Maxwell A. Cameron
April 22, 2006
Now that we know for sure that Alan Garcia will be in the second round, I confess to feeling no surprise. I know, nobody likes a braggart, but I predicted the April 9 election with a level of accuracy equal or better than all the polls, the exit polls, and even the quick counts.
Here is what happened. The night before the election, I was lounging with a group of friends and drinking mineral water (in deference to the local dry law at election time). We decided to take bets on who could predict the outcome. The winner would buy a round of mineral water. I predicted Ollanta Humala would get 30 percent, Alan Garcia 25 percent, and Lourdes Flores 24 percent. With 96 percent of the votes counted, Humala stands at 30.8 percent, Garcia at 24.3 percent, and Flores at 23.6 percent.
My secret formula? There were two key sources of intelligence: the results of the 2001 election and the last good poll. In 2001 Alejandro Toledo won 36.5 percent, Garcia won 25.8 percent, and Flores won 24.3 percent. The last APOYO poll, released on April 8, gave Humala 27 percent, and placed Flores and Garcia in a tie with 23 percent each. I assumed that—at least for the candidates who had run previously—history would repeat itself. There would be a tight race between Garcia and Flores, similar to 2001. Humala would not do as well as Toledo, and 30 percent seemed like a nice round number.
Two things made me think Garcia would nudge out Flores: the hidden vote for his party, APRA, and party organization. APRA voters tend to be reticent with pollsters, and APRA has a superior capacity to pull and defend its votes.
Having discovered a good formula, I plan to use it to predict the presidential runoff between Humala and Garcia (which will probably be held on May 28, though it could be as late June 4). We know that in 2001 Garcia lost to Alejandro Toledo by 47 to 53 percent. We can use this as a baseline, and factor in the last good poll taken before the election.
Some observers think that Garcia can do better this time. The reasons for this view were nicely summarized in an editorial in Caretas last week (see: Caretas 1920, April 13, 2006, p. 17).
First, Humala is arguably a weaker candidate than Toledo was in 2001. Toledo got a lot of credit for leading the opposition to the Fujimori regime. He won 36.5 percent in the first round (and his support was fairly solid across the country).
Second, the winner in the first round often faces an “anyone but…” campaign in the second. Alberto Fujimori placed second in the first round in 1990, and beat Mario Vargas Llosa in the runoff.
Whereas Flores supporters had no trouble supporting Toledo in a second round in 2001, they are unlikely to vote for Humala. Flores supporters mobbed Humala when he tried to enter his polling station in the Ricardo Palma University. They held him hostage for nearly an hour.
Alan Garcia is already wooing Flores with promises of co-governability. Flores can see that APRA will a pivotal party in congress, and her ranks are already looking weak. She may need an alliance with APRA—and the pork it will provide—to retain coalition discipline.
Third, local business and foreign investors have already realized that their interests lie with Garcia (See: Anuncia primer ministro Pedro Pablo Kuczynski, desde Washington: “García haría mejor gobierno esta vez”, Expreso, April 22, 2006). APRA would probably sign the Free Trade Agreement with the United States, arguing that it is necessary to promote exports from the highlands and the coastal areas where APRA seeks inroads.
Finally, Garcia wants victory so badly he can taste it. He is a brilliant campaigner, and this is his last chance to do something great for APRA and Peru.
Other observers caution that Humala enjoys the many advantages that accrue to the “outsider” in Peruvian elections.
First, he does not have a record that can be used against him and will attack Alan Garcia for his performance in government in 1985-1990.
Second, as the candidate of the “anti-establishment,” Humala can paint Garcia as a traditional politician, a creature of the past.
Third, he can alter his image more easily and may be able to lower his negative ratings with smart strategies.
Both candidates will go after one another’s core constituencies. It is symbolically significant that Garcia has begun the campaign for the second round in Puno, and has proposed a debate with Humala in Puno or Cusco. Humala has promised to conquer the north, taking the nationalist message into Aprista territory.
