7 Deadly Absurdities of No Child Left Behind

This short piece by Gerald Bracey is one of the best overviews/critiques of the No Child Left Behind Act that I’ve seen. Highly recommededed.

You can download it as a PDF here.

Or read it below.

THE SEVEN DEADLY ABSURDITIES OF NO CHILD LEFT BEHIND

Gerald W. Bracey

Gerald W. Bracey is an Associate of the High/Scope Educational Research Foundation, Ypsilanti, Michigan and a fellow of the Education Policy Studies Laboratory at Arizona State University. His most recent book is Setting the Record Straight: Responses to Misconceptions About Public Education in the U. S.: Second Edition (Heinemann, 2004).

A recent website headline read “Revolt Against No Child Left Behind Spreads to 47 States.” It’s about time. If one considers Iraq and Katrina to be twin disasters for the Bush Administration, No Child Left Behind (NCLB) makes it a trifecta. Although the law consumes over 1100 pages, its most egregious flaws can be quickly described as The Seven Deadly Absurdities:

1. The law uses the phrase “scientifically based research” 111 times and demands that such research support any educational programs that a school or district adopts. The U. S. Department of Education judged that the reading program favored by New York City lacked such support and withheld $47 million in grants until the city caved. But there is no scientifically based research—or any research—to support the law’s mandates. No research supports NCLB’s contention that the way to improve schools is to test every child every year and to fail schools and districts that do no make the required—and wholly arbitrary–Adequate Yearly Progress (AYP). Indeed, research argues against the use of such high-stakes testing as an instrument of school reform. Tests that serve as useful monitors lose their credibility, validity and value when high stakes are attached. As researcher Donald Campbell noted many years ago, the more any quantitative social indicator is used for social decision making, the more the indicator and the users are likely become corrupted.

2. NCLB lacks research support because NCLB depends solely on punishment. As schools fail to make the arbitrary AYP, the law imposes punitive, increasingly harsh sanctions. The law follows the grand tradition of “the beatings will continue until morale improves.”

3. Even those who think punishment can motivate people would never use it as NCLB does. It punishes the entire school for the failures of the few, often the very few. If a school’s special education students fail to make AYP, the whole school fails. If a school’s English language learners fail to make AYP the whole school fails. If a mere 5% of any group fails to show up on test day, the whole school fails. NCLB requires schools to report test score data by various student categories— ethnicity, socioeconomic status, special education, etc. Most schools have 37 such categories (California has more). Schools thus have 37 opportunities to fail, only one to succeed.

4. The law demands that all students must be proficient in reading, math, and science by 2014. In his 2003 presidential address to the American Educational Research Association, testing expert Robert Linn projected it would take 61 years, 66 years, and 166 years, respectively, to get fourth-, eighth-, and twelfth-graders to the proficient level in math. Alas, Linn’s projections are wildly optimistic. They assume that each increase in percent proficient is equally easy to attain. It is obvious, though, that it is easier to make AYP the first few years than in the last few when schools will be working with children for whom all previous efforts have failed. Indeed, stories abound of schools currently targeting “bubble children”—those on the bubble near a passing score—in order to maximize their chances for making AYP.

Moreover, Linn created his projections from national results on the National Assessment of Educational Progress, not data disaggregated by ethnicity. In the 2003, though, only 5 percent of African-American eighth graders and 7 percent of Hispanics were proficient in math. Only 37 percent of whites, 43 percent of Asians, and 15 percent of Native Americans reached this plateau. A recent journal article found the 100% proficient requirement so irrational it could well be unconstitutional.

5. As a consequence of #3 and #4 above, California projects that by the deadline year of 2014, NCLB will label 99 percent of its schools “failing.” California students generally do poorly tests, but high-scoring states will experience massive failure as well. For instance, in the Third International Mathematics and Science Study, only 6 of the 41 participating countries outscored high-flying Minnesota in mathematics and only one of 41 attained a higher science score. Yet the state’s Legislative Auditor projected that by 2014, NCLB will find 80 percent of Minnesota’s schools wanting. A September, 2005 study estimated a 95% failure rate for six Great Lakes states, Ohio, Illinois, Indiana, Wisconsin, Michigan and Minnesota.

6. Any school that fails to make AYP for two consecutive years must offer all students the option to transfer to a “successful” school. Thus, if a school’s special education students or English Language Learners fail to make AYP two years in a row, the school must offer all students the “choice option” in spite of the fact that the school succeeded for the other 35 student categories.

