An International Conference On More Bonds Than Boundaries: The Diverse Roles And Functions Of East Asian Temples And Shrines

“淑世超邁出世、紐帶多過界分──佛教與東亞宗教寺院的多重社會作用與功能”國際會議

 

 

Dates 時間: August 3-5, 2015/2015年8月3日至5日

Co-sponsors 主辦方: The Buddhist Academy of China 中國佛學院;

                                     Center for the Research on Buddhist Texts and Arts at Peking University 北京大學佛教典籍與藝

                                           術研究中心;

                                    UBC’s Buddhist Studies Forum 加拿大英屬哥倫比亞大學佛學論壇

Host 承辦方: The Monastery of Jade-buddha 上海玉佛禪寺

What roles have temples and shrines played in East Asia past and present? The organizing committee for the upcoming “More Bonds than Boundaries” Conference, co-sponsored by the Buddhist Academy of China, the Center for Research on Buddhist Texts and Arts at Peking University and the Buddhist Studies Forum at the University of British Columbia, invites proposals for papers that pursue answers to this question. 寺院與神社在東亞的過去和現在扮演了怎樣的角色？中國佛學院、北京大學佛教典籍與藝術研究中心、以及加拿大英屬哥倫比亞大學佛學論壇共同主辦主題為“紐帶多過界分”的國際研討會，旨在探索此問題。

Oftentimes understood as boundary markers dividing the secular/mundane world from its sacred/pure counterpart, religious temples and shrines have in many contexts been celebrated as sites free from the polluting influences of everyday life and “arenas for practice” (daochang 道場) within which religious activities could be executed. Yet ample evidence suggests that, despite claims to be other-worldly, places of religious practice in East Asia (and around the world) remain entangled to a greater or lesser extent in the affairs of the ordinary world, facilitating the formation of bonds of all types. This conference aims at addressing the roles temples have played in building social, political, economic-commercial, educational or even diplomatic ties and networks in East Asia. Examining this general theme, papers might address the significance of temples and shrines as: 宗教寺院和神社通常被理解為世俗、凡塵世界與神聖、純粹世界的分界標誌，并在許多情況下以作為擺脫日常生活污染的場域和進行宗教活動的道場而著名。然而，大量的證據表明，儘管都認為超然物外，東亞地區的宗教實踐的場域（和世界各地的宗教場域一樣）仍然在不同程度上與凡世發生互動，并因此促成了不同類型的紐帶的形成。在構建東亞的社會、政治、經濟、商業、教育，乃至外交關係和網絡上，寺院都起到了重大的作用。本次會議旨在探討寺院的這些功能。圍繞著這一總主題，會議論文可以探討寺院和神社所發揮的以下作用：

1. Locales in which political power was negotiated and from which religious groups reached out to interact with their patrons 作為政治力量協商的場所，宗教團體據以延展與世俗支持者互動的平台;
2. Trading centers and places of economic activity 作為貿易中心和經濟活動場所;
3. Sites of artistic and literary production and performance 作為藝術、文學作品創作與展示的場所;
4. Libraries and locations where scholarly networks were created and sustained 作為圖書館及創建和維係學術網絡的場所;
5. Places for medical treatment and the performance of other activities aimed at promoting human well-beings 從事醫療及其他旨在提高人類福祉活動的場所;
6. Arenas for diplomatic networking, particularly via communication between monastic groups from countries and regions across East Asia and around the world 作為外交網絡的平台──尤其通過與來自東亞以及其他國家和地區的宗教團體的交接而建立起來的外交網絡;
7. Stages for theatre and other types of performance 作為戲劇及其他類型表演的舞台;
8. Grounds for fostering martial arts traditions 作為培育武術傳統的基地.

 

LIST OF COMMITTED PANELISTS

1. Susan Andrews 安素桑 (University of Mount Allison, Canada 加拿大蒙特埃里森大學): “Constructing Sacred Sites, Supporting Status: Dramatic Performances Celebrating Fujiwara no Kamatari at Tonomine and Kofukuji” 構建聖地，鞏固地位: 為慶祝藤原鐮足而在多武峰和興福寺所舉行的戲劇表演;

           What role did the performing arts play in the construction of the Tōnomine 多武峰 and Kōfukuji 興福寺 shrine-temple complexes as holy sites? This paper pursues an answer to this question through a close reading of ballads, puppet performances, and no dramas narrating Fujiwara (Nakatomi 中臣) no Kamatari 藤原鎌足 (614-669) relationship to these locales. Well known to scholars of Japanese history, Fujiwara no Kamatari is the celebrated founder of the Fujiwara family whose influence at court reached its apex in the Heian period (794-1192). The performance of these materials at the Tonomine and Kofukuji shrine-temple complexes themselves, I will suggest, both played a key role in his construction as a powerful deity and gave voice to the complex relationships and rivalries between Tōnomine, Kōfukuji, and other centers of practice between the fourteenth to seventeenth centuries.

2. Cody Bahir 白康地 (Leiden University, Netherlands 荷蘭萊頓大學): “Uprooting Mountains: Taiwanese Replications of Japanese Sacred Space as a Means of Esoteric Buddhist Sectarian Legitimization” 移山: 台灣對日本神聖空間的復制作為佛教密宗合法化的手段;

         The resurrection of Tang Dynasty Esoteric Buddhism 唐密—which was “short lived” during the initial phase of the Tantric Revival 密教復興—has since blossomed into a global Buddhist movement that I refer to as Contemporary Chinese Zhenyan 現代漢傳真言宗. Its stronghold, Taiwan, is home to a number of religious communities whose ties to Zhenyan—the form of Esoteric Buddhism they wish to reclaim—are reliant upon their predecessors’ having received esoteric empowerment 灌頂 (Skt. abhiṣeka) in Japan. Despite this shared dependence, each community channels the stream of Esoteric Dharma that flows from Japanese Buddhist seats of sectarian affiliation—temples referred to as ‘root mountains’ 本山—in different directions. These streams diverged when their founders returned to Taiwan and subsequently chose to either maintain or sever their Shingon affiliations. Their individual choices—and their underlying intentions—are embedded within the sacred spaces they constructed. 

