In my ear (February)

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Meant to write this at the end of February, but…

Acquired in February:
John Mellencamp Freedom’s Road
John Hammond Push Comes to Shove
Frank Marino & Mahogany Rush Real Live!
Ali Farke Toure Savane

Heavy rotation for February:
Keene Brothers Blues and Boogie Shoes
Sloan Never Hear the End of It
Perry’s Picks for 2006
Robert Pollard Normal Happiness
John Mellencamp Freedom’s Road
John Hammond Push Comes to Shove
The Kinks Are the Village Green Preservation Society
Ali Farke Toure Savane
Bobby Rush Folk Funk

Perry pretty much set the parameters for my listening in February as I was hooked on his “Perry’s Picks for 2006”, particularly the tracks from Jerry Lee Lewis album Last Man Standing.

Perry also “pando-ed” me the new albums from Mellencamp and Frank Marino.

The last time I bought a Mellencamp album was the 1980’s (I really liked “The Authority Song”), so I was taken by surprise with the new album, which I really have gotten into—including “This is Our Country” the tune that replaced Bob Seeger’s ubiquitous “Like A Rock” in the Chevy truck commercials.

[Note that Perry has taken his protest about the Mellencamp “selling out” directly to the the man…maybe he’ll post his letter here on Where the Blog Has No Name for everyone to read).

I did not hold much hope at all for the Chevy truck song, but it’s actually pretty darn good, much better than (and sends a different, more inclusive, message what’s implied by) the nationalistic Chevy commercials.

I usually carry some Kinks in my car and I’ve been listening to one of their best lately—The Kinks Are the Village Green Preservation Society. Check out one of my fav Kinks’ tunes below. FYI there are two fantastic Kinks tribute albums I highly recommend, both released in 2001: Give the People What We Want: Songs of the Kinks (on Sub Pop), which includes artists like Young Fresh Fellows, The Minus Five, Baby Gramps, Mudhoney. And, This Is Where I Belong: The Songs of Ray Davies & The Kinks (on Rykodisc), featuring Fountains of Wayne, Matthew Sweet, Yo La Tengo, Ron Sexsmith, Steve Forbert, Jonathan Richman, Cracker (and Ray Davies doing a version of one of the best pop songs ever, “Waterloo Sunset”).

Listen to a bit of “Picture Book” below:

Republicans turn against Bush’s No Child Left Behind Act

Washington Post: DOZENS OF REPUBLICANS TURN AGAINST BUSH’S NCLB ACT

More than 50 GOP members of the House and Senate — including the House’s second-ranking Republican — will introduce legislation that could severely undercut President Bush’s signature domestic achievement, the No Child Left Behind Act, by allowing states to opt out of its testing mandates.

One high-ranking Republican lawmaker is convinced that the burdens and red tape of the No Child Left Behind Act are unacceptably onerous. For a White House fighting off attacks on its war policy and dealing with a burgeoning scandal at the Justice Department, the GOP dissidents’ move is a fresh blow on a new front, reports Jonathan Weisman and Amit R. Paley in the Washington Post.

Some Republicans said yesterday that a backlash against the law was inevitable. Many voters in affluent suburban and exurban districts — GOP strongholds — think their schools have been adversely affected by the law. Once-innovative public schools have increasingly become captive to federal testing mandates, jettisoning education programs not covered by those tests, siphoning funds from programs for the talented and gifted, and discouraging creativity, critics say. “Republicans voted for No Child Left Behind holding their noses,” said Michael J. Petrilli, an Education Department official during Bush’s first term who is now a critic of the law. “But now with the president so politically weak, conservatives can vote their conscience.”

Rouge Forum Broadside: Endless World War or Commune?

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Endless World War or Commune?

The 4th anniversary of the invasion of Iraq, undertaken for control of the oil fields as well as the geography of the strategic regions of the Middle East and the Caspian Sea, is not just a benchmark of a tragedy, but could be the turning point of a wider invasion, of Iran, and thus World War Three. Russia, China, and other imperial powers must have that oil too. But in the last two centuries, major wars produced revolutions, people’s uprisings. That was true of another anniversary: The 136th Anniversary of the Paris Commune. The Commune remains proof that the choice is community or barbarism, equality and democracy or capital’s perpetual wars.

On March 18th, 1871, the people of Paris revolted against Napoleon III’s corrupt government which had led France to a losing war with Prussia. When the Prussian army neared Paris, Parisian working people realized they had fought a bloody war in the name of the nation but in fact they were fighting like slaves, on the side of their masters. Parisians rebelled. Armed in the name of France, they fought in the name of the working class and beat back both the Prussians and Napoleon. They abolished the standing army, established a peoples’ militia, turned their guns on elites who had misled them into imperial war.