In cities and rural areas, the choice option is a farce. To exercise choice in some rural areas entails a two-hour ride. In some parts of Alaska and Hawaii it requires airplanes. In 2004-2005, Chicago had 200,000 students eligible, but only 500 spaces for them. Although New York had more eligibles than Chicago—about 350,000—in 2003-2004, only 8,000 students chose to transfer. These 8,000, though, apparently created so much havoc in the receiving schools that principals rebelled. Responding to these principals, public schools Chancellor, Joel Klein, deliberately flouted the law, permitting only 1,000 transfers. Thus far, the Department of Education has not responded to Klein’s scofflaw defiance.

7. This is the biggie: Schools alone cannot possibly accomplish what NCLB demands. But this is what NCLB mandates. It commands schools, all by themselves, to close the achievement gap between affluent and poor, majority and minority. This is ridiculous. The gap appears before kids reach school—one study found that the three-year-olds of professional mothers used more words when interacting with their mothers than mothers on welfare used in interacting with their three-year-olds. That’s right, three year old kids in one group used more words than adults in another group. After all, if one assumes a six-hour school day and a 180-day school year, then between birth and age18 children spend only 9 percent of their lives in schools. Family and community factors such as poverty affect achievement (asthma and low birth-weight infants are epidemic in some city slums; fathers and libraries in short supply). Poor children enter school well behind their middle class peers. They learn the same amount during the school year, but they lose the gains over the summer and they fall farther and farther behind. Critics blame the schools for what happens in the months the schools are closed.

Other absurdities exist–for instance, the contention that any student not “proficient” is “left behind” promotes a false dichotomy. If the threshold for “proficient” is, say, a test score of 80, then a child who scores 79 is “left behind.” In actuality, achievement is a continuum, not a dichotomy.

Some have always viewed NCLB as yet another Bush administration Orwellian Double Speak program doing the opposite of what its name implies—like Clean Waters, Clear Skies, Healthy Forests. Behind the cover of its idealistic-sounding moniker, No Child Left Behind really intends to increase the use of vouchers, increase the privatization of public schools, transfer large sums of public funds to the private sector, reduce the size of the public sector, and weaken or destroy the teachers unions (two Democratic power bases). It is working.

Although children and their teachers lose under the law, the testing companies have benefited mightily from it. F. Peter Jovanovich of the mammoth Pearson Education looked at NCLB and said, “This reads almost like our business plan.” Then-Educational Testing Service vice president, Sharon Robinson, reportedly called the law “The Test Publishers Full Employment Act.” The law gifts testing companies over $2 billion annually.

The hot properties currently, though, are those that provide tutoring and other instruction that the law designates as “Supplementary Educational Services.” Nationally, some 1800 providers can collect as much as $2 billion dollars a year. And, while the law holds public schools accountable for making progress or not, it visits no such sanctions on these private companies. The test preparation and tutoring companies have no obligation to prove that their programs actually work and no “scientifically based research” supports the contention that they do. No one is looking at the results of the Supplementary Educational Services. U. S. Department of Education spokespeople are on record saying that they merely want to create conditions such that “the market [for providers] can be as vibrant as possible.” (In fact, such services were not a part of the original plan. That plan called for vouchers to send students to private schools. The supplemental services were added when Congress rejected the voucher provisions. If FEMA had responded as quickly to Katrina as the administration turned to vouchers as part of its Katrina repair program, Michael Brown might still head the agency).

An enduring mystery of NCLB is that prominent Democrats such as Ted Kennedy of Massachusetts and George Miller of California supported its passage. In spring, 2004, Senator Kennedy and Representative Miller received information, both by email and postal service mail, explaining the logic of the outcomes described above. Senator Kennedy did not respond. From Representative Miller’s office, a staffer emailed a single sentence: “I certainly hope not.” From such a response one must conclude that Congress is not giving NCLB the critical scrutiny it requires.

The current law mandates annual testing for all children in grades three through eight in reading and math with science to be added in 2007. It also requires testing in one high school grade, to be decided by each state. President Bush has proposed extending the testing through the high school years. Given the chaos that the current law is producing in the lower grades, Bush’s proposal constitutes the domestic equivalent of invading Iran.

Notes:

(i) Formally, Campbell’s Law states, “The more any quantitative social indicator is used for social decision making, the more subject it will be to corruption pressures, and the more apt it will be to distort and corrupt the social processes it is intended to monitor.”