The real battleground, however, will be Lima (the swing voters, between north and south). Neither candidate did that well in Lima in the first round. This is where the Flores’ voters were concentrated. Now Lima is up for grabs.
I am not yet ready to take bets on mineral water. Before making a prediction for the second round, I recommend waiting until the last good poll, meditating on the results of 2001, and then making an educated guess.
See also: “How to Predict the Peruvian Election” Comment is free… The Guardian
Alan García propone a Humala sostener debate descentralizado
Por Enrique Patriau, Feliciano Gutiérrez y Liubomir Fernández
La Republica, 22 de abril de 2006
TOMA LA INICIATIVA
• Candidato aprista retoma actividades y ofertas electorales, aunque dice que sigue esperando resultados de la ONPE
• Sostiene que confrontación final de planes de gobierno debería ser en Puno o Cusco, bastiones de Ollanta Humala.
La Oficina Nacional de Procesos Electorales (ONPE) todavía no concluye con el cómputo oficial, pero Alan García Pérez ya se siente en la segunda vuelta.
Por eso en su visita a Puno el candidato del Apra planteó –de confirmarse que superó a su rival Lourdes Flores Nano– sostener un debate descentralizado con el candidato de Unión Por el Perú (UPP), Ollanta Humala Tasso. Y hasta propuso la locación: Puno o Cusco.
Ya el jueves, García había considerado necesaria la confrontación de ideas entre los aspirantes a la Presidencia.
“Habrá debate, de todas maneras”, afirmó aquella vez en su oficina. Y ayer, reafirmó esa posición.
“Estoy dispuesto a cruzar mis armas programáticas con Ollanta Humala pero, ¿por qué hacerlo en Lima?”, señaló en Juliaca.
Según García, quienes compitan en la segunda vuelta deberían recorrer el país para explicar sus propuestas de gobierno y, en los 20 días previos a las elecciones, participar en uno o dos debates bien organizados.
No es campaña
El líder del Apra llegó a Juliaca a las 9 de la mañana. Si bien aclaró que la visita no significaba el “re-inicio” de su campaña, igual se vistió de candidato y aprovechó la ocasión para lanzar algunas promesas, entre ellas la creación de una universidad estatal.
Justificó su ofrecimiento en la medida que –según dijo– una ciudad con más de 300,000 habitantes necesita un centro de estudios de esa naturaleza.
Pero no fue lo único. También dijo que un eventual gobierno suyo hará realidad la zona franca, culminará la Carretera Interocéanica, descontaminará el Lago Titicaca para fomentar el turismo, y otorgará créditos agrarios.
Alan García no habrá llegado en plan proselitista oficial, pero igual prometió como el mejor candidato. Y, de paso, agradeció con énfasis a la numerosa población que le dio su apoyo el domingo 9 de abril.
Traición bolivariana
En otro momento, García volvió a criticar al presidente de Venezuela, Hugo Chávez, quien anunció el retiro de ese país de la Comunidad Andina de Naciones (CAN).
En ese sentido, reiteró que Chávez abandonó el mensaje bolivariano que propugna la integración de la región.
“Me duele que desde Venezuela se plantee abandonar la CAN cuando fue un venezolano, el libertador Simón Bolívar, el que llamó a la unión de las repúblicas andinas”, sostuvo.
Para el líder aprista, si Chávez cumple finalmente con su amenaza, cometerá un gravísimo error y pasará de ser un personaje clave “gracias a su petróleo” a convertirse en un simple “furgón de cola”.
“No solo está matando a Bolívar, sino que hará retroceder económicamente a su país”, indicó.
En Puno con jóvenes
De Juliaca, Alan García se trasladó a Puno, en donde se reunió con cientos de jóvenes. El encuentro se llevó a cabo en el coliseo Villa Carmela.
