Radicalism in the Deaf culture

The Boston Globe: Radicalism in the Deaf culture

SINCE LAST MAY, Gallaudet University, the world’s only university designed entirely for deaf and hard-of-hearing students, has been rocked by protests over the selection of a new president.

Jane K. Fernandes was scheduled to take over from I. King Jordan in January. On Oct. 29, after protesters shut down the Washington campus for more than two weeks, the board of trustees revoked Fernandes’s appointment. This fiasco is a striking example of identity politics gone mad.

Que Pasa en Oaxaca?

The Nation‘s Michael McCaughan on the state of seige in Oaxaca:

Que Pasa en Oaxaca?

A virtual state of siege prevails in Oaxaca City where thousands of military police have occupied the central square and surrounding streets, clearing barricades and detaining dozens of opposition activists. The city’s emergency services are idle while banks and schools remain closed and the city center, usually bustling with tourists, has the air of a ghost town. The hub of activity has shifted to the Santo Domingo church where thousands of activists gather daily to swap news, make plans and denounce police brutality.The federal police occupation began on October 28 with an aggressive push toward the Zocalo (town square) which was occupied in June by teachers, students and workers demanding the removal of discredited state governor Ulises Ruiz. The roots of the conflict go back a month earlier when teachers occupied the city square in demand of better pay. This annual protest dates back twenty-six years and the ritual typically ends with a small wage increase being approved. This time, however, Governor Ruiz violently evicted the teachers from the square, provoking a popular uprising.

Workers and students united to shut down government offices and seized local radio and television stations. The state government ground to a halt and Ruiz has gone into hiding, communicating through paid announcements in the press.

“The conflict in Oaxaca is almost over,” announced Ruiz on Friday–confirmation, if it was necessary, that his hiding place must be a long way from Oaxaca.

The opposition formed the Oaxaca People’s Popular Assembly (APPO), which comprises 200 organizations drawn from 600 villages and towns across the state, all determined to stand firm until Ruiz has left office and with him the federal security forces.

The APPO is a temporary alliance of activists ranging from moderates with links to the ruling party to radicals calling for armed struggle to overthrow the state. In conversation with APPO members this week there was consensus that the time had come to replace traditional political parties with community-based governing assemblies, in keeping with indigenous tradition.

On the eve of the police occupation the teacher’s union signed a wage agreement and agreed to go back to work. The push to topple Ruiz would have continued but the core of the resistance movement was effectively neutralized. On that same day, however, government officials opened fire on a group of protestors, killing US citizen Brad Will and raising the profile of the dispute internationally.

Under pressure to resolve the impasse, President Fox dispatched police with orders to retake the square and dismantle barricades around the city. Mexico’s congress simultaneously pushed for the resignation of Ruiz, to ease tensions. However the plan backfired as Ruiz refused to step down and appears determined to hang on until the bitter end.

The governor represents the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), which ruled Mexico from 1929 until 2000, combining populism with repression. In recent years the PRI has seen its power base eroded around the country, but Oaxaca, where the party has governed uninterruptedly for seventy-seven years, remains a significant fiefdom.

The situation is further complicated by the upcoming handover of presidential power to Felipe Calderón on December 1. Calderón’s National Action Party (PAN) needs PRI support to govern effectively in congress and legitimize its candidate’s feeble electoral victory. It is believed that Ruiz has demanded the PAN support him in return for PRI cooperation in the coming months.

Meanwhile, the military police have failed to crush the resistance movement. Indeed it is the federal police themselves who now look surrounded and isolated as they camp out in the square. In a dynamic new tactic protestors surge toward the square, chanting slogans and testing defenses at different entry points.

According to internal security documents, the police mission comprises three phases; the retaking of the square and clearing of all major barricades; the seizure of occupied radio and TV stations; and a final phase in which arrest warrants would be served on 200 APPO members and a major clampdown imposed to dampen resistance efforts.