(ii) The speech was published in the October 2003 Educational Researcher.

(iii) Wiley, Edward, Mathis, William and Garcia, David. “The Impact of the AYP Requirement of the Federal “No Child Left Behind” Act on Schools in the Great Lakes Region. www.asu.edu/educ/epsl/EPRU/documents/EPSL-0509-109-EPRU.pdf.

(iv) Betty Hart and Todd Risley, Meaningful Differences in the Everyday Experiences of Young Children. Baltimore: Paul H. Brookes, 1995.

(v) “Alexander, Karl, Entwisle, Doris, and Olson, Linda, “Schools Achievement, and Inequality: A Seasonal Perspective. Educational Evaluation and Policy Analysis, Summer, 2001.

(vi) Bracey, Gerald W., No Child Left Behind: Where Does the Money Go? www.asu.edu/educ/epsl/EPRU/documents/EPSL-0506-114-EPRU.pdf

(vii) Ibid.

Study faults high-stakes testing

Dallas Morning News: Authors cite low rate of improvement, effects on minority students

Study faults high-stakes testing
Authors cite low rate of improvement, effect on minorities

09:59 PM CDT on Tuesday, September 20, 2005

By TERRENCE STUTZ / The Dallas Morning News

AUSTIN – High-stakes testing in Texas and across the nation has had little impact on student achievement and is disproportionately targeting minority students – as evidenced by increased retention and dropout rates in many states – according to a study by researchers in Texas and Arizona.

The study, which examined the impact of high-stakes testing in Texas and 24 other states, found “no convincing evidence” that the pressure associated with those tests – such as threatened sanctions for low scores – produced better student achievement than would otherwise have been expected.

“A rapidly growing body of research evidence on the harmful effects of high-stakes testing, along with no reliable evidence of improved performance by students, suggests that we need a moratorium in public education on the use of high-stakes testing,” said Sharon L. Nichols of the University of Texas at San Antonio, lead author of the report.

The study, released Tuesday by the Education Policy Studies Laboratory at Arizona State University, was undertaken to gauge the impact of the federal No Child Left Behind Act. States are required under the law to administer standardized tests that are used to hold schools and school districts accountable for student achievement.

Dr. Nichols and the research team reached their conclusions by creating a so-called Pressure Rating Index that ranked states based on how much pressure they put on schools to improve test scores. Texas had the highest index – based on tougher requirements and other factors – and Kentucky had the lowest among the 25 states.

Scores of each state on the National Assessment of Educational Progress were then evaluated against the indexes to determine whether a higher level of pressure on schools produced higher scores on the national test.

“The theory of action implied by this accountability program is that the pressure of high-stakes testing will increase student achievement,” the researchers said. “But this study finds that pressure created by high-stakes testing has had almost no important influence on student academic performance.”

Among the key findings of the study, titled “High-Stakes Testing and Student Achievement: Problems for the No Child Left Behind Act,” were:

•States with greater proportions of minority students implemented accountability systems that exerted greater pressure on educators and their schools. An unintended consequence is that problems associated with high-stakes testing disproportionately affect minority students.

•Increased testing pressure is related to increased retention and dropout rates. High-stakes testing in some states has increased the number the number of students – beginning with the eighth grade – who will leave school before their senior year in high school.

•Reading scores on the NAEP – administered in grades four and eight – did not improve as a result of increased testing pressure. That finding was consistent across all ethnic groups. While there was a weak correlation between pressure and fourth-grade math scores, researchers said the connection was more likely the result of “teaching to the test.”

Dr. Nichols said Tuesday that while all states fall under the basic mandates of the No Child Left Behind Act, states have discretion in meeting the requirements – such as the minimum percentage of students that must pass the state achievement test for the school campus or district to hit annual improvement targets.

In Texas, schools must show “Adequate Yearly Progress” on the Texas Assessment of Knowledge and Skills.

Unlike Texas, which puts most of the emphasis on TAKS scores, Kentucky considers other criteria such as teacher evaluations of students, according to Dr. Nichols.

This year, nearly 87 percent of school districts and 77 percent of campuses in Texas made adequate progress under the federal law. Both figures were down sharply from a year ago because of tougher standards that took effect in the 2004-05 school year. For example, more students had to pass the math and reading sections of the TAKS.