          In a heuristic attempt at demarcating contemporary Taiwanese Esoteric Buddhist sectarian boundaries, this paper analyzes the design, usage and adornment of sacred space by four Esoteric Buddhist communities in Taiwan who trace their Dharma lineage to Japan. This is accomplished by scrutinizing data gleaned from a double comparative study. The first comparison focuses on the Temple of Universal Brightness 光明王寺 located at Mt. Five Wisdoms 五智山 in Kaohsiung’s Neimen District 高雄內門區 and the grounds surrounding the Acala Monastery 不動寺 located at Mt. Qinglong 青龍山 in Pingtung’s Gaoshu Township 屏東縣高樹鄉. The second examines two practice centers 道場 located in Taichung’s Beitun District 台中市北屯區; the Medicine Buddha Center 藥師院 and the Kōyasan Jūkon-in 高野山住嚴院. This latter comparison is additionally enriched by relevant data collected at each center’s sister locations.

       These sites were selected based on specific dissimilarities and commonalities. In the interest of breadth, I chose sites whose devotees’ orthopraxies, sectarian affiliation and perception of—as well as interactions with—their Japanese Dharma-kin differ from one another. In order to minimize data contamination from extraneous variables, each comparison looks at two sites of comparable size, founding figures, geography, topography and function. 

        Although each site contains architectural, ritual and decorative components reminiscent of Japan, the forms and functions of these elements are site-specific and mirror each community’s particular sectarian affiliation. The argument of this paper is that these spaces were deliberately designed to operate as declarations of sectarian identification and that the Japanese elements present in these spaces are meant to testify to the legitimacy of those declarations. Data has been collected through fieldwork and enriched by historical and textual research.

3. T. H. Barrett 巴瑞特(SOAS, the University of London 英國倫敦大學亞非學院): “The Networks of the Puguangwangsi over Time and Space” 普光王寺跨時空的交流網絡;

          When the Sogdian monk Sengqie 僧伽 took up residence in Sizhou 泗州 in the late seventh century he laid the foundations for a monastic community that remained the focus of his cult for almost a thousand years.  Since this community was connected with international trade networks from the start his cult succeeded in perpetuating itself not only across time but also across space for even longer than the lifetime of its original base. This paper builds on remarks first prepared in order to explore the background to an earlier study of the Linhuai ordination scandal of 824.

4. James Bonk 薄哲銘 (College of Wooster 美國伍斯特學院): “Commemoration Decentered: Prefectural Manifest Loyalty Shrines and the War Dead in the Qing Empire (1726-1803)” 離心了的紀念: 清代1726-1803年間地方昭忠祠與戰爭死難者;

          In 1802, the Jiaqing emperor (r. 1796-1820) ordered the construction of shrines for the war dead in each of the Qing’s nearly 200 prefectural capitals. These shrines, known aszhaozhongci 昭忠祠 (Manifest Loyalty Shrines), marked an unprecedented extension of Qing efforts to manage and define war commemoration outside of the capital. This paper explores the background to this building project and its implications for understanding shifts in the relationship between the war dead and the Qing state in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. 

          The paper begins with an examination of the first zhaozhongci, established by the Yongzheng emperor in Beijing in 1724. While documentation on the origins of the shrine is sparse, archival sources suggest that it was inspired both by the emperor’s Buddhist convictions and his interest in crafting the legacy of the Qing conquest. The original motivation behind the zhaozhongci was effaced during the Qianlong reign (1735-96) as the shrine became a bureaucratized site of the state cult (sidian 祀典) tasked with enshrining all soldiers, officers, and officials “killed in battle” (zhenwang 陣亡). The paper shows that bureaucratization of enshrinement led to a surge of spirit tablets, precipitating the decision to build prefectural shrines. The final part of the paper maps out the siting and funding of prefectural shrines, analyzing a diversity of outcomes from the interaction between central directives, local interests, and the religious landscape. 

          I argue in the paper that the development of the zhaozhongci from a single shrine in Beijing into an empire-wide shrine network sheds light on two significant developments in the eighteenth century. The first was a growing effort to use the war dead to strengthen relations between Chinese subjects and the Qing state. The push for comprehensive enshrinement and building of local shrines marked a departure from the cautiously curated presentation of the war dead in the early eighteenth century. The second development was an increased reliance on official symbols for consolidating political power. Local war shrines were part of a larger increase in official investments in the symbolic economy in the late eighteenth century, whether in the form of titles, rank, or enshrinement. As a potent source of symbolic capital and emotional appeal, the war dead provided a further opportunity for the state to intervene in the symbolic economy.

5. Robert Campany 康儒博 (Asian Studies Program at Vanderbilt University, USA 美國范德堡大学亞洲研究院): “Abstinence Halls (zhaitang齋堂) in Lay Buddhist Households in Early Medieval China” 早期中古中國的居士家用齋堂;

          Miracle tales and biographies from the first few centuries of Buddhism’s history in China often mention structures variously termed “abstinence halls” (zhaitang 齋堂 or sometimes simply zhai), “Dharma halls” (fatang 法堂), or “exertion cells” (jingshe 精舍). These appear to have been special rooms or set-apart spaces in lay households, rooms exclusively reserved for devotional practice, particularly the periodic hosting of zhai 齋 or “abstinence ceremonies.” Little is known about these spaces (or, for that matter, on abstinence ceremonies more generally). My paper will set forth what can be inferred from such texts about what these rooms contained, how and when they were used, and in what specific ways they were narratively constructed as sacred spaces. 