Paris’ workers established a commune, a government on the side of poor and working people, the vast majority. The rich fled to Versailles and began to plot to retake Paris.

The Paris Commune forged a beacon for what could be done if students, workers, and the poor took charge: Commune officials and judges were directly elected with universal suffrage and subject to immediate recall; no commune official would be paid more than the average worker, trade associations were rolled into one big union of all workers; police were abolished and crime evaporated in the face of the armed people; workers from all over the world were welcomed into the internationalist commune; church and state were split and churches turned into schools while state subsidies to mystics were abolished; rent was suspended and factories closed by employers reopened as cooperatives; the Commune revised taxation to compel the rich to pay for the wars only they profited from. The idea of the Commune spread, to Lyon and Marseilles.

But the Commune’s workers underestimated their ruthless wealthy enemies. Communards believed they could hold Paris without attacking Versailles, without seizing the banks. Napoleon III and French ruling elites paid once arch-enemy Prussians to help them retake Paris–deadly proof of the nature of class war. Paris was taken, brutally. After 72 days, in May 1871 the Paris Commune was crushed. Perhaps 100,000 died. But the lessons of the heroic struggle of the Paris Commune serve as life and death lessons today. As we stand in the midst of what appears to be, the Commune shows another way to live.

Today’s deadly imperial rivalries are part of a much broader war, an international war of the rich on the poor, in which each nation’s rich ruling class seeks to use poor and working people to fight and die, not battling their real enemies, but the enemies of their enemies: a class war disguised as national wars. Students, poor, and working people in the US have much more in common with the students, poor, and working people of any nation than we have with Bush/Clinton/Haliburton.

As in 1871, in every nation governments operate not as democratic representatives of the people, but weapons of violence of the rich, executive committees of the ruling classes. In every case, the government, its courts, troops, police, legislative and executive branches, are not neutrals, but enemies of the mass of people who, at best, choose which millionaire will oppress them less in counterfeit elections.

The world is more united than ever before, by systems of production, exchange, communications, and transportation, yet we are falsely divided by nation, race, sex/gender and superstition. But the real division in the world is class, those who own and inherit, the rich, versus the vast majority of people: students, workers, even soldiers. We need to unite across all the false division that divide us, or those divisions will be used to demolish us. We can stand on the shoulders of the workers of the Paris Commune and do more than mourn our current situation, but organize to change it.

The Rouge Forum is an international organization of school workers, students, parents, and community people engaged in education and direct action for equality and democracy. You are welcome to join us.

Join us! The Rouge Forum
www.Rougeforum.org

Rouge Forum Update: March for Community on the 4th Anniversary of the Empire’s Oil Wars

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People all over the world will be demonstrating against the imperial wars initiated by the combined bi-partisan forces of U.S. elites, specifically against the invasion of Iraq. We should be part of this global movement.

We can, at the same time, look at history to see the choice of community or barbarism in social practice as this is also the anniversary of the Paris Commune, March 18, 1871. The conditions that sparked the seizure of Paris by its poor and working people are somewhat parallel to the conditions we witness today: imperial war and another war, the war on poor and working people in every nation. The people of Paris took action, described in this Rouge Forum Broadside.

The latest RF Broadside might go well as a two sided flyer with the classic Shoot Moneybags, Not People, a Rouge Forum graphic.

Hats off to the rebels of Tacoma, Washington, taking direct action against the war machine as seen here in these videos:

A. Police Response Number One
B. Police Response Number Two
C. Resisters respond to charges of initiating the problem

Those who think beforehand about strategy and tactics in situations like this may be able to better guess what should be done.

D. Arrests at peaceful protest

We will have a full report on the minutes of the Rouge Forum Detroit 2007 conference coming out on Sunday evening, together with a call for a discussion about the suggestions for our organization’s development, that is, our new structure.

Gilberto Gil and the politics of music

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Gilberto Gil is best known as a founder, with Caetano Veloso, of the art/political movement known as Tropicalismo, which developed in the late 1960s and encompassed theatre, poetry and music, among other forms.

Now, Gil is a cabinet minister in Lula’s government in Brazil and in that role is integrating the “share, reuse, remix” approach of the Creative Commons movement into Brazilian policy on intellectual property.

Here’s a story about Gil’s current work from the International Herald Tribune.International Herald Tribune
Gilberto Gil and the politics of music
By Larry Rohter
Monday, March 12, 2007
Click here to find out more!