E-mail tstutz@dallasnews.com

Online at: http://www.dallasnews.com/sharedcontent/dws/dn/latestnews/stories/092105dntextesting.1294db47.html

The Legendary K.O. (aka K-otix): George Bush Doesn’t Like Black People

ko_bush.jpg Listen to “George Doesn’t Like Black People”

Watch the video here.

And here’s Black Latern’s video of the tune

And

Check out the latest patriotic posters from WhiteHouse.org: “Brownie you’re doing a heck of job” and “Let them fly coach”

Kelefa Sanneh in the The New York Times Rapping for a hometown in hurricane crisis:

September 19, 2005
Rapping for a Hometown in Hurricane Crisis
By KELEFA SANNEH

ATLANTA, Sept. 18 – “I lost my house,” said one victim of Hurricane Katrina, although this particular victim was equipped with some wildly refractive ornamentation and, more importantly, a very loud microphone. The crowd fell silent. “I lost my cars,” he continued. “But it ain’t about me.” Then, without pausing to acknowledge the absurdity, he delivered an exuberant, bare-chested ode to the shiny rims on the wheels of vehicles he no longer had.

This was, in a twisted way, one of the most moving moments of Saturday night’s concert. The victim was the New Orleans rapper (and reality-TV veteran) known variously as Young City or Chopper, an aspiring star who joined loads of established ones inside the Philips Arena for a concert called Heal the Hood, a hip-hop fund-raiser for – and, in a few cases, by – victims of Hurricane Katrina. (A New York hurricane relief benefit is to be held Monday night at 10:30 at the B. B. King Blues Club and Grill in Manhattan.) On Saturday, Atlanta’s famously competitive hip-hop stations had joined forces to promote an event that would be, as the jocks constantly reminded their listeners, historic.

And they were right. The night was organized by the tireless Mississippi rapper David Banner. He had corralled an impressive lineup of rappers, especially Southern rappers: Young Jeezy, T. I., Big Boi from OutKast and many others. The cause had everyone excited, but the “because” had everyone even more excited: the night was made possible by the extraordinary continuing success of Southern hip-hop.

No other event has ever mobilized so many rappers so quickly. Just about everyone heard Kanye West’s impassioned claim that “George Bush doesn’t care about black people.” Fewer know that some stars (like T. I. and Fat Joe) hit the radio airwaves for impromptu telethons. Others, like Paul Wall, led clothing drives. And yet others, like Eminem, wrote sizable checks. Rappers from the fertile New Orleans hip-hop scene responded particularly gracefully: Juvenile was one who lost his home, but he plays down his own story, focusing instead on those who lost much more.

Even by these standards, David Banner’s response has been extraordinarily energetic. He says he turned his tour bus into a relief truck for victims on the Gulf Coast. (“I got back to Mississippi before our government did, with food and supplies,” he says.) And since then, he has turned his charitable foundation, Heal the Hood, into a disaster-relief clearinghouse.

From all this came the idea for the Heal the Hood concert, a small benefit that ballooned into one of the year’s most important hip-hop shows. A few hours before it started, Banner was in a small hotel room, wearing flip-flops and socks with a tight tank top that turned his enormous, shoulder-to-shoulder tattoo into a crossword clue: starts with an M, ends with an PI, lots of letters in between.

David Banner has a birth name that might be even better than his stage name. He is Lavell Crump, a Mississippi native and a graduate of Southern University in Baton Rouge. He renamed himself after the “The Incredible Hulk,” and he clearly relishes playing the part of the superhero. In 2003, he released both his major-label solo debut, “Mississippi: The Album” (SRC/Universal), as well as its sequel, “MTA2: Baptized in Dirty Water” (SRC/Universal).

Those albums established him as a wildly versatile and often thrilling rapper and producer, careering from the anatomically minded club hit “Like a Pimp” to the slow-motion gospel moan, “Cadillac on 22s.” On Tuesday he is to release his far-reaching but uneven new album, “Certified” (SRC/Universal). But he’d rather talk about the Gulf Coast. “If this would have happened in New York,” he says, “water probably wouldn’t be on the ground now. And the president would have been there the next day.”

Rappers are often criticized for their perceived greed, but as Young City’s bittersweet boasts made clear, being flashy doesn’t mean forgetting where you came from; in fact, it can be a way of remembering. Not so coincidentally, the impoverished New Orleans neighborhoods that were hit so hard by Katrina are the same impoverished neighborhoods that popularized the term “bling bling,” the name of the 1998 breakthrough hit for the New Orleans rapper B. G.