En sus declaraciones a los periodistas de Puno, el candidato presidencial del Apra dijo que pretende ganar las elecciones con los votos del sur, uno de los bastiones de Ollanta Humala.
Aseguró, además, que de pasar a la segunda vuelta reiniciará su campaña proselitista en Puno.
Ollanta reanuda campaña en Trujillo
Por Flor Huilca
La Republica, 22 de abril de 2006
NO SE QUEDA
• Líder nacionalista recorrerá cuatro días provincias de La Libertad, donde Alan García obtuvo el 53.43% de votación
• “Sólido norte será nacionalista”, asegura • Ayer visitó al cardenal Juan Luis Cipriani y al líder aprista Armando Villanueva.
Ollanta Humala decidió no esperar más los resultados oficiales. Con la confianza que le da tener el primer lugar en los resultados parciales de las elecciones, reanudará hoy su campaña rumbo a la segunda vuelta, y lo hará nada menos que en La Libertad, una de las regiones del sólido norte aprista donde Alan García cosechó amplio respaldo el 9 de abril.
Por ello el líder nacionalista considera necesario trabajar con calma esta plaza electoral. Estará cuatro días recorriendo diversas provincias y distritos del departamento donde su partido obtuvo apenas el 15.95% de apoyo, escaso en comparación con el 53.43% que tuvo Alan García, su más probable contendor.
Su primer día de campaña lo dedicará a visitar las provincias de Julcán y Santiago de Chuco, donde tiene previsto realizar recorridos por la ciudad y mítines relámpago. El domingo estará en Huamachuco, Quiruvilca y Laredo; el lunes en Cascas, Ascope, Casa Grande y La Esperanza; y el martes en Pacasmayo, San Pedro, Guadalupe y Chepén. En todas estas provincias su respaldo no supera del 22% (Casa Grande) como máximo y 5.3% como mínimo (Quiruvilca).
“Lo que buscamos es que el sólido norte sea nacionalista”, proclamó convencido.
La Estrategia
La campaña de la segunda vuelta, según voceros del Partido Nacionalista, se inició el martes con la reunión de los congresistas virtualmente elegidos por este partido. Y es que serán ellos quienes asuman la conducción de la campaña en cada departamento, aprovechando el respaldo obtenido el 9 de abril. El comando de campaña nacional ordenó que, a su vez, los comandos de campaña de cada candidato sumen esfuerzos en un solo comité.
Se pondrá mayor énfasis en los departamentos del sur, donde Ollanta obtuvo un respaldo mayor al 50%, para incrementar ese porcentaje. En los departamentos que le fueron adversos, entre ellos Lima, reforzarán su campaña.
La estrategia de esta campaña no incluirá alianza con partidos políticos. El mensaje que quieren enviar es que “la alianza será con el pueblo y sus organizaciones”, a quienes explicarán sus propuestas “empezando de cero para corregir las distorsiones” producto de la primera vuelta. Intentarán, además, orientarse hacia el elector joven.
En esa perspectiva, Humala tenía programado ayer grabar un spot en Chosica, pero lo suspendió ante la presencia de periodistas. Este hecho motivó una reacción airada de sus partidarios que, otra vez, agredieron física y verbalmente a los periodistas.
Visitó a Cipriani y a Villanueva
1 ]En víspera de su viaje por la Libertad, clásico bastión del Partido Aprista, Ollanta Humala hizo ayer una sorpresiva visita al veterano líder aprista Armando Villanueva del Campo, quien se encuentra delicado de salud.
2] “Me une una amistad de muchos años con él. Me enteré que estaba mal y vine a verlo. Esto no debe mezclarse con el tema político. Lo he visto mejor y me ha obsequiado un libro”, declaró a su salida. La visita duró media hora.
3] Dijo también que reanudará su campaña electoral en La Libertad, porque quiere que “el sólido norte sea nacionalista”.