SALVADOR, Brazil: On Wednesday the Brazilian minister of culture, Gilberto Gil, is scheduled to speak about intellectual property rights, digital media and related topics at the South by Southwest Music and Media Conference in Austin, Texas. Two nights later the singer, songwriter and pop star Gilberto Gil begins a three-week North American concert tour.

Rarely do the worlds of politics and the arts converge as unconventionally as in the person of Gil, whose itinerary includes a solo performance at Carnegie Hall on March 20. More than 40 years after he first picked up a guitar and sang in public, Gilberto Passos Gil Moreira is an anomaly: He doesn’t just make music, he also makes policy.

And as the music, film and publishing industries struggle to adapt to the challenge of content proliferating on the Internet, Gil has emerged as a central player in the global search for more flexible forms of distributing artistic works. In the process his twin roles have sometimes generated competing priorities that he has sought to harmonize.

As a creator of music, he is interested in protecting copyrights. But as a government official in a developing country celebrated for the creative pulse of its people, Gil also wants Brazilians to have unfettered access to new technologies to make and disseminate art, without having to surrender their rights to the large companies that dominate the culture industry.

“I think we are moving rapidly toward the obsolescence and eventual disappearance of a single traditional model and its replacement by others that are hybrids,” Gil said in a February interview at his home here in northeast Brazil, one day before the start of Carnival. “My personal view is that digital culture brings with it a new idea of intellectual property, and that this new culture of sharing can and should inform government policies.”

Raised in the poor, arid interior of the Brazilian northeast, Gil, 64, has been straddling disparate worlds most of his life. No black Brazilian had ever served as a cabinet minister before he was appointed four years ago, and as a young man fresh out of college, he worked for a multinational company at a time when few black Brazilians had access to such jobs. Later, during a military dictatorship, he was jailed and then forced into exile in Britain.

After returning to Brazil in the 1970s, he made records that urged black Brazilians to reconnect with their African roots, and was an early champion here of Bob Marley and reggae. But Gil has also read widely in Asian philosophy and religions and follows a macrobiotic diet, leading the songwriter, producer and critic Nelson Motta to describe his style as “Afro-Zen.”

In person Gil is warm, calm and engaging, a slim, dreadlocked figure with an elfin, humorous quality that tends to disarm critics. As both individual and artist, he has always tended to be open-minded and eclectic in his tastes; the poet Torquato Neto once said of him, “There are many ways of singing and making Brazilian music, and Gilberto Gil prefers all of them.”

A fascination with technology has been another constant in Gil’s long career. He wrote his first song about computers, called “Electronic Brain,” back in the 1960s, and has regularly returned to the theme in compositions like “Satellite Dish” and “On the Internet,” which was written in the early 1990s.

One of Gil’s first actions after becoming culture minister in 2003 was to form an alliance between Brazil and the nascent Creative Commons movement. Founded in 2001, Creative Commons is meant to offer an alternative to the traditional copyright system of “all rights reserved,” which the movement’s adherents believe has impeded creativity and the sharing of knowledge in the Internet age.

In its place Creative Commons has devised a more flexible structure that allows artists to decide what part of their copyright they wish to retain and what part they are willing to share with the public. With input from Gil and many others, the organization has created licenses that permit creators and consumers to copy, remix or sample a digital work of art, so long as the originator is properly credited.

As culture minister Gil has also sponsored an initiative called the Cultural Points program. Small government grants are issued to scores of community centers in poor neighborhoods of some of Brazil’s largest cities to install recording and video studios and teach residents how to use them.

The result has been an outpouring of video and music, much of it racially conscious and politically tinged rap or electronica. Since Brazilian commercial radio, which is said to be riddled with payola, will not play the new music, the creators instead broadcast their songs on community radio stations and distribute their CDs independently, at markets and fairs, rather than through existing record labels.

Brazil’s official stance on digital content and intellectual property rights is in large part derived from Gil’s own experience. In the late ’60s he and his close friend Caetano Veloso, along with a handful of others here and in São Paulo, started the movement known as Tropicalismo, which blended avant-garde poetry, pop influences from abroad and home-grown musical styles then scorned as corny and déclassé.

Since Gil became minister, Brazilian government spending on culture has grown by more than 50 percent, testimony both to his prestige and negotiating skills. As minister he has devoted time to selling Brazilian music abroad, but has also labored to draw attention to Brazilian film, painting, sculpture and literature in foreign markets.