The square was retaken last weekend in a day of violence which saw three people killed, dozens more injured and at least fifty people detained. The APPO militants abandoned barricades rather than clash with heavily armed police, but for every dismantled barricade three more appeared at significant intersections across the city.

On Thursday police engaged in running battles with protestors outside the university campus, where several people were snatched by police and taken by helicopter to a nearby airbase. The local police have also set up a “safe house” opposite a soft drink warehouse, where neighbors have reported cries of torture from “ghost” detainees yet to be formally charged or processed through the courts. There are now seventy-nine prisoners and thirty-seven “disappeared” citizens, sparking a desperate search by concerned relatives.

The authorities believed that by clearing the square, a potent symbol of APPO power, the movement would lose its focus. However, the repression has only multiplied the resistance as students shut down university faculties across Mexico and Zapatista rebels closed down the Panamerican Highway near Guatemala. Radio Universidad, playing a vital role in coordinating APPO activities, has been broadcasting hundreds of declarations of support from around the world.

By the end of the week President Fox had declared that he was leaving the Oaxaca conflict to his successor, Felipe Calderón. At a meeting with stockbrokers this week, Calderón outlined his future strategy for guaranteeing security around the country; “Will it be easy?” he reflected, “No…this is a problem which will take time, money and very probably it will cost more lives. “

CALL FOR OAXACA SUPPORT & SOLIDARITY

United for Peace and Justice

CALL FOR OAXACA SUPPORT & SOLIDARITY

November 3, 2006

The past week has seen an explosive turn in Oaxaca City, Mexico, where a five month-long political
struggle led by teachers, community activists and local residents has plunged into a battle with riot troops and right-wing paramilitaries in the streets.

Last May teachers in Oaxaca went on strike. Initially called as a protest for better wages and working
conditions their fight has broadened into an all-out indigenous struggle against a repressive and corrupt government. Now the situation is worsening: since Friday, at least eight people have been killed by paramilitaries or the Mexican Federal Preventative Police (FPP), including NYC Indymedia videographerBrad Will, a 15-year old boy, a nurse, a teacher, and more. Protest organizers are being rounded up, sometimes taken from their homes.Yesterday the FPP began an illegal and violent assault on la Universidad Autanoma “Benito Juarez” de Oaxaca, the nerve center for popular resistance in Oaxaca.

The courage of the Oaxaquereos in the face of brutal repression has been inspiring. Activists response in the U.S. and around the world has also been compelling, from solidarity actions at Mexican Consulates, to electronic blockades of Mexican Embassy and Consulate websites, to call-ins to Mexican authorities, to helping to get the word out through Indymedia. But much more can and should be done.

WHAT YOU CAN DO

Attend a solidarity protest or vigil in your community. View or post events at friendsofbradwill.org, elenemigocomun.net or ulisesruizasesino.com.

Contact the State Commission on Human Rights in Oaxaca as well as other Mexican authorities. Jaime Mario Perez Jimenez, Human Rights Commission of the State of Oaxaca. Email: quejas@cedhoax.org Tel. 044 951 104 43 06 or send a message to: 512 90 20 code:956, Fax: (951) 5135185, 5135191, 5135197, correo@cedhoax.org

President: Vicente Fox Quesada,
vicente.fox.quesada@presidencia.gob.mx, radio@presidencia.gob.mx,
webadmon@op.presidencia.gob.mx Telephone (55) 50911100
y (55)151794

Governmental Secretary: Carlos Abascal Carranza.
Phone(00 52) 5 55 546

Attorney General: Daniel Cabeza de Vaca. Telephone
(0053) 4 60 904 Email: ofproc@pgr.gob.mx

Money is needed for food and supplies for people in Oaxaca, legal costs for those arrested in Oaxaca and in solidarity actions around the world, and to send independent journalists and activists to Oaxaca with equipment and supplies. Click here to donate via Friends of Brad Will. Learn more. Visit Indymedia and other independent media websites for updates.

