despite her screams of “Go back to China!”, no complaints were filed against her (CTV News, 2017). There are many reasons why the employees may not have filed a report, but the fact is that her actions were tolerated, when they should not have been.

In an interview with Global News, Tam notes that the issues described in the City of Scarborough report on race relations remain unfixed today (Tam and Begin, 2017). Planners are sometimes embroiled in issues which are based in racial tensions, and the best thing planners can do is take concrete action. We can see the issue of racism as a by-product of unsuccessful integration on the part of the newcomer Chinese immigrants when they first arrived. As many authors note, integration is a two-way process which involves immigrants learning skills to adapt to Canada’s context but also “recognizes the vital role that established Canadians have in facilitating newcomer immigration, integration, and inclusion” (Biles, Burstein, Frideres, Tolley and Vineberg, 2011, p.2). The City of Scarborough certainly should have defended the newcomer Chinese merchants from the antagonistic attacks on them, but it is important to remember that it was non-Chinese Canadian citizens who are also to blame. Continuing to condone racist behaviour such as the racist sentiment around the Dragon Centre even to this day, seen in the 2017 screaming incident, does not bode well for the future of multiculturalism in Canada.

While it remains typical to be reactive rather than proactive in integrating newcomers in ethnic enclaves into the urban fabric, there are a few solutions. Biles et al. call for a campaign that would “encourage inclusion in everyday actions and to promote activities such as volunteering and political participation that build community” (Biles et al., 2011, p. 410). Community-building can, alternatively, come from the ethnic malls themselves. In their study of three Chinese suburban malls in the GTA, Zhuang and Chen found that some of these malls function as community centres by offering dining, social activities, and services (2017, p. 286). Their research found that 25% of the visitors to Market Village and Pacific Mall were non-Chinese, and meeting the needs of the wider community in this way is critical to the success of future suburban ethnic malls (Zhuang and Chen 2017, p. 286).

In the case of Dragon Centre, this would be history repeating itself. Some of the stories that emerged indicated that Dragon Centre was not just a community hub for Chinese people but for the larger Scarborough community. For example, one woman shared the story on Twitter that, although not Chinese, she used to attend school nearby the Dragon Centre and used to skip school to head to the mall (exhibition materials, 2019). Or there’s the story offered by Hallie Church, a woman who grew up in Toronto, who found Dragon Centre to be the perfect place to spend weekend days with her father collecting Sailor Moon trading cards ( see Figure 1, exhibition materials, 2019). Perhaps the priority of Chinese suburban malls, then, must be to continue to adapt to the needs of both the Chinese and non-Chinese community as time goes on.

But is there any point in saving them? In his lecture to our class, Tam argued that we must capture community heritage before it is gone, and that it must include all aspects of community history, even boxy shopping malls (personal communication, October 1 2019). He also cited the City of Toronto’s City-wide Heritage Survey Feasibility Study which asks the public which sites they think should be remembered. Tam thinks proper public consultation will be central to this (personal communication, October 1 2019). The stories we have heard about Dragon Centre are an example of intangible cultural heritage, which, according to UNESCO, includes oral histories passed down to the next generations (“UNESCO – What is Intangible Cultural Heritage?”, 2019). UNESCO notes that “understanding of the intangible cultural heritage of different communities helps with intercultural dialogue, and encourages mutual respect for other ways of life” (“UNESCO – What is Intangible Cultural Heritage?”, 2019). With this in mind, the stories from Dragon Centre are a further way to bridge the gap between Chinese immigrants and non-Chinese residents. They offer a powerful, compelling way to empathize with people from different cultures and find what connects us rather than what divides us.  To ensure suburban ethnic malls remain part of Toronto’s identity, they should either be commemorated through stories or strive to meet the current needs of mall users from a variety of genders, races and classes. While it may be too late for Dragon Centre, other ethnic malls can still be saved in our collective memory or in our suburban landscape.

Figures

Figure 1 – the story by Hallie Church at the Dragon Centre Commemoration Celebration event

References

Biles, J. (2011). Integration and inclusion of newcomers and minorities across Canada. Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s Univ. Press.

CTV News. (2017). ‘Go back to China’: Outrage over racist rant caught on video. Retrieved from https://www.ctvnews.ca/canada/go-back-to-china-outrage-over-racist-rant-caught-on-video-1.3443983

Exhibition materials. Dragon Centre. October 5 2019. Dragon Centre Commemoration Celebration. Scarborough.

Qadeer, M. (2016). Multicultural Cities. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.

