Aboriginal Representation

Module #2 – Post #2

Smith, Loretta. (2006). Mending Fences: Increasing Aboriginal Representation in Canada. Department of Political of Science, University of Guelph. Written for the 78th Annual Meeting of the Canadian Political Science Association: York University. Accessed via: http://www.cpsa-acsp.ca/papers-2006/Smith,%20Loretta.pdf

In reviewing literature in module #1 and now Module #2, our discussions have led me to further explore the type of representation and amount of representation that exists for Aboriginal people in Canada in regards to the federal government. This of course leading to barriers to participation in governance and precursors that we can than connect or discount as influencing this participation.

As I wrote in Discussion #4, I quote myself, “having to partake within the Canadian government requires assimilation at many levels for Aboriginal people, it is a Western construct.” So what is it specifically that could present challenges, barriers or even benefits in contemporary times for participation in federal governance?

I hypothesized before beginning the article that socio-economic conditions, lack of access to higher Education, secure and well paid employment of course tension from historical relationships between Aboriginal people and the government.

Smith’s article hypothesizes 6 factors, of which many I had not considered:

  • Aboriginal candidates receiving less funding than non-Aboriginal candidates
  • Aboriginal candidates placed in non-winnable ridings
  • Aboriginal candidates run at more local governance levels than federal due to less personal sacrifice
  • Aboriginal people not considering Canadian government to be legit and therefore do not participate
  • Aboriginal people do not have appropriate professional experience/education
  • Questions whether the single-member electoral system prevents Aboriginal candidates to be elected in proportion to their total share of the population

Smith provides great stats (so I do recommend looking at the tables provided) – local stats are out of BC and Federal stats obviously cross the nation J Smith concludes that funding did not consistently seem to be an issue for Aboriginal candidates, nor did the placement of ridings for candidates (there was no evidence of tokenism either). And, there was also a lack of Aboriginal participation at local levels of government, therefore cancelling out that hypothesis.

Results did show however, that for those Aboriginal representatives that were elected, they had high level Professional experience and had University-level Education, all of which is not representative of the Aboriginal population. Only 6.39% of Aboriginal population has University education and only 17.48% of the Aboriginal population is employed professionally (Smith, Loretta. 2006. Pp.19). This result indicates, along with other details, that Aboriginal politicians and candidates are more like non Aboriginal politicians than their own communities.

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