Download and show video to your friends and community. Contact the corporate media and hold them accountable. Demand that the corporate media accurately report on the human rights crisis in Oaxaca. Many reports in the corporate media have blamed the protesters rather than be critical of the Mexican government.Take other action. Sign a letter in support of the people of Oaxaca, participate in an “electronic blockade” of Mexican Embassy and Consulate Websites, or send a letter to Congress. Spread the word!

Robert Fisk: Saddam condemnation a guilty verdict on America as well

The Independent: Saddam condemnation a guilty verdict on America as well

So America’s one-time ally has been sentenced to death for war crimes he committed when he was Washington’s best friend in the Arab world. America knew all about his atrocities and even supplied the gas – along with the British, of course – yet there we were yesterday declaring it to be, in the White House’s words, another “great day for Iraq”. That’s what Tony Blair announced when Saddam Hussein was pulled from his hole in the ground on 13 December 2003. And now we’re going to string him up, and it’s another great day.

Of course, it couldn’t happen to a better man. Nor a worse. It couldn’t be a more just verdict – nor a more hypocritical one. It’s difficult to think of a more suitable monster for the gallows, preferably dispatched by his executioner, the equally monstrous hangman of Abu Ghraib prison, Abu Widad, who would strike his victims on the head with an axe if they dared to condemn the leader of the Iraqi Socialist Baath Party before he hanged them. But Abu Widad was himself hanged at Abu Ghraib in 1985 after accepting a bribe to put a reprieved prisoner to death instead of the condemned man. But we can’t mention Abu Ghraib these days because we have followed Saddam’s trail of shame into the very same institution. And so by hanging this awful man, we hope – don’t we? – to look better than him, to remind Iraqis that life is better now than it was under Saddam.

Only so ghastly is the hell-disaster that we have inflicted upon Iraq that we cannot even say that. Life is now worse. Or rather, death is now visited upon even more Iraqis than Saddam was able to inflict on his Shias and Kurds and – yes, in Fallujah of all places – his Sunnis, too. So we cannot even claim moral superiority. For if Saddam’s immorality and wickedness are to be the yardstick against which all our iniquities are judged, what does that say about us? We only sexually abused prisoners and killed a few of them and murdered some suspects and carried out a few rapes and illegally invaded a country which cost Iraq a mere 600,000 lives (“more or less”, as George Bush Jnr said when he claimed the figure to be only 30,000). Saddam was much worse. We can’t be put on trial. We can’t be hanged.

“Allahu Akbar,” the awful man shouted – God is greater. No surprise there. He it was who insisted these words should be inscribed upon the Iraqi flag, the same flag which now hangs over the palace of the government that has condemned him after a trial at which the former Iraqi mass murderer was formally forbidden from describing his relationship with Donald Rumsfeld, now George Bush’s Secretary of Defence. Remember that handshake? Nor, of course, was he permitted to talk about the support he received from George Bush Snr, the current US President’s father. Little wonder, then, that Iraqi officials claimed last week the Americans had been urging them to sentence Saddam before the mid-term US elections.

Anyone who said the verdict was designed to help the Republicans, Tony Snow, the White House spokesman, blurted out yesterday, must be “smoking rope”. Well, Tony, that rather depends on what kind of rope it might be. Snow, after all, claimed yesterday that the Saddam verdict – not the trial itself, please note – was “scrupulous and fair”. The judges will publish “everything they used to come to their verdict.”

No doubt. Because here are a few of the things that Saddam was not allowed to comment upon: sales of chemicals to his Nazi-style regime so blatant – so appalling – that he has been sentenced to hang on a localised massacre of Shias rather than the wholesale gassing of Kurds over which George W Bush and Lord Blair of Kut al-Amara were so exercised when they decided to depose Saddam in 2003 – or was it in 2002? Or 2001? Some of Saddam’s pesticides came from Germany (of course). But on 25 May 1994, the US Senate’s Committee on Banking, Housing and Urban Affairs produced a report entitled “United States Chemical and Biological Warfare-related Dual-use exports to Iraq and their possible impact on the Health Consequences (sic) of the Persian Gulf War”.