On Saturday, contradictions like that were on display all night. The Atlanta rapper Young Jeezy thrilled the crowd with his addictive rhymes about life as a drug dealer. “Look, I’m tellin’ you, man/ If you get jammed up don’t mention my name,” he rapped, in a drawl thick enough to make the lines rhyme. Then he abruptly switched directions for a startling and effective hypothetical. “This could have been us in Atlanta right now, living in this building,” he said, and suddenly the arena looked very different.

The night’s program began with gospel music and ended with Nelly, a not-quite-Southerner (he’s from St. Louis), who asked, “If we don’t heal our own hoods, who will?” In between came five hours of entertaining and sometimes ragged earnestness, shamelessness and exuberance; the crowd was appreciative, if somewhat subdued.

T. I., who has one of the South’s most elegant rhyme styles, used his set to showcase his group, P$C, which makes a solid major-label debut tomorrow with “25 to Life ” (Atlantic); he also insulted his main rival, whom he didn’t name. (Let’s follow his example.) “If you can’t put nothing up for the cause, I don’t wanna hear it,” he said.

The Tennessee pioneers 8Ball & MJG showed off their tough but smooth style; Big Boi spit motor-mouthed rhymes with his Purple Ribbon crew; the emerging Atlanta group D4L came armed with gaudy, infectious rhymes and gaudier (and, let’s hope, less infectious) outfits.

And then, of course, there was David Banner himself. His set included a shirtless romp through “Gangster Walk” and a besuited (and then, by the end, shirtless) version of his sex-rap “Play,” both from the new album. And when it came time for “Like a Pimp,” he found a way to deliver a topical introduction. “Bush is giving his homeboys Halliburton the rebuilding contracts to our cities,” he said, continuing, “Bush is the biggest pimp.”

Banner also made a heartfelt plea to the evacuees. “I need y’all to be sure that you go back home,” he said, finding a new twist on his usual message of hometown pride. “They been waiting to tear our ghettos down and separate us from our land.”

Hours later, when the concert was over, Banner could still be found signing autographs and posing for pictures with a handful of the fans who remained. As he no doubt knows, the hard work is just beginning: after a concert this size, there will be lots of scrutiny of his foundation.

It’s true that this concert coincides with the release of his new album, and it’s true that the Heal the Hood campaign has given him more exposure than he has ever had. But skeptics should know this: Banner spent most of Saturday in front of microphones of one kind or another. And all day long, he resisted the temptation to advertise his new album.

Copyright 2005 The New York Times Company

Oh boy! The teacher is showing a movie in social studies today!

"Okay class, today we're going to watch a movie. It's about democracy and despotism."

"Rich, get that gum out of your mouth!"

"This film really goes with our next unit, but today was the only time I could book it from A-V. Anyway, I think you'll enjoy it and … it's relevant to current events."

"Alright, now, uh, I want you to pay attention and at the end of the film we'll have a discussion about what kind of community we live in…"

"Kevin, would you please turn out the lights. Okay Ceola, you can start the projector."

View today’s social studies movie here:Despotis1946_00000000.jpg

After you’ve watched the movie, rate your community on these four scales:

  • Respect (Shared -> Restricted)
  • Power (Shared -> Concentrated)
  • Economic Distribution (Balanced -> Slanted)
  • Information (Uncontolled/Critical Evaluation -> Controlled/Automatic Acceptance)
  • What sort of community do you live in? Is your community headed for democracy or does despotism stand a good chance?

    Bonus Question:
    How does your community train its teachers? Do you agree with the teacher educator in the movie who says:

    “Young people cannot be trusted to form their own opinons. This business about openmindedness is nonsense. It’s a waste of time to try to teach students to think for themselves. It’s our job to tell ’em.”

    Why? Or why not? (Please give examples to support your position.)

    Remember what happens in your community matters for you and everyone else.

    Sink or swim

    In an interview with Citypages August Nimtz, New Orleans native and poli sci prof at U of Minnesota, discusses how disasters can foster solidarity. And he offers this take on the US government:

    One of the biggest illusions people in this country have is the notion or belief that the government is quote-unquote “our” government. It’s only through things like [Katrina] that people realize it’s their government–of the rich, for the rich, by the rich.