Tam, H., & Begin, C. (2019). The history behind Scarborough’s Chinatown [TV]. Global News Toronto.

UNESCO – What is Intangible Cultural Heritage?. (2019). Retrieved 3 November 2019, from https://ich.unesco.org/en/what-is-intangible-heritage-00003

Zhuang, Z., & Chen, A. (2017). The role of ethnic retailing in retrofitting suburbia: case studies from Toronto, Canada. Journal Of Urbanism: International Research On Placemaking And Urban Sustainability, 10(3), 275-295. doi: 10.1080/17549175.2016.1254671

Cultural identity is expressed through ethnic retailing. Qadeer explains that immigrants shape how the city is built by creating places that serve their needs (2016). As Howard Tam explained to us in his lecture, the mall was always designed with Chinese people in mind (personal communication, October 1 2019). Not only is the original optometrist still open for business, it is featured prominently in the space along with herbal medicine stores. The mall also had the dim sum restaurant as the anchor of the mall rather than the grocery store as is typical in Western malls. The mall’s layout is based on a blend of Hong Kong’s dense markets and North America’s shopping centres (see Figure 1, exhibition materials, 2019). It’s an example of how, as Qadeer puts it, community cultures are becoming more hybridized in North America (2016). We are learning and borrowing from each other. Yet there are limits to this. The population generally remained divided along racial lines on the mall’s development.

Despite this, this place meant a lot to its users. There’s the story a woman told in the sharing circle of her experience working at Z’s Hair Salon in the mall between 1985 and 1989. She reminisced about how people greeted each other, and how loud and alive the mall was. She told us of how hair stylists used to buy outfits at a fancy German boutique in the mall and, despite not being able to pay for them in full, the boutique allowed for payment in instalments. This internal community indicates a sense of place and belonging amongst Dragon Centre merchants. This story also highlights the importance of presenting yourself well at the mall. The storyteller added that the customers would judge the stylists by their outfits. As a destination at which to see and be seen, the importance and relevance of the mall to both shoppers and merchants becomes strikingly clear.

New Year’s celebrations also featured prominently in the stories people shared. One anonymous person wrote ‘My bro and I scooped for goldfish on Chinese New Year celebrations!” while another shared, “I remember my first indoor dragon dance at the new year’s celebration” (see Figure 2, exhibition materials, 2019). The importance of this mall as the first indoor Chinese mall remains in the second storyteller’s mind to this day. It is also clear that the mall was a gathering place for the Chinese community, a place to unabashedly celebrate their heritage in a time of vicious hatred from non-Chinese locals.

These stories connect people who experienced this mall in its heyday. As a non-Chinese person, I felt slightly alienated while visiting the mall. I was stared at as I entered the building by Asian people at the entrance. It seemed to me like they were identifying me as white and seemed curious to see outsiders, likely both at the mall and at the event. The Dragon Centre’s reach stretched far past the Chinese community in Agincourt, though, so it is possible that, if I were older, I could have had memories at the mall. A surprising moment came when an Asian man stopped by the walking tour and asked me what was happening there. It struck me as unusual that he would ask me, a young white woman, for details of the event, but I was happy to oblige.

Figures

Figure 1- the exhibition material highlighting the mall’s design elements

Figure 2 – Stories from the Dragon Centre Commemoration Celebration event

References

Exhibition materials. Dragon Centre. October 5 2019. Dragon Centre Commemoration Celebration. Scarborough.

Qadeer, M. (2016). Multicultural Cities. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.

Dragon Centre was the first indoor Chinese shopping mall in Toronto and it had a profound effect on the surrounding area. It all began with a poor planning decision on the part of the City of Scarborough. Mohammad Quadeer notes that the stores were small and numerous for the floor area and there were not enough parking spots (2016). The resulting parking and traffic issues sparked racial tension from the surrounding neighbourhood as well as from neighbouring businesses who were in a recession and resented the mall’s immediate success. There were anti-Chinese leaflets and meetings to air grievances about the Chinese community. As Paul Yee explains, “Later that year, a pamphlet arrived at 400 homes, alleging that Hong Kong immigrants were linked to criminal activities in their homeland and asking residents to demand that the government change its “open” immigration policy” (2003, p. 85). This has left a permanent imprint in the memories of Chinese children growing up in Scarborough. In one of the stories shared at the commemoration event, entitled ‘Growing Up + Rapid Growth’, the author grimly describes the context he grew up in, noting, “it was no surprise that there was such a backlash. That was Scarborough at that time, and I always sensed that we were tolerated as long as we didn’t grow in numbers” (see Figure 1,  exhibition materials, 2019).