This was the 1991 war which prompted our liberation of Kuwait, and the report informed Congress about US government-approved shipments of biological agents sent by American companies to Iraq from 1985 or earlier. These included Bacillus anthracis, which produces anthrax; Clostridium botulinum; Histoplasma capsulatum; Brucella melitensis; Clostridium perfringens and Escherichia coli. The same report stated that the US provided Saddam with “dual use” licensed materials which assisted in the development of chemical, biological and missile-system programmes, including chemical warfare agent production facility plant and technical drawings (provided as pesticide production facility plans).

Yes, well I can well see why Saddam wasn’t permitted to talk about this. John Reid, the British Home Secretary, said that Saddam’s hanging “was a sovereign decision by a sovereign nation”. Thank heavens he didn’t mention the £200,000 worth of thiodiglycol, one of two components of mustard gas we exported to Baghdad in 1988, and another £50,000 worth of the same vile substances the following year.

We also sent thionyl chloride to Iraq in 1988 at a price of only £26,000. Yes, I know these could be used to make ballpoint ink and fabric dyes. But this was the same country – Britain – that would, eight years later, prohibit the sale of diphtheria vaccine to Iraqi children on the grounds that it could be used for – you guessed it – “weapons of mass destruction”.

Now in theory, I know, the Kurds have a chance for their own trial of Saddam, to hang him high for the thousands of Kurds gassed at Halabja. This would certainly keep him alive beyond the 30-day death sentence review period. But would the Americans and British dare touch a trial in which we would have not only to describe how Saddam got his filthy gas but why the CIA – in the immediate aftermath of the Iraqi war crimes against Halabja – told US diplomats in the Middle East to claim that the gas used on the Kurds was dropped by the Iranians rather than the Iraqis (Saddam still being at the time our favourite ally rather than our favourite war criminal). Just as we in the West were silent when Saddam massacred 180,000 Kurds during the great ethnic cleansing of 1987 and 1988.

And – dare we go so deep into this betrayal of the Iraqis we loved so much that we invaded their country? – then we would have to convict Saddam of murdering countless thousands of Shia Muslims as well as Kurds after they staged an uprising against the Baathist regime at our specific request – thousands whom webetrayed by leaving them to fight off Saddam’s brutal hordes on their own. “Rioting,” is how Lord Blair’s meretricious “dodgy dossier” described these atrocities in 2002 – because, of course, to call them an “uprising” (which they were) would invite us to ask ourselves who contrived to provoke this bloodbath. Answer: us.

I and my colleagues watched this tragedy. I travelled on the hospital trains that brought the Iranians back from the 1980-88 war front, their gas wounds bubbling in giant blisters on their arms and faces, giving birth to smaller blisters that wobbled on top of their wounds. The British and Americans didn’t want to know. I talked to the victims of Halabja. The Americans didn’t want to know. My Associated Press colleague Mohamed Salaam saw the Iranian dead lying gassed in their thousands on the battlefields east of Basra. The Americans and the British didn’t care.

But now we are to give the Iraqi people bread and circuses, the final hanging of Saddam, twisting, twisting slowly in the wind. We have won. We have inflicted justice upon the man whose country we invaded and eviscerated and caused to break apart. No, there is no sympathy for this man. “President Saddam Hussein has no fear of being executed,” Bouchra Khalil, a Lebanese lawyer on his team, said in Beirut a few days ago. “He will not come out of prison to count his days and years in exile in Qatar or any other place. He will come out of prison to go to the presidency or to his grave.” It looks like the grave. Keitel went there. Ceausescu went there. Milosevic escaped sentence.