“One thing to remember about Gil,” said Hermano Vianna, an anthropologist, writer and a leading figure in Brazil’s digital culture movement, is that “he sees culture not just as art, but also as an industry. To Gil culture is not just an accessory but an important part of the economy and even a motor of economic development.”

Over the last four years, though, Gil has cut way back on his own performances, the part of being a musician he says he enjoys most, and nearly stopped recording. His most recent disc, “Gil Luminoso,” is a collection of 15 of his songs that he rerecorded in 1999 with just voice and guitar, to accompany a book about him.

Why give up something as gratifying as playing music for the wear and tear of public administration? “Life is not just pleasure,” he said. “The first phrase of the Vedic scriptures is that ‘All is suffering.’ Difficulty is stimulating, challenging, it’s an element of the pulse of life.”

Besides, he is at a point in life “where I no longer want to have a commitment to my career, in the classical sense of a profession,” he said. “I no longer see music as a field to be exploited. I see it now as an alternative area of action, part of a broad repertory of possibilities that I have. Music is something visceral in me, something that exudes from me, and even when I’m not thinking about it, I will still be making music, always.”

International Herald Tribune Copyright © 2007 The International Herald Tribune | www.iht.com

American Historical Association Denounces the War in Iraq

American Historical Association Denounces the War in Iraq

In an unprecedented step, the nation’s oldest and largest professional association of historians, the American Historical Association (AHA), has ratified a resolution condemning government violations of civil liberties linked to the war in Iraq. The resolution urges members “to do whatever they can to bring the Iraq war to a speedy conclusion.” In electronic balloting whose results were announced on March 12, some three-quarters of those voting supported the resolution, which was originally proposed by members of Historians Against the War (HAW), a national network of over two thousand scholars on more than four hundred campuses. The resolution had gained earlier acceptance from members attending the AHA’s annual meeting in Atlanta on January 6, 2007, and from the AHA Council, which decided to send the resolution out for ratification because of its sensitive nature.

“The outcome indicates the deep disquiet scholars feel about damage done to scholarly inquiry and democratic processes by this misbegotten war,” said Alan Dawley, Professor of History at The College of New Jersey and a former winner of the prestigious Bancroft Prize, who was the initial mover of the resolution.

The American Historical Association was chartered by Congress in 1889. Past Presidents include two United States presidents who were also historians, Woodrow Wilson and Theodore Roosevelt. President John F. Kennedy was also a member. According to current members, there is no instance in its 118-year history when the AHA has dissented from U.S. foreign policy. Staughton Lynd, a prominent supporter of a defeated 1969 resolution opposing the Vietnam war, comments:“Back then we asked historians not only to oppose the Vietnam war but to protest harassment of the Black Panthers and to call for freeing political prisoners. This resolution focuses on government practices that obstruct the practice of history. It asks the American Historical Association only to encourage its members, as individuals, in finding ways to end the war in Iraq.”

In the weeks leading to the vote, many of the nation’s leading historians, such as Eric Foner of Columbia University and John Coatsworth of Harvard, both former AHA Presidents endorsed the resolution.

For more information on the AHA and the resolution, go here.

For more information on Historians Against the War, go here.

Jack Bauer’s No Right Winger

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In the latest issue of The Tyee, Shannon Rupp argues that the right-wing has it all wrong when it comes to America’s favorite torture guy—Jack Bauer. Rupp argues that the hit TV series 24 has, from its inception, had that is underlying message that is deeply subversive: “talented, moral individuals are always right and they shouldn’t just question authority, but ignore, or even oppose it when they feel their own judgment is superior.”

Thanks Shannon…this left-wing 24 fan feels much better now!

Patti Smith: Ain’t It Strange?

Here’s a New York Times piece by Patti Smith reflecting on her induction into the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame…a well deserved accolade!

The New York Times

March 12, 2007
Op-Ed Contributor
Ain’t It Strange?
By PATTI SMITH

ON a cold morning in 1955, walking to Sunday school, I was drawn to the voice of Little Richard wailing “Tutti Frutti” from the interior of a local boy’s makeshift clubhouse. So powerful was the connection that I let go of my mother’s hand.

Rock ’n’ roll. It drew me from my path to a sea of possibilities. It sheltered and shattered me, from the end of childhood through a painful adolescence. I had my first altercation with my father when the Rolling Stones made their debut on “The Ed Sullivan Show.” Rock ’n’ roll was mine to defend. It strengthened my hand and gave me a sense of tribe as I boarded a bus from South Jersey to freedom in 1967.

Rock ’n’ roll, at that time, was a fusion of intimacies. Repression bloomed into rapture like raging weeds shooting through cracks in the cement. Our music provided a sense of communal activism. Our artists provoked our ascension into awareness as we ran amok in a frenzied state of grace.