The response by the City of Scarborough was to create a Race Relations Committee and a report on tactics to resolve the tension. While reports may contain actionable items, I would argue that this primarily served as a highly visible PR move by the municipal government, which did very little to improve the situation for Dragon Centre’s Chinese merchants. In Sherry Arnstein’s article “A Ladder of Citizen Participation”, this move would be the ‘informing’ rung of the ladder, in which officials educate ‘have-nots’ about the issue at hand and prevent the affected population from creating change (1969). Granting greater power to the Dragon Centre’s merchants may have led to drastically different incomes for the mall and its future.

Dragon Centre set the precedent for ethnic malls to be built, though many faced barriers due to the community pushback. In 1994 the City of Richmond Hill temporarily froze ethnic mall applications to study parking and pedestrian needs (exhibition materials, 2019). Pacific Mall faced a lengthy process with the eventual re-design including barn architecture of rural Ontario. While consistency with the surrounding built form often remains a central part of cities’ official plans, this is a deliberate effort to quash the Chinese design elements of the mall.

The municipal government could have done more to support Chinese residents in their plans to develop malls. Qadeer argues that planning practice remains in the context of colonial attitudes towards racial minorities and immigrants (2016). This is clear in the lack of full support for Chinese business owners at Dragon Centre despite clearly racist rhetoric surrounding the new mall. There are now 66 Chinese shopping centres in the Toronto Metropolitan Area which were all spurred on by Dragon Centre (Qadeer 2016). Despite the lack of support for Chinese merchants by the municipal government, we can see that a significant number of applications for ethnic malls have been approved over this 45 year period.

Dragon Centre is part of the ‘ethnoburb’ of Scarborough. Ethnoburbs are defined by Li as “clusters of residential areas and business districts” that are multiethnic and generally have one ethnic minority group in “a significant concentration” but not necessarily a numerical majority” (Li as cited in Zhuang and Chen, 2017, p. 277). Zhuang and Chen note that ethnoburbs and Chinatowns differ because “new Chinese communities have better global connections and their transnational ties to the homelands help them incorporate into the host society” (2017, p. 277). This was not the case with Dragon Centre. This mall was successful because of the influx of Chinese from Hong Kong into the area in the mid-1980s who simply needed somewhere to fulfil their needs to shop and use services. People settled directly in Scarborough not into downtown Chinatown and the mall was an opportunity for people to do these things (Tam and Begin, 2019).

The major difference between Dragon Centre and downtown Chinatowns is its suburban location, which precipitated the pushback from the non-Chinese residents regarding traffic and parking. However, not only was it convenient for local Chinese people moving into Agincourt, but it became a hub which drew people from around the Greater Toronto Area. As the story submitted as part of the Dragon Centre Commemoration event notes, “I had no idea as a young 13 or 14-year-old boy that people were travelling from the Mississauga area to get to this shopping plaza” (exhibition materials, 2019). As Qadeer explains, ethnic malls scramble the typical hierarchy of a city’s commercial sector by providing daily use products to high-end goods all in the same space while servicing whole neighbourhoods, communities, tourists and the entire city (2016). Dragon Centre, then, provided an essential function to locals and non-locals alike.

Figure 1 – the ‘Growing Up + Rapid Growth’ story from the Dragon Centre Commemoration Celebration event

References

Arnstein, S. (1969). A Ladder of Citizen Participation. Journal Of The American Planning Association, 85(1), 24-34. doi: 10.1080/01944363.2018.1559388

Qadeer, M. (2016). Multicultural Cities. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.
Tam, H., & Begin, C. (2019). The history behind Scarborough’s Chinatown [TV]. Global News Toronto.

Yee, P. (2005). Chinatown. Toronto [Ont.]: James Lorimer & Co.

Zhuang, Z., & Chen, A. (2017). The role of ethnic retailing in retrofitting suburbia: case studies from Toronto, Canada. Journal Of Urbanism: International Research On Placemaking And Urban Sustainability, 10(3), 275-295. doi: 10.1080/17549175.2016.1254671