The odd thing is that Iraq is now swamped with mass murderers, guilty of rape and massacre and throat-slitting and torture in the years since our “liberation” of Iraq. Many of them work for the Iraqi government we are currently supporting, democratically elected, of course. And these war criminals, in some cases, are paid by us, through the ministries we set up under this democratic government. And they will not be tried. Or hanged. That is the extent of our cynicism. And our shame. Have ever justice and hypocrisy been so obscenely joined?

Bill Moyers: “America 101”

Susan Ohanian has posted the text Bill Moyers’ speech to last month’s meeting of the Council of Great City Schools, and organization of the largest city school districts in the US. In “America 101”, the veteran journalist and president of the Schumann Center for Media and Democracy describes the lie that the “American Dream” has become and observes that teachers now are expected to staff the permanent emergency rooms of our country’s dysfunctional social order. They are expected to compensate for what families, communities, and culture fail to do.

Read the speech here.

(Thanks to PMM for the tip.)

Arthur Levine on teacher education

The recent “Levine report” on teacher education—Educating School Teachers— points out many of the problems with teacher education in the US—low standards for entry and weak, superficial accreditation processes that allow poor quality of programs access to a stamp of approval. And, most importantly, the report highlights how universities have little motivation to reform teacher education because these programs generate big tuition dollars with little return investment.

While many of Levine’s proposed solutions to the problems of teacher education are unfortunate extensions of the standards-based, test-driven thinking that is proving disasterous in K-12 schools (see No Child Left Behind), he does call for “clear-eyed evaluation” of teacher education programs.

Clearly teacher education needs to be re-thought, but the “higher standards” argument offers little in the way of creative and potentially revolutionary options. Re-thinking teacher education requires a rethinking of schools and that means taking on status quo assumptions about schools, society, and the state.

Read Levine’s op-ed article in today’s Boston Globe: A higher bar for future teachers

Rouge Forum Update: Oaxaca

Dear Friends,

Apologies for this unusually long Rouge Forum Update, but the urgency of the issue in Oaxaca requires it.

The struggle in Oaxaca, which demonstrates that school workers are centrally positioned in the battle for equality and justice, sharpened this week. Now the Mexican police and military are poised to attack the nascent Oaxaca Workers’ Council as a whole. At the same time, thousands of people are headed toward Oaxaca to defend the peoples’ movement.

Below is a note from a friend of a friend describing the situation.

We urge you to take direct action at Mexican consulates, if possible.

The Oaxaca battle also shows the need to build a mass well-organized base of people who grasp that we must transcend capitalism itself, to eradicate exploitation at its root. The movement in Oaxaca has not, to date, taken a sharp position on this central issue, perhaps to maintain a sense of unity among those who want to merely replace the elected officials, those who just want a raise and textbooks, and those who have a more radical view. Whether this unity can be sustained under Federale attacks is yet to be seen.

Even so, the heroic struggle in Oaxaca serves as a harbinger of the future.

Here is a list of the Mexican consulates in this country; call or write to yours:
http://www.mexonline.com/consulate.htm

Here is the US State Dept in Mexico City:
embeuamx@state.gov

and the consular agent in Oaxaca
conagent@prodigy.mx

Remember to set aside the first weekend in March for the Rouge Forum conference in Detroit. Full details to arrive next Sunday.

Oaxaca, Sunday 29 October 2006

Friends, Here’s a bit of update and a revealing first-hand report from two Pittsburgh folks who were at the barricade in Santa Lucia del Camino barrio (an out-of-the-center neighborhood of Oaxaca City, about 4 miles east of the center) where William Bradley Roland (Brad Will), the U.S. journalist and camerman from New York City was shot and killed Friday the 27th.

