Japan in the 1980’s was enjoying a period of extreme economic prosperity due to the major successes of their post-war industrial efforts. Many Japanese people lived extravagant lifestyles at this time, spending and investing, continually fuelling the Japanese economy. As a result, businesses flourished, including those in the Roppongi region of Tokyo, which soon came to be known as the nightlife district. However, in the early nineties, the so-called ‘bubble’ finally, and unexpectedly, burst, leaving Japan in a downward spiral of economic loss. As a result, several social and eventually geographical changes occurred within Japan, and more specifically, in the Roppongi region of Tokyo.

Roppongi as a region of Tokyo has a clear reputation for the unsavoury activities it facilitates, including things like uncleanliness, drugs, nightlife, crime and gang activity. Yet at the same time, it acts as a sort of hub for social gatherings as it is an extremely common meeting place for both Japanese locals and foreigners (Cybriwsky 2011). It seems though, that this general understanding of the roughness of the neighbourhood has led to a redevelopment plan which began in the early 2000’s with two massive housing developments. Roppongi Hills and Tokyo Midtown were the result of a new plan for Tokyo’s urban development and the so-called ‘construction state’ (Cybriwsky 2011). Each development consists of large towers that contain primarily housing in addition to common amenities to make the area liveable. Tokyo city planners and development designers argued that creating more housing in the centre of the city for people who work within the city makes commuting much less difficult. These developments were also facilitated by the close relationship the massive construction companies of Japan have with its LDP government. This relationship has proven to be massively prosperous for both the government and the construction companies as each stands to gain profits and urban development within the city (Cybriwsky 2011). Of course, the city was also committed to the ‘clean-up’ of the Roppongi district, as in the removal of all the bad activities that take place there. Rightfully so, as the district has, on numerous occasions, proven itself to be dangerous and unpredictable, such as in the case of “gaijin” or foreigners that broke into a sword fight on the street in 9AM broad daylight, or the gang killings between rival Yakuza factions (Cybriwsky 2011). Upon reviewing the multitude of other strange occurrences in Roppongi, it becomes no mystery as to why the district carries such a negative reputation.

Where better then, than Roppongi, for the Japanese government to establish its new plan for urban life, with support from locals who won’t miss the old Roppongi in the slightest. With the construction of massive new towers, there was the destruction of much of what made up Roppongi: night clubs, bars, arcades, many of which were known to be associated with or owned by Yakuza (Cybriwsky 2011). More and more buildings which are still perfectly usable are bought until the company has a large enough block to construct their high rise. The neighbourhood is rapidly consumed and replaced with modern office towers.

With this transition in mind, it is interesting to note the labour patterns observed around the time of the burst of the bubble in Japan. A study regarding the average amount of hours worked in a year shows that working hours have been steadily declining since the 1960’s with a more significant drop occurring just after the bubble burst in the late 1980’s (when there was little work available); the declining pattern continued up until 1998 when the study was conducted (Harada 1998). Additionally, the study outlined an increase in the value people gave to leisure time rather than work time in the years following the economic crash (Harada 1998). More recently, Japan has also seen an increase in “Keiyakushain” type workers, which are defined as non-permanent, contracted positions (Schumann 2017), in addition to relative economic prosperity. These changes imply a general reduction in the focus of Japanese people on their work and an increase in focus on leisure and enjoyment as well as an increase in free time during. It is interesting to note then, that there is little protest in the removal of a large portion Tokyo’s entertainment facilities in Roppongi. This might be explained by the association with these types of entertainment with extravagant lifestyles that led to economic despair. The Japanese public may hope to move away from these types of activities and instead seek to spend their leisure time in more responsible forms. It seems that even though time and money has once again become more available to the Japanese, that they are reluctant to turn to their old forms of entertainment which caused them both economic troubles and brought about significant criminal activity. 

References

Cybriwsky, R. A., & Project Muse University Press eBooks. (2011). Roppongi crossing: The demise of a tokyo nightclub district and the reshaping of a global city. Athens: University of Georgia Press.

Harada, M. (1998). Changing relationship between work and leisure after the “bubble economy” in japan. Loisir Et Société/Society and Leisure, 21(1), 195.

Schumann, F. R. (2017). Changing trends in japan’s employment and leisure activities : Implications for tourism marketing. Singapore: Springer. doi:10.1007/978-981-10-3608-8