Analyzing the built form in Little Tibet provides interesting clues about local residents’ religious and political beliefs. Firstly, there are seven religious institutions within the boundaries of Little Tibet. There are places for Baptists, Anglicans, Catholics, Presbyterians, and Bhuddists to practice their religions. These institutions are a key cultural feature of the enclave and indicate the religious diversity of the area. The Karma Sonam Dargye Ling Buddhist Temple is very important to Tibetans living in Little Tibet since Tibetan Bhuddism is the dominant religion of Tibet. 2.6% of all residents in High Park- Parkdale ethnically originate in China, and since Tibet is an autonomous region as part of China, Tibetans are included in this statistic (City of Toronto, 2018). Another prominent religious institution in the area is the Our Lady of Lebanon Maronite Catholic Church. As Allan Jacobs tells us, “Older public buildings help tell who the earlier development was for and who lives there presently: schools mean families with children; Catholic churches mean Catholic residents; Slovenian halls mean a Yugoslav community; fraternity houses are a signal of a university nearby” (1985). While the religious breakdown of High Park- Parkdale or of Little Tibet is not provided by census data, the proliferation of religious institutions indicates both the importance of religion historically and points to the wide range of religions practiced in Little Tibet.

The political diversity in Little Tibet is something which surprised me on my visits to the site. Jason’s Coffee Shop is considered another landmark within Little Tibet due to its central location, plethora of diverse food options, and the opportunity for engaging dialogues provided by its comfortable setting. As pictured in Figure 4, there were candidate signs in the window indicating support for the Conservative candidate for the current federal election, Adam Pham. This surprised me because High Park-Parkdale has voted liberal in all but three of the thirteen federal elections since 1979 (Adam Swimmer, 2019). What’s more, in the rest of Little Tibet the candidate signs showed support for the Liberals, New Democratic Party or the Green Party. It struck me as interesting that a site where an exchange of ideas is openly encouraged and where so many cultures are represented through food would support a Conservative candidate.

Cafes like Jason’s Coffee Shop and restaurants provide important meeting spaces for political events. This doesn’t point to a lack of more official meeting locations in the enclave, but rather that these places are nodes for local Tibetan residents. They are unique, well-known, easily accessible and also offer the opportunity for passersby to participate. This is precisely what happened to me on one of my walks of the enclave. As I passed by the Norling restaurant on Queen Street West one evening, I noticed a large group of people inside and someone speaking into a microphone. As I peered in, I was invited to enter the space by a Tibetan woman and was given an ‘Arif Virani’ support sticker. I had stumbled across a political rally by Varani, who as of October 22 has retained his seat as the federal Member of Parliament for High Park- Parkdale.

There are several fascinating points to take from this event. Firstly, it’s an example of how civic culture bridges the private and public domain, in that the behaviour of an ethnic group is modified by politics and voting as a civic duty (Quadeer, 2016). It’s an opportunity for immigrants to, as Quadeer puts it, consider their rights and responsibilities as Canadian citizens (2016). Introducing the political process and presenting the views of politicians can help immigrants participate in Canada’s political system and develop their views on the issues raised.

Secondly, Quadeer also tells us that having minorities in political positions help integrate their interests into the common ground (2016). Varani is a refugee and an immigrant himself, originally hailing from Uganda. The two-way process of integration is thus abundantly clear; politicians speaking to residents in Little Tibet can help acculturate them to political issues in the local context and politicians like Varani are also able to listen and act on the issues and interests raised by local immigrants. Finally, Varani spoke in English but enlisted the help of a translator to translate into Tibetan. This move recognizes unique needs of the community and is an example of reasonable accommodation; since Varani was the incumbent MP in the riding, this move can be seen as a federal representative recognizing cultural differences while preserving civic order and institutional unity (Qadeer, 2016).

As a final note on this experience, as a visitor to both Little Tibet and as a white person, I felt out of place at this political event and soon left. Not being Tibetan, I would have felt uncomfortable participating in the songs or eating the Tibetan food offered for free at the event (see Figure 5). Interestingly, the woman who first invited me in gave me quite a critical glance on my way out, as if to critique me for leaving. Yet it was clear to me that this event was not for me. Events like this remain a critical part of Toronto’s ethnic landscapes to support immigrants to Canada.

So, where is Little Tibet now, and where will it go in the future? I have argued that there are certain key features of the enclave, restaurants and schools, religious institutions and locations for political meetings which serve to accommodate Tibetan people. Restaurants allow Tibetans to show their pride while remaining outside of politics if they wish to and provide employment opportunities. Religious institutions in Little Tibet point to the history of the enclave and also serve the needs of both Tibetan and non-Tibetan residents. Political events and discussions often take place in informal environments like cafes and restaurants. Promoting immigrants’ inclusion in politics as politicians and as the public can be a tool to support multiculturalism. It works to bridge the public and private domain, and supports the idea that integration is a two-way process. However, every enclave is always shifting. Little Tibet is beginning to gentrify; Glory Hold Doughnuts and the Elaine Fleck Gallery (see Figures 6 and 7) are two examples of this. These doughnuts and artwork do not take into account the local Tibetan culture nor the low incomes of High Park- Parkdale residents. Retaining institutions which support the ethnic, religious, and political diversity of Little Tibet will be critical to its survival in the future.