Yesterday, Saturday, was a very tense day. With president Vicente Fox’s announcement that he was sending a force of Federal Preventive Police (PFP, the initials in Spanish) to restore order, the widespread expectation was that they would act to clear the encampments and the barricades. Nancy’’s theory was that if they came in daylight they would likely surround the Zócalo and give the protestors an opportunity to leave, but if they arrived at night they were coming to apply el mano duro (the hard hand) and it would be bloody. It seemed likely that after the terrible press the Ulises PRI State government got the day before, the first possibility was more likely because a massive blood-bath would be very bad publicity for the PAN federal government. The reports on the radio were that buses were on their way, already between Puebla and Oaxaca, with PFP contingents. Maybe they’’d be arriving by early or mid-afternoon.

So we went to the Zóócalo around noon. The usual vendors were practically all gone. A handful of tourists. A funeral ceremony for one of the victims of the Friday massacre. Not very many people compared to the massive crowds recently to be seen there. People fearful but determined to resist. The Popular Assembly Movement was not backing down, waiting, calling for strengthening the barricades. But the day, and the night, seem to have passed relatively quietly. And the item below, from La Jornada‘‘s late news posting reports arrest of two of the assassins. We can hope that the federal move is intended to curb Ulises, and that the PRI forces in the state will be deterred sufficiently for a non-bloody exit from the immediate crisis. Sorry I don’’t have time to translate the article now, but will post it on the Oaxaca Study-Action Group website later. That site is at .

Here’’s the item in Spanish: (at 3:50am Central Standard Time) (at 3:50am Central Standard Time) Detienen a 2 presuntos responsables de la muerte de camaróógrafo de EU 28/10/2006 15:12 Oaxaca, Oax. Este sáábado fueron detenidos dos presuntos responsables de ataques con armas de fuego contra una barricada en Santa Lucíía del Camino la tarde del viernes, y que causaron la muerte del camaróógrafo neoyorquino Bradley Roland Will. Se trata de Abel Santiago Zurita, regidor de Seguridad Púública, y Manuel Aguilar, jefe de personal del ayuntamiento de Santa Lucíía del Camino. El corresponsal acreditado por la agencia Indymedia e integrante de la ONG Asociacióón de Asesores de Derechos Humanos (segúún las credenciales que portaba) murióó cerca de las seis de la tarde del viernes a causa de dos impactos de R-15.

And here’s the report from Santa Lucia del Camino: Account of the Prííista attack in Santa Lucia del Camino in Oaxaca, Mexico Attacks across the city kill at least 4. NOTE: This account is not meant to be a complete account of the day, it is meant to be from the perspectives and experiences of two people in the midst of what can only be described as a battle in the streets of Santa Lucia, in Oaxaca. We know that other things happened in other neighborhoods, and that other things probably happened in our vicinity. This is our best effort at capturing the events that we experienced and witnessed. On Thursday night, Barricade Three in Santa Lucia del Camino set up a little earlier than normal. Reinforcing the barricades for Friday’’s day of action required more trucks and buses than usual. At times, it was a chaotic scene with camióón after camióón joining the barricade and people unsure of where they should go. Eventually things calmed down. Many more people than usual guarded the barricade and the tranquility of the night had many regulars taking time to lie down, if not sleep. As day broke, the barricade took on the feel of a community holiday or small block party with small children running about. At what felt like an informal pot-luck, people brought tortillas and beans, sandwiches, bread, and arroz con leche.

Most chose to not cover their faces, despite this being a regular practice at the barricades. Up to this point, the only ““contentious”” moment was the permitted approached of a chicken truck that surprised several people. Sudenly, about a dozen people started shouting, donning masks, picking up Molotov cocktails (known as bombas Molotov) and cohetes (large bottle rockets typically shit out of PVC pipes the people call bazookas), and collecting rocks and sticks. A small group moved forward to see why a truck that was part of the barricade (about 200 feet away) was moving and investigate a commotion on the other side of that barricade. After advancing about 100 feet, the group spotted 150 to 200 Prííistas (supporters of the authoritarian PRI party that ruled Mexico for 70 years and currently ““rule”” the state of Oaxaca) marching toward the barricade.