6. Chen Jinhua陳金華（University of British Columbia 加拿大英屬哥倫比亞大學): “The Twin Monasteries of Chanding禪定寺in Chang’an: A Buddhist and Cultural Center in Sui-Tang China” 長安“雙子”禪定寺: 隋唐中國的一個佛教與文化中心;

          A study of the two Chanding Monasteries 禪定寺 of medieval Chang’an reveals extensive similarities between these identically named places of practice. The monasteries were, for example, established by successive Sui period emperors: Sui founder Wendi 隋文帝 (r. 581-604) and his son Yangdi 隋煬帝 (r. 604-618). They stood side by side in the same ward (fang 坊) of Chang’an. The structures were established a mere three years apart. As their names suggest, the twin monasteries were sites of meditation practice. Perhaps most interestingly, they were built for very similar or even identical political and religious purposes. Both Chanding Monasteries, as I will discuss in my paper, were constructed for the posthumous benefit of their sponsors’ primary relatives, Wendi’s wife and Yangdi’s father. 

            Despite these fascinating points of overlap and their important roles in the Sui and Tang dynasties, these twin monasteries have received little attention from students of Chinese Buddhism. In this paper, I will attempt to fill this scholarly gap by offering a general survey of the origins of these two monasteries in the Sui and their development through the Tang. Having addressed several aspects of their complicated histories in my Monks and Monarchs (2012), the discussion here will focus on new issues, primarily those related to the temples’ social and political roles and functions. I will highlight, for instance, the role the Twin Monasteries of Chanding played in showcasing the architectural accomplishments reached under the Sui-Tang dynasties, their importance as cultural and artistic centers in these periods, and their status as the stage for a series of festivals revolving around a tooth of the Buddha.

7. Chen Yunü 陳玉女(台灣成功大學歷史系):明末遺民‧移民的寺廟記憶;

         明末清初，政局丕變，死於戰亂、國變或因之家破人亡、四處逃竄者不絕於書。史載：「生當明季，目擊夫國家之故，北南喪亂，有相繼而死其事者」；「見諸老先生及士庶死於賊、死於清者甚多，前代所未及」；如山東萊陽人薑垓(1614-1653)，於崇禎十六年二月萊陽城為流賊所陷，其「父殉難，一門死者二十餘人。」(《明史‧薑埰傳》)賊亂中，薑垓「由海舶達青州」，後偕其母妹「徙建康故業」。於弘光朝得罪阮大鋮，鋮欲置垓於死，遂改名逃亡至寧波。若此，薑垓家門之不幸及一路以來過著顛沛流離的逃難生活，於〈哀喪亂詩序〉中吐露著遭逢家亡國難之心酸苦境，其言：「時楚寇方熾，江南煽動，道裡悠遠，行路蹣跚。仳離在目，摧裂經心。家國之難，從古所未有也。迺忍淚收聲，稿成廢卷，用寫喪亂之悲，匪徒黍離之感矣。」此時此刻，如薑垓家族般面臨離散、喪亡、逃亡之苦難者，見諸史冊，若餘懷(1616-1696)指出：「於時流寇訌江北，名士渡江僑金陵者甚眾」。隨著清兵大舉南下、渡江，廣大士庶因之而亡或四處流散或往更南邊陲地帶遷徙移動。不願降清之舊王朝貴冑臣民有的採取不與新政府合作而選擇隱遁山林、不入城，或為道為僧、或逃亡海外、從事抗清之舉。而入寺院剃度為僧，則是此時亡命遺民為存活、為復國恨家仇所常見的一種生命抉擇。邵廷采(1648-1711)稱：「僧之中多遺民，自明季始也」；《五石脂》舉出明亡之後，吳江之鄉前輩「因不屑剃髮，而遁入緇流者甚眾。」葉紹袁(1589-1648)於國變之後，率其子世佺（雲期）、世侗（開期）、世倌（星期）、世倕（弓期）前往圓通庵披剃為僧，希望庵主達元收留，告以「且再觀去就」。同時建議家中婦女「可寄西方尼庵，汝輩但為謀其糊口者，俾無凍餒以死。」

         如是於明亡國變之際，不少寺庵廟宇成為流亡者淪落他鄉寄居的重要場所，避難、隱居、沉潛、療傷、供其憑弔話往昔，如薑垓於淮陰大雲庵詩曰：「空憐寄食非韓信，尚續殘騷弔屈原。盡目祇園鄉夢減，相逢剪紙為招魂。」之外，還蘊藏著中興復明、情報蒐集的深層意涵。而原是僧侶有的則在此刻返俗，投入反清復明戰役之中，舉如出生於浙江金華府浦江的東皐心越禪師，參與鄭成功抗清攻打南京之役，敗戰後，東渡日本，停留於長崎東明山興福寺，山號東明，意指從東海的海角寄予對故國懷念的心情，而取名心越，意謂著「心在越（浙江的古名）」，處處充滿對故國家園的眷念。之後輾轉前往至德川光圀藩府治下的水戶祇園寺，駐足於此，晚明江南文化則隨此寺之常住而萌芽再生。

          就晚明而言，不管座落於城市、郊外或山區之佛寺廟宇，不乏是人群匯流、造訪參拜、觀賞遊憩、往來旅宿、商品聚集的繁盛之區，或是文人學士與禪僧闊談義理、品酒煮茗、暢懷古今之幽蘭勝地。然歷經明清鼎革的戰亂，寺廟的傳統功能雖不至於蕩然流失，然寺院的興衰起落確實承受莫大的變化。張岱(1597-1679)的《陶庵夢憶》曾回憶杭州天竺寺因香市而香客商人川流不息，「獨湊集於昭慶寺。」崇禎年間卻因饑饉及「虜鯁山東，香客斷絕」，寺院之市場機能終止。