Figure 4 – A Conservative candidate federal election sign

Figure 5- A sound clip taken of music being performed at the Arif Varani rally

Figure 6 – The entrance to Glory Hole Doughnuts, an example of gentrification

Figure 7 – The Elaine Fleck Gallery, an example of gentrification

List of Figures

Figures 4-7: Photographs and an audio clip taken by the author

References

City of Toronto. (2018). City of Toronto Ward Profiles, Ward 4: Parkdale- High Park. Toronto: City of Toronto, https://www.toronto.ca/wp-content/uploads/2018/09/8f6b-City_Planning_2016_Census_Profile_2018_25Wards_Ward04.pdf.

Jacobs, A. (1985). Clues. In Looking at Cities (1st ed., pp. 30-83). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Qadeer, M. (2016). Multicultural Cities. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.

Swimmer, A. (2019). PARKDALE-HIGH PARK: Liberal MP Virani holds onto seat. Toronto Sun. Retrieved from https://torontosun.com/news/national/election-2019/parkdale-high-park-liberal-mp-virani-fights-to-hold-onto-seat

My first impression of Little Tibet was that it had delicious Tibetan food! I decided to eat dinner at Garleek Kitchen, located in the heart of Little Tibet on Queen Street West (see Figure 3). The thukpa, which is a Tibetan noodle soup, was delicious, but was only one option of many on the menu. Garleek offers teriyaki, which hails from Japan, American chili, and dum aloo which is an Indian dish. These food options reflect and support the diversity of the neighbourhood. As Ahmad Jamal notes, “Retailers of different ethnic background in such a context play the role of cultural intermediaries who facilitate this culture swapping by promoting coexistence, tolerance and freedom of lifestyles among consumers of different ethnic backgrounds” (2003). While Tibetans have formed a large concentration within Little Tibet, people from Nepal and India have also immigrated to the area and these diverse food options are ways in which they can be accommodated not by the state, but by the Tibetan community.

There is a strong sense of pride in being from Tibet which is clear in the physical landscape of the enclave. Restaurants have names like ‘Tibet Kitchen’, ‘Little Tibet Restaurant’, and ‘Tashi Delek Cafe’, the final of which is a popular Tibetan greeting. The names of these restaurants are also good for business. In their research, Kiwon Kim and Melissa Baker found that “using an ethnic menu name and possessing employees of referent ethnic origin have the largest impacts on customer perceptions of authenticity” (2017). This win-win situation indicates that restaurants which reference Tibet and offer Tibetan food should continue to open in the neighbourhood. It draws customers who crave an authentic experience and helps Tibetans show their pride in their country while remaining apolitical should they wish to. Restaurants also provide employment opportunities for Tibetan immigrants. From 1980 to 2016, 41.6% of immigrants to High Park-Parkdale were economic immigrants (City of Toronto, 2018). With this in mind, restaurants take on a new significance as a relatively low-barrier way to enter the workforce for Tibetans immigrating to Canada.

Other than restaurants, one other major institution which accommodates Tibetans is the Parkdale Collegiate Institute (PCI). Much like the restaurants, the PCI is located at the intersection of Jameson Avenue and Queen Street, in the centre of Little Tibet. 40% of PCI’s student body is Tibetan according to Chemi Lhamo (ZenZatva, 2016), and 57% of current students speak a primary language other than English (Toronto District School Board, 2014). This school not only educates young members of the Tibetan community, it offers a meeting space for other activities that are important aspects of Tibetan culture. Every Wednesday in the summer, for example, the traditional dance of lhakar is offered on the school grounds. Kevin Lynch points to the importance of landmarks as an element of built form (1960). The large building located at an important intersection combined with the services it offers Tibetan community members make this site a landmark within the enclave.

Figure 1: The sign for Garleek Kitchen, a Tibetan restaurant

List of Figures

Figure 3: Photograph taken by author.

References

City of Toronto. (2018). City of Toronto Ward Profiles, Ward 4: Parkdale- High Park. Toronto: City of Toronto, https://www.toronto.ca/wp-content/uploads/2018/09/8f6b-City_Planning_2016_Census_Profile_2018_25Wards_Ward04.pdf.