The cohetes were fired into the air to warn the Prííistas not to approach. The warning was ignored. The tiny group of defenders fell back to the barricade and gathered more supplies. It was a chaotic situation. Prioritizing in the moment, a split second decision was made to leave our bags, in part because rocks from the Prííistas were already falling where our bags lay. As we sprinted down side streets to the closest barricade, there were shouts for children to go inside their homes to safety.

At the next barricade, people were banging on poles and railing to sound the alarm and rally the neighborhood to fight the Prííista advance. People came out of their homes and armed themselves with sticks, machetes, metal poles, cohetes and rocks. Once a fairly large crowd had gathered several people started shouting ““Vamos, compaññerQos, Vamos!”” (Let’’s go) and ““Avanza!”” (advance). People began advancing to the fallen barricade and the Prííistas, spreading out along the width of the four-lane highway, it’’s median, and sidewalks. Both sides fired their cohetes, and as we drew nearer rocks started flying from both sides. We pushed the Prííistas back passed the remnants of the now disassembled barricade. There was a lull of about thirty seconds as we populated the area around the barricade before many decided to chase the still-visible Prííistas only about 100 feet away from us.

Though most of them retreated faster than we advanced, one unlucky Prííistas was forced to choose his own safety and well-being over that of his fancy SUV. The look of regret was visible on his face as rocks crashed to the ground around him and he turned and ran. The SUV, lacking a license plate, briefly became the target instead of the retreating Prííistas. Tires slashed, windows smashed, someone decided to ensure that it was beyond use and set it ablaze. While some focused their attention on the SUV, some continued to chase the Prííistas. Most Prííistas had scattered into nearby homes and businesses, so people re-grouped back at the barricade. As we all clustered in the intersection, the two of us looked around and estimated that there were at least 500 people ready to defend their neighborhood.

We were both amazed by what we were seeing. Neither of us had ever witnessed such an incredible display of collective self-defense. We both nearly cried at the inspiring sight of people successfully working together to ward off aggression without centralized leadership. The barricade reclaimed, sandbags replaced, and the Prííistas pushed back, the battle appeared for a few moments, to be over.

We’’re unsure as to the exact reason for the second advance, but we believe that Prííistas were again spotted at the next intersection where they had scattered minutes before. As we cautiously advanced, walking in cover when possible, shots were heard from the intersection and everyone ducked or ran for cover. Many corporate news outlets, most notably those relying on AP ““reporter”” Rebeca Romero (widely believed to be on Ulises Ruiz’’s payroll), have claimed it was ““unclear”” as to who shot first. It was the Prííistas. From the ground, on the receiving end of the gunfire, there is no doubt as to who shot first. There is nothing ““unclear”” about it. It was the Prííistas, shown by El Universal photos and local television to be armed to the teeth, who shot first. After the shooting stopped, the group moved quickly to the other side of the road and to the corner where the shots had originated from.

The attacking Prííistas had retreated back away from the highway and deeper into the neighborhood. Fifty to 100 people slowly advanced north a block into the neighborhood while 200 people gradually moved up, either by going north, or approaching it from the west by way of the barricade. Again the group moved north, taking cover by vehicles parked along the street. In addition to shooters at the far end of the street, more Prííistas were taking cover inside a building along the street. The building was targeted with Molotovs, rocks, bricks, and cohetes. Someone kicked the door in before Prííistas down the street started shooting again and we had to retreat back to the end of the block. This gave the Prííistas time to close and blockade the door. A few attempts with similar results gave way to milling about, as we waited for reinforcements. One block west towards the barricade, about 100 people had gathered to take cover from additional Prííistas on that street. Soon we heard a truck roar to life and a few minutes later, compaññeros in a dump truck came to provide shielding for another advance. In the first such advance, the truck went too far down the road, shooting started again, at which point we fell back to the end of the block. Most waited there while the truck maneuvered itself horizontally across the street in front of the gate of the targeted building. Once the truck was ready, another advance began and the truck smashed open the gate. Another round of shooting began, and again everyone took cover and began to withdraw.