        鑑於上述，寺廟隨著明清變革及遺民的四處輾轉移動，形成不同以往的面貌為何？不管是短期駐足於他鄉或是長期移住於異地或他邦之境的遺民，其繫念故國之情如何與寺廟的興建護持進行連結而產生的遺民社會的更生。換言之，遺民對寺廟的傳統記憶及其於寺廟所期待與營造的新的價值、意義和功能究竟為何？職是之故，有關寺廟在這些遺民或移民之間所建構的歷史印記、身分認同和別具文化新意的功能，本文試圖藉由位於東南一隅的明末遺民的海內外移動與寺廟的依存關係，做一初步的探究。

8. Chen Zhiyuan 陳志遠（北京大學哲學系): 烽火中的法門;

         本文考察梁陳戰火紛飛之際，真諦三藏及其門人與地方佛教寺院的依存關係。真諦所攜梵夾之多，可以反映其來華的期待是梁武帝那樣的佛教護持者，而偏逢侯景之亂爆發。真諦在吳郡富春譯經期間，通過《資治通鑑》的獨家史料可以考證，此地當時在侯景掌控之下。稍後真諦從始興北上，隨著蕭勃起兵的失敗，轉徙豫章、臨川、晉安三地。通過對《陳書》、《通鑑》等史料的分析，可以復原真諦的行進路線，也可以看出他與盤踞此地的地方割據勢力的聯繫。真諦在廣州譯出《攝大乘論》和《俱舍論》，受到嶺南歐陽氏的供養，世所習知。但真諦卒歿以後，弟子一日之內起塔，匆匆北歸，蓋此時正是陳霸先對廣州用兵之時，讀徐陵《與章昭達書》可知。真諦之身世飄蓬，即在於他所托庇的供養者皆與陳朝君主存在緊張關係，終於被漸次消滅。但真諦門人所主持的寺院，卻存在相當的延續性，這在仁壽分舍利運動中有所體現。

9. Deng Qiyao 鄧啟耀(中山大學社會學與人類學學院): 佛寺與藝術——青海年都乎寺清代壁畫的考察與保護; 

         青海省黃南藏族自治州同仁縣年都乎寺，建成於16世紀，初期為寧瑪派寺院，后改宗為格魯派。年都乎寺屬於國家級文物保護單位。該寺薩增拉康殿和彌勒殿的清代壁畫，在畫風上兼納藏地壁畫和漢地青綠山水之長，是目前所知熱貢藝術最早的實物遺存，也是熱貢藝術的精粹之作。壁畫除常規的釋迦牟尼、宗咯喀巴大師、大威德金剛、具誓善金剛等主像外，筆者更感興趣的是被喇嘛告知的“徒弟”的作品。由於擺脫了主像需嚴格按照度量經描繪的束縛，這些圖像畫得特別生動，具有濃郁的世俗風韻和民族特色，堪稱杰作。

         另外，寺僧對壁畫的認知和傳承，也是筆者關注的一個重點。寺院就像熱貢藝術的大本營，培養了久美尖措等一批僧侶唐卡大師，並在周邊村落，形成了一個范圍很大的傳承唐卡等熱貢藝術的民間藝人群體，從而使這一帶成為熱貢藝術的核心區域。寺院在其中發揮了很大的藝術示范與文化傳承的功能。

         由於寺廟年久失修等原因，年都乎寺壁畫一度出現保護危機。筆者及其團隊自2006年起，自發參與了這些壁畫的保護工作。在這個持續近十年的過程中，如何處理好國家文物保護與個人援助的關系，特別是在某些政治敏感時期把握好宗教政策，與藏族寺廟僧眾形成較好合作與互動關系，促進他們自覺的保護意識及行動，是我們多年堅持的“民族文化、生態環境與經濟協調發展”、“不離本土，自我傳習”的基本理念。

10. Ding Ming 定明（北京佛教文化研究所）:現代都市佛教弘法模式的研究——以北京佛教文化研究所為中心;

         佛教從印度到中國，其存在的形式若以區域劃分歸類，可分為都市、村落、山林等差別，“都市佛教”因其所處區域與村落、山林佛教的極大差別，故其所承擔的佛教主體價值、社會功能、呈現方式自然各不相同。“都市佛教”是個現代概念，不同“都市叢林”。“都市佛教”的主體精神與價值非常明確，不過需要以歷史緯度給以澄清梳理。進入21世紀後的“都市佛教”其主體價值與弘法模式一直被教界、學界所廣泛關注和研究，研究和探索“現代都市佛教弘法模式”是中國佛教面對21世紀的中國社會與眾生根機巨變境遇中，如何探索、發揮佛教主體價值、理念傳遞、引導社會、淨化人心的重要課題。本文關於現代佛教弘法模式的研究，以北京佛教文化研究所為考察、研究的對象，其所呈現“現代都市佛教”的淑世功能，主要從“北京佛教文化研究所所從事的教育修學、研究弘法、文化出版三大事業作為具體研究的視角，並希望以此為未來都市佛教弘法的範式。

11. Feng Peihong 馮培紅(蘭州大學歷史文化學院): 地方大族與區域佛教： 以敦煌為中心;

         佛教傳入某一地區後，吸引部分信眾皈依佛門。翻閱僧傳可以發現，很多僧尼是在本地或附近的寺院出家的。作為地方上的勢力階層，中古時期世家大族對佛教寺院有著較大的影響，特別是在像敦煌這樣的綠洲地域，得佛教風氣之先，無論是抄寫佛經，還是開窟造像，都顯現出了地方大族對區域佛教的深刻影響；反過來，佛教寺院也積極地發揮著社會功能，從而使僧俗兩界的關係更加緊密。