Jamal, A. (2003). Retailing in a multicultural world: the interplay of retailing, ethnic identity and consumption. Journal Of Retailing And Consumer Services, 10(1), 1-11. doi: 10.1016/s0969-6989(02)00059-0

Kim, K., & Baker, M. (2017). The Impacts of Service Provider Name, Ethnicity, and Menu Information on Perceived Authenticity and Behaviors. Cornell Hospitality Quarterly, 58(3), 312-318. doi: 10.1177/1938965516686107

Lynch, K. (1960). The Use of the Method. In The Image of the City (1st ed., pp. 140-159). Boston: MIT Press.

The Star. (2008). ‘At home’ in Little Tibet. Retrieved from https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2008/05/15/at_home_in_little_tibet.html

Toronto District School Board > Find your… > Schools > Facts and Figures. (2014). Retrieved 19 October 2019, from https://www.tdsb.on.ca/Find-your/Schools/Facts-and-Figures/schno/5550

ZenZatva. (2016). Little Tibet in Toronto – Part 2 [Image]. Retrieved from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=g0URKKqMT4c

After some initial explorations of ethnic landscapes in Toronto’s inner city, I settled on Little Tibet, an ethnic enclave within the Parkdale neighbourhood of the city. The boundaries of this neighbourhood have been defined in various ways by the Parkdale Business Improvement Association and by journalists of grey literature. I have chosen to use the boundaries of Dufferin Street to Sorauren Street along Queen Street West to delineate the enclave. I have chosen these boundaries because this is where the majority of the Tibetan people live, as seen in Figure 1, and Tibetan restaurants are located, as seen in Figure 2.

The three blog posts I have written will explore three elements of diversity seen in Little Tibet’s ethnic landscape: ethnic, political and religious diversity. In this first post, I will examine how Little Tibet’s institutions, events and services have served to manifest ethnicity in the landscape. In the second, which examines the religious and political diversity of the neighbourhood, I will look at how religion and politics have contributed to Little Tibet’s physical and symbolic form. I will end with the changes occurring in Little Tibet and the implications of the changes on the enclave’s future. I will argue throughout that the various institutions in Little Tibet support ethnic, religious and political diversity of the Tibetan people must be maintained if the enclave is to survive in the future.

Little Tibet is an ethnic enclave, which Qadeer notes is “a residential cluster of a particular ethnic group that has built a community life through developing institutions, businesses and services” (2016). In the last decade more than 3,000 Tibetans have moved to Toronto, of which 56% have settled in Parkdale (The Star, 2008). Little Tibet is an anomaly in the context of Toronto’s ethnic enclaves due to its steady immigration of Tibetans. These days it is typical for immigrants to Toronto to move into newer enclaves in the suburbs such as Richmond Hill or Agincourt, while immigration to inner city enclaves has slowed. It’s important to note that Tibetans have chosen to settle in Little Tibet, rather than being forced there by systematic discrimination. This is what makes Little Tibet an ethnic enclave rather than a ghetto.

When immigrants settle in an area, they are attracted by the existing community life which Qadeer notes characterize ethnic enclaves. Institutions, events and services being offered in the Tibetan language draw Tibetans to this neighbourhood. Little Tibet is located within the High Park-Parkdale federal electoral district. 2% of the residents living in High Park-Parkdale speak a Tibetan language (City of Toronto, 2018). This may seem like a small percentage but given how many language options there are on the Canadian census, it reflects the high number of Tibetans living in this district. Language is important in shaping the feeling of an enclave. On each of my visits to Little Tibet I heard people having conversations in Tibetan and a sense that people were greeting each other even if they didn’t know each other well. This gave me, as a visitor to the enclave, a feeling that this is a strong community of people who are connected, rather than isolated.

Another important draw for Tibetans to Little Tibet is how the institutions in the enclave have accommodated them. Quadeer explains that one way that the multicultural city can be defined is when diverse community cultures are recognized and accommodated by institutions and are part of the city’s geographies (Qadeer, 2016). In my next post I will explore the various ways in which institutions accommodate Tibetans in this enclave.

Figure 1 – A map of Tibetan restaurants
located in Little Tibet (for a larger version, click here)

Figure 2- A map of where Tibetans reside in Toronto (for a larger version, click here)

List of Figures:

Figure 1:  The Joshua Project. (2019). Tibetans in Toronto [Image]. Retrieved from https://joshuaproject.net/assets/media/profiles/maps/m15468_ca.pdf

Figure 2: Parkdale Village BIA. (2018). Momo Crawl [Image]. Retrieved from https://parkdalevillagebia.com/wpcontent/uploads/36948590_10160519844280463_639160686345191424_n.png

References:

City of Toronto. (2018). City of Toronto Ward Profiles, Ward 4: Parkdale- High Park. Toronto: City of Toronto, https://www.toronto.ca/wp-content/uploads/2018/09/8f6b-City_Planning_2016_Census_Profile_2018_25Wards_Ward04.pdf.
Qadeer, M. (2016). Multicultural Cities. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.