4] Por la tarde, Humala y su esposa Nadine Herrera se reunieron con el cardenal Juan Luis Cipriani en el Arzobispado de Lima. A su salida explicó que visitó a “un amigo con quien conversó sobre la segunda vuelta que debe desarrollarse con tranquilidad”.
Datos
Seguridad. Ollanta Humala recibió por la mañana, en su casa de Surco, a agentes de Seguridad de Dignatarios para coordinar lo relacionado con la seguridad que recibirá de la Policía Nacional.
Candidatos. Esta institución ha previsto destinar a un conjunto de agentes y vehículos para proteger durante la campaña de segunda vuelta a los dos candidatos que se disputarán la presidencia de la República.
Anuncia primer ministro Pedro Pablo Kuczynski, desde Washington
“García haría mejor gobierno esta vez”
Nestor Ikeda, Associate Press
Expreso, 22 de abril del 2006
WASHINGTON.- El primer ministro peruano Pedro Pablo Kuczynski declaró el viernes que tiene “esperanzas” en que el Congreso de su país apruebe el Tratado de Libre Comercio con Estados Unidos antes del cambio presidencial en julio y que el ex presidente Alan García haría “un mejor gobierno” esta vez.
Indicó que después de la segunda vuelta electoral, que sería a fines de mayo o la primera semana de junio, el presidente saliente Alejandro Toledo esperaba enviar al Congreso el tratado cuya firma presenció en Washington la semana pasada.
En esa segunda vuelta, el candidato nacionalista Ollanta Humala se enfrentará a García, que procede de un partido con tendencia centro-izquierdista, o a la candidata conservadora Lourdes Flores. García y Flores se disputan voto a voto ese derecho luego de la primera votación el 9 de abril.
“Conozco a Alan García y mi esperanza es que si fuera elegido él haría un gobierno mucho mejor que en la primera vez”, dijo Kuczynski en una entrevista con el servicio financiero Dow Jones.
García está en busca de una segunda oportunidad después de haber tenido un gobierno (1985-90) marcado por la hiperinflación, la nacionalización de los bancos y una fuerte actividad de grupos terroristas. García lleva una ligera ventaja en el conteo de votos a Flores y ha hecho campaña en esta ocasión con propuestas de libertad económica y de mercados.
Kuczynski, quien se encontraba el viernes en Miami pero que retornará a Washington este fin de semana para las reuniones de primavera del Fondo Monetario Internacional y del Banco Mundial, dijo que el Tratado de Libre Comercio ha sido politizado en su país.
“Obviamente, es un tema político y no podemos garantizar su aprobación (en el Congreso), pero esperamos la aprobación porque los beneficios son muy claros”, dijo.
Si Humala ganara la segunda vuelta, el debate legislativo se complicaría ya que el ex militar dijo que deseaba “revisar” los alcances del pacto negociado en 20 meses.
“Básicamente, es un pacto muy bueno para el Perú en el sentido de que obtenemos un ingreso instantáneo (para los productos peruanos) y Estados Unidos obtiene un ingreso gradual”.
Indicó también que esperaba que el Congreso estadounidense hiciera “muy pocas observaciones” al acuerdo, pero admitió que en un año de elecciones de mitad de periodo su aprobación primero por la legislatura peruana podría tener un efecto positivo en Washington.
Kuczynski dijo que las elecciones en su país desacelerarían temporalmente el impulso económico en los próximos meses.
El FMI informó esta semana que Perú ha obtenido un crecimiento del 6,7% en el 2005 y proyectaba una baja al 5,0% en el 2006 y 4,5% en 2007.
“En todo año electoral hay una suerte de incertidumbres”, señaló. “Las decisiones de inversiones se posponen y eso obviamente se refleja en la economía, pero pueden recuperase después del cambio de gobierno” finalizó.
9 replies on “How I Predicted the Peruvian Election”
I´d bet that over 30% of the total votes will be left blank or invalidated.
Your best post yet, Max! I haven’t been following the election as closely as many here. Still, I was very surprised by the surprise of the many who had Alan pegged for third.