12. Robert Gimello 詹蜜羅 (University of Notre Dame, USA 美國聖母大學): “Daigoji醍醐寺: A Nexus of Religion, Culture, Medicine, and Politics in Medieval Japan” 醍醐寺: 日本中古時期宗教、文化、醫療與政治的紐帶;

          Daigoji is a temple complex located atop and at the base of the 370 m. Mt. Kasatori 笠取in Fushimi 伏見, in the southeastern outskirts of Kyoto. It was founded in the late ninth century by Shōbō (聖寶, a.k.a. Rigen Daishi 理源大師, 832-909). Shōbō was a monzeki 門跡 (a monk of royal ancestry), a leading figure in the third generation of the Shingon 真言tradition famous both for his learning and for his practice of “mountain asceticism” (shugendō 修験道), and a spiritual adviser to the imperial family. A devotee especially of the deities Juntei (准提, Cundā/Cundī) and Nyoirin (如意輪, Cintamāṇicakra), both of whom he held to be particular manifestations of the great bodhisattva Kannon (觀音, Avalokiteśvara), Shōbō came to Mt. Kasatori to practice austerities and discovered a natural spring near the summit of the mountain. According to legend, the genius loci guarding the spring — known then to the locals as the “god” (kami) Yokoo Myōjin 廣尾明神), but identified by Shōbō as a manifestation of the Buddhist deity Bishamonten (毘沙門天, Vaiśravana) — appeared to Shōbō in the form of an old man and pronounced the spring’s waters to be “quintessential elixir” (醍醐), whereupon the monk resolved to construct two shrines in its immediate vicinity, one to Juntei and the other to Nyoirin. These and Shōbō’s hermit’s hut were the first three of the many buildings, built with the support of a succession of emperors and later military rulers of Japan (e.g. Hideyoshi 豊臣秀吉, 1536-1598), that would come to comprise the full Daigoji complex. The tradition of such patronage began with Emperor Atsuhito 敦仁 (r. 897-930) who, when he was on the verge of death, abdicated the throne and retired to Daigoji as a Buddhist monk. He died and was buried there, and took the name of the temple as his formal posthumous name, being thereafter always known as “Emperor Daigo” (醍醐天皇).

          As a Shingon institution Daigoji is especially famous as the fount and the center of the cult of the goddess Juntei, and it was medical and other apotropaic practices associated with that cult — especially the esoteric use of bezoar (gorocanā, 牛黃) to insure safe and easy birth for royal consorts — that first earned the temple complex its high position in the political and institutional history of Japan, a position of prominence that persisted well into early modern times. In its later history Daigoji became a center for literary and artistic culture, famous among poets and painters for its cherry blossoms, gardens, and other natural beauties. Some of the buildings comprising the complex — for example, the famous five-storied pagoda built in 950 — have been remarkably well preserved and are among Daigoji’s many “national treasures” (kokuhō 國寶) and “important cultural properties” (jūyō bunkazai 重要文化財) which have led in turn to Daigoji’s modern recognition by UNESCO as a “World Heritage Site.”

          This paper will provide an overview of Daigoji and its history with special emphasis on its role as a place where religious and secular power and culture intersected.

13. Gong Jun 龔雋/ Wang Lei王磊(中山大學哲學系)：從《夷堅志》看唐宋寺院的世俗功能;

        寺院對僧人而言是一個宗教性的神聖空間，但這個神聖空間並非與世俗隔絕。事實上，中古時期的寺院已經開始承擔很多的世俗功能。本文希望通過《夷堅志》中的故事文本，就此問題展開一些討論。《夷堅志》所收錄的故事樣本豐富，而且很多故事都與普通民眾的日常生活有關，雖然故事本身並不真實，但可以透視宋代社會的一般狀況。寺院在《夷堅志》中出現的頻率很高，而且大都是以世俗的面貌。概括而言，《夷堅志》中的寺院主要扮演以下角色：

1. 邸店客舍。《夷堅志》中的故事多發生在旅途中。雖然有專門的客舍邸店，但當時的人們出行，經常以寺院為客舍。還有就是外任的官員，也經常以寺院為官舍，除了官員本人，他們的妻妾、婢女等女眷也同樣住在寺院中。以寺院為客舍，在唐代就已經比較普遍，以往的學者對此也有研究，如日野開三郎《唐代邸店研究》等。
2. 櫕柩，也就是存放未下葬的靈柩。這是本文欲重點討論的部分。在宋代，將靈柩存放在寺院中是非常普遍的一種行為。《夷堅志》中比較常見的一種故事類型，就是寄居寺院的旅客與存放在寺院的靈柩中的死人們之間的糾葛。很多寺院中的靈柩更是存放達幾十年之久。這些靈柩從何而來，哪些人會選擇將靈柩存放在寺院中？他們是在何種情況下做出這種選擇？通過和唐代墓誌中反映的唐代葬俗比較，我們可以從中看出唐宋時期人們喪葬觀念的變化。

14. Ji Yun 紀贇（Buddhist College of Singapore 新加坡佛學院):佛陀最後的午餐：古典佛教中的僧俗互動模式及其對東亞佛教的影響(The Last Lunch of the Buddha: The interaction between monks and laity of Classical Buddhism and its influence on Eastern Asian Buddhism);

    佛陀的涅槃在其一生之中，並且在佛教史上都是一宗重大事件，但作為肉體存在的佛陀其涅槃的直接導因，也即其最後一餐的實質性內容，在南傳與北傳材料之中則有著巨大的區別。南傳材料多認為是豬肉或相關肉食類食物，而北傳材料則多認為是菌類等植物性食物或者付之闕如，這其中必然包含有某種文化與宗教學上的隱含意義。本文希望通過不同原始文獻的分析與比較來審視，從印度到東亞佛教發展中較為廣大的社會環境中文化傳統對宗教歷史敘事的影響，以及在此過程之中僧俗互動的模式。