At this point, Brad Will, an Indymedia reporter from New York, was shot in the abdomen as he was filming. Many people ran to carry him around the block and down the street. As we waited for a car to arrive to take him to the hospital, efforts were made to keep him conscious and breathing, including CPR. As Brad showed signs of consciousness and movement, the crowd surrounding him cheered. He was carried into a car and driven to the hospital. Moments later, as people were still taking in what happened, it started to rain. People gathered up the Molotovs and cohetes and got them out of the rain. About a half hour later, people started to gradually head back to the barricade. When we arrived at the barricade, we learned from a teary-eyed compaññero that Brad had died on his way to the hospital. People from APPO such as Flavo Sosa arrived at the scene and were attempting to coordinate with the rest of the city where there had been other attacks. Hundreds of bottles were being filled and prepared as Molotov cocktails.

Thanks to the help of several compaññeras, we recovered one of our bags; though the other which contained a passport, several forms of id, travelers checks, over $1,000 pesos (most of which was intended to be used for the barricade), a video camera, is gone and was presumably stolen by the Prííistas. Hundreds remained at the barricade for the night. The two of us went to a compaññero’’s house to rest, write and watch the news. As of this writing, the Prííistas have set up their own barricades within the neighborhood, APPO has activated the mobile brigades, 4 or 5 people have died, dozens injured, and barricade 3 remains up, reinforced, and alert. Among the attackers were local municipal police (such as Abel Santiago Záárate and Juan Carlos Soriano Velasco) and politicians/PRI thugs (such Manuel Aguilar and Pedro Carmona, the man identified as Brad Will’’s killer), all from the neighborhood. Though the two of us had slightly differing expectations of how the day would pan out, neither of us expected an attack of this kind or magnitude in broad daylight. The diversity of people who fought the Prííista attackers was astounding. We saw young kids helping to gather cohetes and Molotovs.

We saw old women armed with rocks making their way to the front. We saw people wearing circle As, hammer and sickles, and people who didn’’t wear their political identity on their sleeves. In the end, it didn’’t matter who you were, only what side you stood on. La lucha sigue; the struggle continues. ““Tenemos dos manos y un corazóón para luchar.”” ““We have two hands and a heart to struggle.”” –CIPO-RFM Two Poggers in Oaxaca PS We didn’’t know Brad before meeting him here in Oaxaca, and wish to direct you to accounts of his life that are better than anything we would be able to write. Our thoughts go to his family, friends, and loved ones. Our thoughts and prayers also go out to the dead and wounded whose names we do not know and whose fates we did not witness.
_______________________________________________ All comments and criticisms are welcome.
george.salzman@umb.edu

Pirates and Emperors or Size Does Matter

Here’s a great example of how to teach young kids about global geo-politics, war, and “terrorism” via a cartoon. Eric Henry’s flim is titled after an observation by St. Augustine in City of God, proposing that what governments coin as “terrorism” in the small simply reflects what governments utilize as “warfare” in the large. Yet, governments coerce their populations to denounce the former while embracing the latter.

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Click here: for more info on Pirates and Emperors

Put Pirates and Emperors in the same resource kit with:

farmerduck.jpg Farmer Duck by Martin Waddell and Helen Oxenbury

0689832133_large.jpgClick, Clack, Moo: Cows That Type by Doreen Cornin and Betsy Lewin

nedmousebreaksaway.jpg
Ned Mouse Breaks Away
by Tim Wynne-Jones and Dušan Petrišcic.

and

Czar.jpegHow Does The Czar Eat Potatoes? by Anne Rose/Janosh.