    What people confuse is what should be with what is. Yes, it should be our government. It should be a government of working people. But boy, we should not confuse what is with what should be, because it’s deadly. And that lesson is burned deep into the people of New Orleans’ brains unlike any other part of the country right now, and the rest of us can learn from that.

    Wise words for this Constitutional anniversary.

    Teachers’ salaries and affect on students

    Q & A: Teachers’ salaries and their affect on students”

    “Teachers Have It Easy: The Big Sacrifices and Small Salaries of America’s Teachers” is the provocative title of a new book that attempts to address such issues as teacher salaries and what effect their pay has on students.

    The book includes firsthand accounts of teachers’ efforts to make ends meet, arguments why a substantial raise for teachers is necessary and case studies of schools around the nation that have undertaken salary reform.

    Published by the New Press, the book is co-written by Dave Eggers, author of “A Heartbreaking Work of Staggering Genius,” journalist and teacher Daniel Moulthrop, and Nínive Clements Calegari, founding executive director of 826 Valencia, a nonprofit writing center in San Francisco’s Mission District.

    Calegari discussed teachers and their work in two telephone interviews last week.

    White washing US history

    Today is the anniversary of the signing of the US Constitution (September 17, 1787) and The L. A. Times has an interesting op-ed this morning by Lawrence Goldstone titled“The White Washing of American History”, which examines the white washing of US history in general and the role of slavery in constitutional history, in particular.

    Goldstone, challenges the conventional wisdom that in order to be successful a book examing the early history of the USA have to be “a story of triumph.” And he is not just criticizing “popular histories” like those by McCullough. Goldstone says that historians like Jack Rakove and Bernard Bailyn offer superb analyses, but “by ignoring practical realities and human frailty,” their histories of the United States present the US as “a nation of citizen-philosophers standing around village greens in tricorn hats discussing John Locke, as much a caricature as updating Parson Weems.”

    The biggest historical white wash is over the role of slavery. And Goldstone, the author of Dark Bargain: Slavery, Profits and the Struggle for the Constitution, argues for reappraisals of US history illustrate how “slavery was as unpleasant and repugnant a topic in 1787, as much a stain on American honor, as it is in retrospect today.”

    “Certainly it is more comfortable to read accounts that deify the framers, but deification is dangerous, particularly now. Our nation is currently engaged in an unabashed campaign to instruct people around the world on how to live. We sent the citizens of Iraq off to write a constitution, and then tried to tell them what it should say. If we are going to dictate to others what their constitutional process should be, then we should be willing to look a little more honestly at our own.’

    The militarization/whitewashing of New Orleans aka New Oraq

    From Democracy Now!: Militarization of New Orleans [read the transcript, listen or watch streaming video on the Democracy Now! web site.

    Jeremy Scahill reports from Louisiana on the invasion of mercenaries from Blackwater, B.A.T.S., and Israeli paramilitary (former members of Shin Biet, GSS, and IDF) into New Orleans and the how the US government is handing out contracts to Republican cronies. Scahill also reports that the business community in New Orleans is discussing how the economic and racial demographics of the city can be change to reduce the number of poor and black residents.

    “I mean, what they’re really trying to do is to settle the poor and the African-American populations of New Orleans elsewhere. And to make New Orleans a nice, white city, for white, rich businessmen. There’s no other way to put it. That’s exactly what we’re seeing right now. They want to take areas for instance like the ninth ward and turn them into big — you know, Wal-Mart type neighborhoods. In fact, we heard mayor Nagin talk yesterday about how one of the first things they want to do is set up a gigantic Wal-Mart so people returning can have a place to shop in New Orleans. This hurricane is the greatest thing to happen to Wal-Mart since the superstore. And this is a very serious racist series of actions that we’re seeing here right now. This is has everything to do with class and everything to do with race, and it’s very, very frightening. And yes, we attended a conference where grassroots activists are talking about a plan for rebuilding New Orleans, but it’s on right now, and they’re not a part of it. The people that are a part of it are old-time Louisiana white Republican families working in conjunction with their friend, mayor Ray Nagin, and there’s no other way to put it. They love Ray Nagin. He’s pro-business. He’s their guy.

    Look at the comments of James Rice, a local businessman, who is one of the leaders of the private Audubon Place, the gated community. The only privately owned in the city of New Orleans. He told The Wall Street Journal, “Those who want to see this city rebuilt want to see it done in a completely different way, demographically, geographically and politically. I’m not just speaking for myself here. The way we have been living is not going to happen again or we’re out.”