15. Yasmin Koppen 蔻茉莉(Eberhard-Karls University of Tübingen 德國圖宾根大學):  “How the Sociology of Spaces Can Help to Show Social Change in Chinese Temples”  空間社會學如何有助於展示中國寺院的社會變革;

         The Sociology of Spaces, still a rather young discipline, offers tools developed from the theories of sociology and architecture to analyze structural and social change in human space. Based on the theoretical concepts like claim, legitimation and marking, taken together with historical evidence, these tools aim to show change in structural space-usage and the inner hierarchies of limited areas, like a temple. These changes again are dependent on social changes, mostly on the ideology of the ruling class – but also on dedicated building activity of the local population.  Here will be shown in which ways Chinese temples can be analyzed to gain various information towards change in inner hierarchies corresponding to change in patronage; change in temple usage and participant behavior (e.g. how a Buddhist temple became a Confucian one and how water spirits became Bodhisattvas). 

16. Li Xiangping 李向平（華東師範大學社會學系)：“佛教社會”及其社會理論建構的可能性;

　　當代中國的改革開放及其社會變遷，使中國佛教的發展從中獲益良多，同時亦使中國佛教的存在形態發生了巨大的變化。

        佛教經濟的發展、寺廟管理方法的改變、僧人行動模式的豐富、參與社會的不同路徑……，已經在具體的社會事實層面，以佛寺為基礎，建構了格式與意義不一的佛教格局。比如官寺、商寺、民寺、私寺，或者是修持型、經濟型、文化型、園林型，甚至是出現了地域上的分別，如都市佛教、鄉村佛教等若干類寺廟模式的建構；與此相應，佛門僧人亦以其宗教行動為依託，分別湧現近代太虛大師所期待的那樣，具有不同所長的僧人類型，管理型、修持型、文化活動型、講經說法型、社會活動型、佛門領袖型等等。這些現象，誠然是印證了當代中國佛教的變遷和進步，同時也充分說明了中國佛教的運作模式，正面對著功能與結構等層面的多元分化。在這些變遷和分化之中，我們可以發現的一個共同傾向，那就是中國佛教的社會建構功能，正在漸漸呈現和日益強化。

         為此，本文基於佛教的信仰方式而提出“佛教社會” 概念，作為討論佛教與當代社會建設諸關係的一個概念工具。

       “佛教社會”這一概念，將表達出人們對佛教信仰結構、佛教組織的社會性、信徒之間的社會關係的理解。更重要的是，它將把佛教寺院、佛教信仰群體、佛教教團，作為當代中國社會組織的一大類型，把認同佛教信仰的中國人組合為一個信仰群體、建構成為一類具有公民社會各種權利和義務的法人社團，使他們具有一種社會歸屬感，具有一種價值認同和彼此交往的價值關聯，終而發揮出一個社會系統應當具有的社會建設功能，落實于當代公民社會的建構過程中。

         同時，亦希望能夠圍繞著“佛教社會” 概念及其相關問題的討論，進而推動佛教社會學及佛教社會理論的建構，籍以推動和深化與歐美基督教社會理論的對話。

17. Ma Zongjie 馬宗潔(中國國家博物館藏品保管一部): 從東漢譯經看佛寺的社會作用與功能;

    　東漢譯經是現存最早的漢文佛教典籍，其有關佛寺的社會作用與功能的教義內容具有重要的研究價值。從《法鏡經》、《佛說成具光明定意經》、《般舟三昧經》和《文殊師利問菩薩署經》等學術界公認的東漢譯經來看，二世紀後期古印度佛寺具有滿足信眾觀寺、祠禮和佈施等宗教需求，以及教化信眾持齋戒、學經法的社會作用與功能。滿足信眾的宗教需求是佛寺次要的社會作用與功能，教化信眾是佛寺首要的社會作用與功能，即使形式上看有“入世”的表像，但是其內容卻以“出世”為宗旨，具有圍繞佛教核心教義而重點突出的時代特徵，對於研究後世佛寺的流變具有啟示意義，既是衡量當代佛寺的發展是否異化和世俗化的重要參照，又為當代佛寺的發展提供導向，值得深入研究。

18. Nie Shunxin 聶順新（陝西師範大學西北研究院):國忌行香制度與唐代長安寺觀;

        岳珂《愧郯錄》卷一三《國忌設齋》條的主體部分，實為宋白《續通典》的一段佚文。這段佚文系統記載了元和元年（806）長安七帝七后（即高祖、太宗、睿宗、玄宗、肅宗、代宗、德宗及其皇后）的國忌日、設齋寺觀、設齋規模等內容。每位帝／后的國忌日設齋場所均為2所寺觀（兩所寺院，或一寺一觀）；每位帝／后的2所忌日設齋寺觀均呈現朱雀大街以東和以西各一所的對稱分佈格局；除慈恩寺和西明寺分別是兩位帝／后的國忌日設齋寺院外，其餘十二位帝／后的國忌日設置寺觀各不相同，即每位帝／后在其國忌日享有獨立的追福空間。這與開元時期長安城中所有應行香國忌日均在指定的大觀、寺各二所中設齋行香，以及同時期地方諸上州所有國忌日均在開元觀、寺設齋行香的制度均不相同。長安國忌行香寺觀的這種變化至少應發生在德宗貞元九年（793）之前。元和元年長安七帝七后的國忌日設齋寺觀共涉及26所；其中佛寺18所，道觀8所；這些寺觀中的絕大部分（23所）為隋唐兩代設立的皇家寺觀。諸帝后的國忌日設齋人數規模則反映出其在宗廟中的地位尊卑及其與在位皇帝的血緣親疏關係，亦即儒家禮制中“尊尊”與“親親”的基本原則。