A simple look at Wikipedia’s poll trends
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Peruvian_national_election,_2006 show that Lourdes’ support was melting faster than the ice caps.
Like you, Max, my bet was on an Humala-Garia showdown. This time however, I’ll go on record and be the first to predict victory for the Apristas.
On top of everything which you said, let’s remember that that in 2001, Garcia ate up 5 points on Toledo in the run-off. This was against someone who (unlike Humala) at the time had few, if any, enemies. Someone who had the sympathy of almost all Peruvians due to the stolen election of 2000. (Still talking Peru here, not the USA)
Anyway, after all of that, as well as only being back in the country for a month or two, Alan still did well. Now that he’s settled, now that another 5 years have passed since his disastrous reign, now that he is a little older and wiser, on top of what you already mentioned, it seems very clear to me that Alan will come through with a close but solid victory. Like 2001, I’ll score it 53/47, but this time the (not so) loveable outsider will finish second.
Thank you for this analysis. In your view which percenantage of Lourdes Flores’ supporters will help Garcia for the second round, will it be enough to beat Humala ?
Max,
Did you put that prediction in an envelope and mail it to yourself before the election? I’d like the proof. 🙂
Perhaps you can offer some conjecture on Flores’ and her party’s future. Is her political career over? How did she get to a point anyway where people thought she was a viable candidate? Is there that much of a dearth in Peru of viable candidate?
BrooklynJohnny,
That’s what they said about Nixon! There was a stolen election in the U.S.? When did that happen?
I know a lot of people are very negative on Humala, just from reading these posts. But lets say Garcia wins, and he screws up again. Don’t you think someone worse than Humala could come along and really make drastic changes in Peru?
I’m not holding my breadth with respect to Peru, the same movie all over again. What both Garcia and Flores can do is to remind the electorate constantly the links between Humala and Montesinos. Surely Garcia’s presidency wasn’t squicky clean, however his credentials are nowhere near as bad as those of MOntesinos or his accomplice.
Ollanta Humala: a Montesinos’ accomplice poised to become Peru’s president
http://vcrisis.com/index.php?content=letters/200604221623
Rici’s post implies that I don’t care about eductaion of the forgotten areas and equates me with miraflorina cafe people. We used to call them ‘la izquierda miraflorina’. I despise those who talk about the poor rights while drinking gourmet coffee.
Those are serious mistaken assumptions and wrong conclusions. That is one more reason I emphasized that when presenting someone else’s studies (the CEPAL case) it is important to also note limitations of these studies.
It is obvious that both health and education are government responsiblities, they have been sacrificed for arms in all previous governments. That is part of Humala nationalistic discourse, to spend in the army. The arm traffickers who take advantage of these caudillos may be very happy with the prospectives. Huge personal comissions, and less to health and education. This is not just Peru, but is more of a crime on a poor country like ours. Local governments are as much responsible, but we need a solution for bribery and the ‘tarjetazo”.
I can see that my level of discussion is different, as I can say I know Peru, I know its people and its needs, and I have witnessed and lived all governments since Velasco. I have heard Humala’s speech before, be the naive ones who expect something big from him. The posts in this blog are very simplistic regarding how to fix Peru. They also forget that the military in Peru after Velasco has never been for the poor, and they have not been ‘friends’ with so called leftist tendencies. Big inconsistency, remember we used to say the ‘military repression’?.
I am not an anarchist either, and have lots of wishful thinking, I hope Humala is able to surround himself of independent thinkers, and good administrators not only at a national levels, but builds a network of HONEST authorities and administrators working to the most forgotten places of our territory. I hope he distantiates himself from the military and don’t accept pressure to spend Peru’s money in the last fighter plane, so a general friend can get his comission.
His “plan de gobierno” is such a dream with no explanation of how he will do it. There is no diagnosis, I would even accept CEPAL numbers here. Not that the other options had one, but it tells about the seriousness of each one.