Qadeer, M. (2016). Multicultural Cities. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.

Reflecting on your own work is not always an easy process. It is all too easy to get carried away by a train of thought when writing. Even if you understand this point after reading it through, it is ultimately whether or not your audience understands your work that is important. This is why the peer review process is so important. I will look back on this and other elements of what I’ve learned and created in this course.

Reflecting on the Learning Process and Assignments

The interactive and collaborative nature of this course is unlike any other I have taken at UBC. Although online courses are typically more challenging since professors and students must communicate digitally. Despite this, the combination of Facebook, e-mailing, the course website and my team members provided more than enough knowledge on the assignments particulars.

One weakness I noticed in my learning process was effective time management. While nearly every assignment was submitted on time, I could have been more proactive in asking questions of my peers. So, while I knew the information I needed was there, I sometimes made decisions on assignment particulars as I saw fit, without knowing the best way to approach it. In the future, I will ask questions before, rather than after submitting my work.

Despite this, I learned that one of my skills is communicating with peers in writing. In negotiating with my team members on the details of the peer review process, I remained professional and courteous to my peers. How fitting, in a course on technical writing! My peers also provided some useful insights on my writing techniques. Through the peer reviews, I learned that I need to vary my sentence structure more, and use more concise language. I also found out that taking a break and then reading my work over was incredibly beneficial.

How the Skills I’ve Learned Will Help Me in the Future

Being able to communicate both with my peers and with specific audiences will be useful in my future. I intend to go to graduate school and become an urban planner. Planners must communicate every day with a variety of stakeholders in their projects. This course has helped me learn how to write with a specific audience in mind. Planners must also present their projects to members of the public on a regular basis. Since speaking is so tied to writing, the conciseness of our writing will help me be short and to the point in future presentations.

Business Conference and Presentation. Audience at the conference hall.

Web Folios provide an excellent opportunity to create a tailored representation of your identity. Since I will be attending graduate school in the future, it is useful to have a digital collection of both my professional and personal interests. I will take a further look at some of the requirements of the Web Folio.

Tailoring the Web Folio to our Future Endeavours

Our Web Folios are created with a specific audience and reader in mind. In my case, my audience is the Vancouver Art Gallery, who I wish to apply for a job with after graduation. Certain course elements mean that my Web Folio has elements I may not include after the course is finished. An example of this includes my reflections on the self-editing and peer-review process. The beauty of the Web Folio, however, is that it can constantly be adapted to new professional interests.

Using WordPress to Create the Web Folio

WordPress is an excellent platform to provide a Web Folio on. It is user-friendly, readable, and crisp. I wish that there were more instruction on how to get the most out of WordPress, since my peers and I were left on our own in terms of how to improve our sites. In the future, I will devote personal time to learning more about WordPress and how to create a site that fully encapsulates my identity and creativity.

A Final Note on the Peer Review Process

All the work for this class will be submitted after the Web Folios are published. Since I have learned so much through the peer review process, however, I will ask my peers to provide feedback on my Web Folio. Though it need not be a formal document, any pointers they provide will be helpful.

I look forward to using my Web Folio in my future, and seeing how it grows alongside my professional experience!

Being able to pick a project we are passionate about made this a fun report to write! And I don’t say that lightly. Above all, I learned that the research process varies depending on your project, and being flexible is key. The following are further reflections on the researching, organizing and writing of my report. Observations on the peer review process for the formal report are discussed throughout the reflection.

Researching

Surprisingly, I found the research process relatively seamless. Developing a strong relationship with the Vancouver Police Museum’s curator, who is also the reader of the report, was crucial in simplifying the process. The curator, whose name is Elizabeth, connected me with the volunteers. She also provided me with the secondary data which I analysed in the report.

One element that I struggled with was finding commonalities amongst the qualitative exit interview data. The exit interviews were completed when the volunteers finished working at the museum. I also completed my own primary research in the form of informational interviews.  It was beneficial to create my own questions for the informational interviews, as this allowed me to compare answers more easily.