19. Pu Chengzhong 蒲成中 (Leiden University, Netherlands 荷蘭萊頓大學): “A Charity Case of the Buddhist Monasteries?: Enziin the Dunhuang Manuscripts” 他們是佛寺的慈濟對象?: 敦煌文獻中的“恩子”;

        The Dunhuang manuscripts have been proven to be extremely useful to the study of the Buddhist monastic economy of early medieval western China, but understanding the terminology used in the documents, especially those referring to a variety of types of lay labour (or lay members) of the Buddhist community, does not seem to have been an easy task. Enzi is one of the problematic terms which have been the focus of a few previous studies. The term is claimed by the scholars to be either a personal name or something referring to a type of Buddhist monastic slaves despite the fact no attempt has been made regarding its origins. This paper aims to re-examine these claims and trace its origins. It will show that enzi instead of being slaves might well have been a charity case of the monasteries.  對中國早中古時期佛教寺院經濟的研究，敦煌文書已被証明大有價值，但是要理解其中的術語，尤其是那些指代一系列寺院勞力的術語，卻不是一件容易的事。恩子就是其中之一。在先前的幾項研究中，他/她被認定為奴婢，盡管還沒有研究真正考察過他們的源頭。本文旨在重新考察前人的研究結論和探究恩子這種寺院俗人的形成淵源。它將表明恩子並非寺廟奴婢，而更可能是寺院的慈濟對象之一。

20. Sheng Kai 聖凱(清華大學哲學系):山門與宗門：論禪宗“祖師信仰”的形成;

        本文強調禪宗的三大特點：一、禪宗是一場“去佛化”運動，祛除“佛”的主體性信仰﹔二、回歸“法”的實踐，尤其是“百姓日用之道”的實踐，實現生活意義的神聖性﹔三、以“僧”表法，以禮制為“表”，從而造成禪宗獨特的“祖師信仰”。“祖師信仰”形成的外部因素，則是受到中國社會宗法制的影響，祖宗崇拜是儒家禮制的核心，故“法統”的傳燈逐漸被“祖統”的傳承所代替。“祖師信仰”形成的內部因素，則是印度法脈傳承、佛教內部的師資相承、神會與宗密的推波助瀾，故至宗密時代，禪宗“祖師信仰”則已經完全建立。

21. Jesse Sloane 羅志新 (Yonsei University, South Korea 韓國延世大學): “Connoisseurship in the Monastery: Discerning a Distinctive Identity for Jin Elites in Sacred Precincts” 寺院鑑賞: 金代士大夫在神聖場域其特殊身份的鑑別;

          In forming a collective identity, civil elites of the Jin 金 dynasty sought to distinguish themselves both from the military and Jurchen aristocratic elites who had formed the core of the dynasty’s leadership during its founding, and from the literati of the erstwhile Northern Song, whose remnants were divided among their own number and their rivals in the Southern Song. Previous scholarship has explored the role of literary production and Confucian scholarship in creating a Jin literati identity that brought elites from former Song, Jurchen, Bohai, and Khitan backgrounds into a single imagined community whose cohesion and distinctiveness accelerated from the 1150s through the early years of Mongol rule in North China. Drawing on travel records, colophons, literary collections, and inscriptions, this paper will explore how the appreciation of calligraphy, painting, and other objects of refined connoisseurship constituted a practice by which the hybrid elite of this new society constructed their identity, foregrounding the role of Buddhist monasteries as essential sites in which this was carried out. The study will seek to answer how the appreciation of material objects helped Jin literati to find an identity not dependent on state recognition, while at the same time moving beyond the much-discussed emulation of Northern Song wenren 文人 models. At the same time, the study will examine the implications for Jin elite identity posed by the religious context of these connoisseurship practices.

22. Sun Yinggang 孫英剛（復旦大學文史研究院):隋唐長安的佛教寺院與蜂蜜;

         中古時代過午不食，尤其在長安等佛教中心地區，戒律較為嚴整。但是僧人修行、佈道都需要消耗體力。為了彌補體力的不足，午後的非時漿變得非常重要。與“時藥”相對應，“非時藥”在寺院生活中扮演重要角色。而蜂蜜則成為非時藥中非常重要的一種。隋唐長安城的蜂蜜生產進而和寺院生活緊密聯繫在一起。寺院生活作為城市生活的一部分，也進而對整個中古城市史的面貌產生了影響。

23. Wang Xiang 王翔(Beijing Normal University – Hong Kong Baptist University United International College [UIC]北京師範大學﹣香港浸會大學聯合國際學院): 西明寺與早期的唐帝國：656到712年之間的政教史;

        唐代的長安城可以說是中古時期亞洲佛教的燈塔之一，而坐落於長安西市旁邊的西明寺更是唐王朝乃至整個東亞文化圈都享有盛譽的佛教名剎。從西明寺的草創直至開元盛世之前的早期歷史，因為史料的零散，寺院志的闕如，學界尚缺乏細致和系統的探討，這為我們展開跨學科的西明寺的研究帶來了困難。這期間的相關事件從寺院的選址和命名、僧團的建立和宗教辯論、佛經初翻和學派宣講、乃至寺院和皇室的互動、以及寺院經濟的一角，似乎都可管窺一二。這些活動的主要參與者，包括玄奘、道宣、圓測、法藏、義淨、佛陀波利、唐高宗、章懷太子、武則天、慧范、以及唐睿宗等緇素華夷。盡管這一時期的各種史料也可以從美術考古、佛教義理、翻譯史以及中外文化交流等多角度去解讀，本文將專注於分析和梳理西明寺早期的政教史，揭示這一國家大寺從建寺初期直到開元之前和唐帝國之間展開的宗教與政治互動，同時本文也將為重構完整的長達兩個半世紀的西明寺通史打下堅實的基礎。