My late husband, Fred Sonic Smith, then of Detroit’s MC5, was a part of the brotherhood instrumental in forging a revolution: seeking to save the world with love and the electric guitar. He created aural autonomy yet did not have the constitution to survive all the complexities of existence.

Before he died, in the winter of 1994, he counseled me to continue working. He believed that one day I would be recognized for my efforts and though I protested, he quietly asked me to accept what was bestowed — gracefully — in his name.

Today I will join R.E.M., the Ronettes, Van Halen and Grandmaster Flash and the Furious Five to be inducted into the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame. On the eve of this event I asked myself many questions. Should an artist working within the revolutionary landscape of rock accept laurels from an institution? Should laurels be offered? Am I a worthy recipient?

I have wrestled with these questions and my conscience leads me back to Fred and those like him — the maverick souls who may never be afforded such honors. Thus in his name I will accept with gratitude. Fred Sonic Smith was of the people, and I am none but him: one who has loved rock ’n’ roll and crawled from the ranks to the stage, to salute history and plant seeds for the erratic magic landscape of the new guard.

Because its members will be the guardians of our cultural voice. The Internet is their CBGB. Their territory is global. They will dictate how they want to create and disseminate their work. They will, in time, make breathless changes in our political process. They have the technology to unite and create a new party, to be vigilant in their choice of candidates, unfettered by corporate pressure. Their potential power to form and reform is unprecedented.

Human history abounds with idealistic movements that rise, then fall in disarray. The children of light. The journey to the East. The summer of love. The season of grunge. But just as we seem to repeat our follies, we also abide.

Rock ’n’ roll drew me from my mother’s hand and led me to experience. In the end it was my neighbors who put everything in perspective. An approving nod from the old Italian woman who sells me pasta. A high five from the postman. An embrace from the notary and his wife. And a shout from the sanitation man driving down my street: “Hey, Patti, Hall of Fame. One for us.”

I just smiled, and I noticed I was proud. One for the neighborhood. My parents. My band. One for Fred. And anybody else who wants to come along.

Patti Smith is a poet and performer.

Copyright 2007 The New York Times Company

Rock ’n’ roll, at that time, was a fusion of intimacies. Repression bloomed into rapture like raging weeds shooting through cracks in the cement. Our music provided a sense of communal activism. Our artists provoked our ascension into awareness as we ran amok in a frenzied state of grace.

My late husband, Fred Sonic Smith, then of Detroit’s MC5, was a part of the brotherhood instrumental in forging a revolution: seeking to save the world with love and the electric guitar. He created aural autonomy yet did not have the constitution to survive all the complexities of existence.

Before he died, in the winter of 1994, he counseled me to continue working. He believed that one day I would be recognized for my efforts and though I protested, he quietly asked me to accept what was bestowed — gracefully — in his name.

Today I will join R.E.M., the Ronettes, Van Halen and Grandmaster Flash and the Furious Five to be inducted into the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame. On the eve of this event I asked myself many questions. Should an artist working within the revolutionary landscape of rock accept laurels from an institution? Should laurels be offered? Am I a worthy recipient?

I have wrestled with these questions and my conscience leads me back to Fred and those like him — the maverick souls who may never be afforded such honors. Thus in his name I will accept with gratitude. Fred Sonic Smith was of the people, and I am none but him: one who has loved rock ’n’ roll and crawled from the ranks to the stage, to salute history and plant seeds for the erratic magic landscape of the new guard.

Because its members will be the guardians of our cultural voice. The Internet is their CBGB. Their territory is global. They will dictate how they want to create and disseminate their work. They will, in time, make breathless changes in our political process. They have the technology to unite and create a new party, to be vigilant in their choice of candidates, unfettered by corporate pressure. Their potential power to form and reform is unprecedented.

Human history abounds with idealistic movements that rise, then fall in disarray. The children of light. The journey to the East. The summer of love. The season of grunge. But just as we seem to repeat our follies, we also abide.

Rock ’n’ roll drew me from my mother’s hand and led me to experience. In the end it was my neighbors who put everything in perspective. An approving nod from the old Italian woman who sells me pasta. A high five from the postman. An embrace from the notary and his wife. And a shout from the sanitation man driving down my street: “Hey, Patti, Hall of Fame. One for us.”

I just smiled, and I noticed I was proud. One for the neighborhood. My parents. My band. One for Fred. And anybody else who wants to come along.

Patti Smith is a poet and performer.

Copyright 2007 The New York Times Company