Peru is a complicated nation, one person speech and promises is very unlikely to change our economical structure and leads to a more equal society. I would like to see an organized party with skilled and honest leader, and people representing all regions and communities of Peru.
The discussion here seems to be who can predict who will be President, and I wish I knew this is what this is about, because that is a nobrainer question/bet.
I guess I am the naive and idealistic one
Yes, Max, there is material evidence. The bets were written on a napkin which is in the possession of a neutral third party. Well, not entirely neutral–she also placed a bet. If she does not declare me the victor, I will declare fraud.
I think Flores’ presidential ambitions are over. Unidad Nacional will have trouble holding together past the municipal and regional elections. Already, infighting has broken out. Personally, I don’t think she was a bad candidate. She ran an exemplary campaign. Yes, the appointment of Woodman was a mistake. Yes, she should have responded to the attacks on her. Yes, she should have distanced herself from Toledo and the status quo. But would a better strategy have made a difference? I am not sure.
I am inclined to think that Flores’ problems were more structural. Her vote was strongest among the affluent sectors (I think you had a colourful term for them) and weakest among the poor. In Peru, the poor are a majority. She did more than any candidate of the right has ever been able to do to win votes outside of Lima and in the shantytowns around the capital city. But in the end it was not enough. Her vote is so similar to the result in 2001 you have to ask yourself whether the result reflects an intractible structural reality.
What will happen to Flores’ voters? Good question, Alexis. I think many of them will go to APRA. That said, there may be older voters, those who remember the bad old days of 1987-1990 (the catastrophic last three years of Garcia’s government) who will simply never vote for APRA. Some may even prefer Humala to APRA. I know anecdotally of such cases. Will Flores’ votes cast blank or spoiled ballots, as Alejandro suggests? Perhaps. One possibility is that they will do so only if Garcia is significantly ahead of Humala. That is, they will not spoil their vote unless they think such a gesture will not matter. But if the vote is tight, many may come around to Garcia at the end.
BrooklynJohnny notes that Garcia appears older and wiser and yet another 5 years have been put between the voters in Peru today and the 1980s. Could be. He has said that his generation of leaders is at stake in this election. This is their last chance.
— Max
Like I said, I’m not a regular. Is it that we have two guys named Max, here? Now I’m not sure which is the one I like! Both?
Anyway, I see that Garcia already has that “close but solid” lead. Those polls will get tighter once it really sets in that Alan is about to return to the scene of the crime. In the end, however, Humala will come up short. Recent elections show that being an outsider in Peru is a plus. Still, Fujimori (’90) and Toledo (’01) didn’t win on that alone. They won by running as centrists. Of course they both sold the country out to foreign interests, but neither ran on the promise of neo-liberalism. I can’t say how Humala will govern, but I know that whether one believes he’ll be in Montesinos’ pocket or Chavez’ pocket, whether one paints him as a socialist or a fascist, he is running as anything but a centrist.
Alexis wondered how many Flores votes Garcia will win the next time around. It’s hard to say how many of Peru’s traditional elite will do the unthinkable and vote APRA. Up against Humala, though, I’m counting on 60%. That might not be enough for Garcia. All of Paniagua’s centrist/right votes, as well as some other key “lessers” however, will be.
Max2- They did say that about Nixon! Something about being “rested and ready.” Whatever the exact quote was, usually friends apologize and enemies forget. Look at how much more popular Tricky Dicky was before he died. Even Slick Willy puckered up for one final ass-kiss fest during the funeral. Oh yeah, and according to some in Cleveland, there were two stolen elections in the States!
Finally, whatever the consensus is here, as naive as this sounds, I do not expect Garcia to screw up again. Nor am I negative on Humala. I just wish I knew where he stood. Hopefully, another 5 years to groom his message will do some good. A “respectable” loss plus friends in the new assembly will make Humala, and not “somebody worse” the man in waiting.