24. Wang Yong 王勇(浙江工商大學東亞研究院):中國佛寺的國際交流功能——以天台山國清寺為例;

         佛教所具有的世界觀、所宣揚的普世價值、所實施的傳教方式，很容易使廟宇成爲跨語言、跨文化、跨民族交際的設施。

         東亞乃至亞洲的佛教寺院普遍具有國際交流功能，而中國佛寺在國際交流中不僅扮演重要角色，而且展示鮮明個性。

         首先，隋朝時東亞各國的來華留學人員，一概由中方派著名寺院的博學僧侶教授，唐代時由各寺院接受留學生成爲慣例，宋元以後更演變為接納外國使節乃至漂流民、傳教士的設施。

        其次，在漢譯佛教圈内，東亞各國的佛教流派基本源出中華，於是各宗的本山、名僧的住寺成爲外國僧侶巡禮求法的聖地。

        再則，由於寺院對信徒的開放性及游離法律之外的自由度，為國際文化交流提供了便利條件，比如日本、朝鮮的皇親貴族向中國寺院施捨寶物、出資修建中國寺院，甚至在中國建造寺院。

        本文聚焦于天台山國清寺，以9世紀初入唐僧最澄出資建造的“日本止觀堂”為主綫，探討唐宋時間國清寺在東亞文化交流的作用與影響。

25. Yan Yaozhong 嚴耀中（復旦大學文史研究院):內法與外道：古典佛教對婆羅門教法的態度及其對漢傳佛教的影響;

        在漢譯佛教經典中可以見到為數不少的“婆羅門法”一詞及相關內容。所謂婆羅門法，即是行諸於婆羅門種姓的原則，其實就是婆羅門在宗教生活內的各種行事規則。佛典中對婆羅門法的引用，或是為了用作背景介紹，或是當作批評的對象，或是佐証佛陀所說法之英明正確等等，由此也被中國信眾所知曉。這不僅促進了華土信眾對佛典文本及教義的理解，也增進了中國人對印度社會和婆羅門教的認識，亦即構築起中印之間社會文化交流的又一道橋梁。本文還對一些婆羅門法的由來進行了考証。

26. Yao Chongxin 姚崇新(中山大學歷史系):從高昌到西州——中古吐魯番佛教寺院社會功能的轉變

         中古吐魯番地區主要流行回傳西域的漢地佛教，因此該地區佛教寺院的社會功能既與內地有一定的相似性，也有其特殊的一面。研究中古吐魯番地區的佛教寺院，主要仰賴於吐魯番出土文書。根據文書揭示的資訊，可以看出，麴氏高昌國（502—640）時期是當地佛教寺院發展的鼎盛時期，寺院經濟發達，私寺林立，私寺與世俗社會的經濟聯系異常密切，承擔著世俗家庭的部分經濟利益訴求。但隨著當地政權由高昌國向唐西州（640—792）的過渡，上述情況逐漸向相反的方向轉變，相應地，當地寺院的社會功能也在悄然地發生變化。探討上述變化背後的深層原因是本文的主要著力點，本文認為，伴隨著政權的變化而出現的社會經濟制度變化是導致當地寺院上述變化的主要原因，因此，所謂寺院的社會功能，一定程度上是世俗社會制度和社會需求的折射。

27. Zhang Dewei 張德偉 (University of Macau澳門大學): “A Bridge Not Far Enough: Ciguang si 慈光寺 at Mount Huang on the Imperial Stage” 此橋非遠: 帝國舞台上之黃山慈光寺

       Ciguang si 慈光寺, originally a small and obscure Daoist Abbey, rose quickly to be the biggest and most important Buddhist temple in the Huangshan region during the late Ming and early Qing period. Behind this remarkable success was an intensive mobilization of human and material resources, which was initially triggered by an ambitious pursuit by the temple of the Buddhist canon from the inner court in Beijing. In the process of obtaining this imperial gift that could serve as a rare religious and political capital, people from all walks of society, including eminent monks, the emperor, court women, eunuchs, officials, merchants, and local elites, were linked and interacted with each other. Finally, marked by the arrival of the canon, the cooperation of those otherwise isolated people drove Ciguang si to prosperity. On the other hand, those forces were also in competition for influence, thereby bringing destructive effects to the growth of the temple. Viewed from a broader perspective, the ups and downs of Ciguang si were representative within the saṃgha at the time, and its complex and dynamic history reveals both the vitality and weaknesses of the major renewal that Chinese Buddhism was then experiencing.  慈光寺原為一藉藉無名的小型道觀，於明末清初之際迅速竄升為黃山地區最大、最重要的佛教寺院。這一驚人成功的背後，是它對人力、物力資源的廣泛動員;而這種動員，又開始於它雄心勃勃地追求從北京內廷求取一部御賜大藏經。御賜藏經是一種罕見的宗教和政治資本。在慈光寺獲取這一皇家禮物的過程中，社會各界人士，包括高僧、皇帝、後妃、太監、官員、商人以及地方士紳，彼此之間發生關聯與互動。最後，以藏經的到來為標誌，這些原本彼此孤立的人群，共同合作，把慈光寺推送至鼎盛時期。另一方面，這些人群也在彼此競爭著擴展自己的影響力，由此給寺院的發展造成了破壞性的影響。從更大的視角來看，慈光寺的興衰在當時的僧伽內具有一定代表性，它複雜而極富活力的歷史，揭示了其時正在經歷復興的中國佛教的生命力和弱點。