My peer review partner Krystina used surveys rather than interviews in her report. I noticed that her surveys sometimes provide inconclusive results. She did an excellent job of recognizing this and delving into further research to reach definitive results. I learned about the difficulties of different research methods through the peer review process, which will help me in my future research.

A few qualms I had throughout included whether I needed to append the entire informational interview transcript or not. Similarly, I wasn’t sure if it was accurate to include additional questions which came up with each respondent in my report. Dr. Paterson’s expertise came in very handy when facing these doubts!

Organizing

The report writing process taught me that the way you choose to organize your paper has a lot to do with the way your mind works. For example, I felt there was a large jump between Krystina’s ‘Attracting New Members’ subsection and her subsection of ‘Retaining Past and Current Members’. The first section seemed to be merely the data, while the second section analysed the data and provided recommendations. Yet both sections were under the ‘Data’ heading. Krystina also had trouble understanding my paper’s organization! I would like to learn how to best organize my paper before submitting the final draft of my report.

In my report, I learned that I should have explained the problem in detail to illustrate the report’s significance. I should include this in my introduction. This is valuable feedback to receive for future revisions to the report.

Writing

I believe I was too ambitious in using a radar diagram in my report. I intended to use a variety of visuals to creatively display my data. Krystina suggested a bar diagram as a better way to visualize the findings. While I felt this is an overused graph type, I soon found out that sometimes you must prioritize the findings over diversifying your graph types.

It was easier than I imagined to include the “you-attitude” throughout my report. Keeping your reader in mind means you provide only new and useful information. This trims down the report significantly, and increases the chances the reader will act on your suggestions. At times I felt I was euphemising in order to keep in line with the “you-attitude”. Writing without emotion is, however, part of remaining objective and professional. I can already see the benefits of using the “you-attitude” in my other coursework and future professional writing.

I certainly learned a lot from writing the draft and both writing and receiving a peer review. By defining the original problem, changing my visuals, and organizing my paper better, I hope to submit an excellent final report.

You can view the first draft of my report here.

Unit 2 has been action-packed! From creating a LinkedIn profile, to preparing a report proposal and outline, to reviewing our peers’ work, it’s been an exciting time. Read on for some reflections on my work this unit.

On Creating a LinkedIn Profile

Prior to the assignment, my LinkedIn profile was stagnant. The most recent work experience listed was from two years ago. As such, I welcomed the opportunity to refresh my profile with open arms! As a student who is often seeking work experience, I worry about potential employers viewing my Facebook profile. LinkedIn is an excellent opportunity to showcase my professional skills and accomplishments. I do think, however, that it is a tool like any other social media platform. In conjunction with networking in person, it is an excellent way to keep in touch with people you cross paths with. If LinkedIn is left alone, like my profile was, it implies a lack of effort and care in your digital appearance.

On Preparing a Report Proposal and Outline

It was incredibly useful to write a report proposal so early in the project. It forced me to determine the nitty-gritty details of the project from its inception. The most interesting implication of the proposal is how it has evolved. One specific example of this is the question I posed as part of the project’s scope: “Which organizations at high schools and universities in Vancouver would be willing to advertise the volunteer positions?”. After speaking to the museum’s curator, I learned that the ideal volunteer is university-educated. I will be able to adapt my recommendations to the museum now that I know the target audience.  Evaluating Gurjyot’s proposal allowed me to spot weaknesses in my own proposal. For example, he provided many details on his research methods, while I did not.

Writing the report outline helped provide the skeleton for my report, and the feedback from the professor on this was incredibly useful. I am curious to see if my hypothesized factors regarding the volunteers’ push and pull factors are true or not. At this point in the project, I can see how my work will become a formal report quite easily. My only concern is what data to use to create stunning visuals, as much of my data is qualitative. I imagine, however, that the data on gender, educational background and hours logged will be useful for this purpose.

On the Peer Review Process

What is so fascinating to me in the peer review process is how much John Lannon and Laura Gurak’s advice applies! Since the textbook is so comprehensive, it can be difficult to remember all the suggestions they provide. I already find myself wishing to return to their section on writing concisely and with the appropriate tone. In the peer review process, it is easy to recognize the points that I remembered and followed in my own work. Avoiding run-on sentences and too many adjectives are two examples of this. The more difficult element of the process is to understand which tools my peers are using which I have not yet picked up on! It is a good thing to be mindful of when doing my own work. More generally, I truly enjoy the peer reviews in this course since we have learned the process for writing them well. This makes them a pleasure to write.

View my own Formal Report Proposal here: 301 Meredith Gillespie Revised Formal Report Proposal

You can see Min-Ji’s review of my Formal Report Proposal here.