An International Conference on the Wutai Cult  

五臺山信仰國際研討會

“The Mountain of Five Plateaus: Studies of the Wutai cult in multidisciplinary and Transborder/Cultural Approaches”

一山而五頂：多學科、跨方域、多文化視野中的五臺信仰研究

 

Venue 地點: Dasheng Zhulin si 大聖竹林寺  (Great Sage Monastery of Bamboo Grove), Mount Wutai 五臺山

Dates 時間:  July 27-August 2, 2015 (2015年7月27至8月2日)

Primary Sponsors 主辦方: Buddhist association of Shanxi Province 山西省佛教協會  

Secondary Sponsors 協辦方: The King’s College at University of London  英國倫敦大學國王學院,

　　　　　　　　　Department of Philosophy of Tsing-hua University 清華大學哲學系,

　　　　                    UBC Buddhist Studies Forum 加拿大英屬哥倫比亞大學佛學論壇

Host 承辦方：Dasheng Zhulin si 大聖竹林寺

 

Conference Theme 研討會主旨

Buddhist sacred sites represent an important and complex phenomenon. This international conference proposes to explore the pan-Asian significance of a single holy territory: Mount Wutai 五臺山 (literally, “the mountain of five plateaus”). Located in central China, this site emerged as the focus of regional, dynasty-wide and international devotion during the seventh-century. Its holy status was rooted largely in scriptural claims that the marchmount was home to a major Indian bodhisattva (Mañjuśrī). Mount Wutai’s construction as Mañjuśrī’s dwelling place contributed to the sense that the site and with it the Tang dynasty constituted a new “dharma center.” The mountain cult’s expansion to neighboring territories had equally important implications for the cultural, sociopolitical, economic, commercial, military and religious landscape of the regions’ at once distant from and intimately connected to Mount Wutai of today’s Shanxi province. By investigating both the marchmount’s early history within China’s borders and its later and larger East Asian significance, this conference aims to shed new light on the multiple roles the Mount Wutai played in medieval East Asian society. It invites case studies exploring the mountain’s importance in East Asian countries or regions including (but not limited to) mainland China, Korea, Japan, Tibet, Mongolia, and Central Asia. It welcomes papers concentrating on one, two, or all three of the following topics: religious legends, relics, and images. 佛教聖地的出現是一個重要而複雜的現象。本次國際研討會擬集中探尋一方聖境對整個亞洲的意義：五臺山（顧名思義，一山而總五臺）。此山坐落於中國的中部地區；七世紀開始，此名山即匯一方、舉朝、乃至中外之朝觐。這一神聖地位很大程度上拜佛教經典所賜。據說此邊隅之山乃是印度大菩薩文殊師利的本居。五臺山被建構為文殊道場，也加深了此地乃至有唐一國作為佛教新中心的形象。五臺信仰嚮周邊疆域的擴延對文化、社會﹣政治、經濟、商貿、軍事、以及宗教版圖也具有同樣重要的意義，它們與位於現今山西省的五臺山的關係可說是亦天涯、亦比鄰。通過探討對此聖山的信仰在華夏大地的發展歷史，以及該信仰隨後投注在東亞其他區域的更為深廣的影響，本次研討會旨在發明五臺山在中古東亞社會中的多重角色。會議邀集的諸研究均是探討五臺山對東亞諸邦域的意義的專門之作，在地域上包括（但不限於）中國大陸、韓國、日本、西藏、蒙古、與中亞。來稿專致於以下一個或多個課題：宗教傳說、聖跡、以及宗教圖像與塑像等 。

 

LIST OF COMMITTED PANELISTS  已確定會議代表名單:

1. Susan Andrews 安素桑 (University of Mount Allison, Canada 加拿大阿里森山大學): Moving Mountain: Mount Wutai Traditions at Japan’s Tōnomine 山之流變: 五臺山傳統在日本多武峯的體現;

          In the seventh century Mount Wutai 五臺山emerged as the foremost sacred place in Tang China (618-907). Its holy status was rooted largely in scriptural claims that the mountain was home to the Buddhist deity Mañjuśrī 文殊. While the scholarship of Lin Yunrou 林韻柔 (2009) and Raoul Birnbaum (1983, 2004) among others has revealed much about the mountain’s history within China’s borders, it has had considerably less to say about the territory’s later and larger East Asian significance. Taking as my starting point Mount Wutai’s replication at Kōchi’s 高知Godaisan 五臺山, in this paper I endeavor to suggest what the mapping of Mount Wutai’s landscapes—real and imagined—onto Japanese soil accomplished in the Heian (794-1185) and Kamakura (1185-1333) periods. 在七世紀時，五臺山成為唐代中國（618-907）最重要的聖地。而該神聖地位之獲取，在很大程度得力於佛經所聲稱的五臺山乃文殊菩薩道場所在。林韻柔（2009）及歐陽瑞Raoul Birnbaum(1983,2004)等學者，已經就五臺山在中國境內的歷史作了相當揭示。但是，關於五臺山在此後以及在更大的東亞範圍內的重要性，至今還少論述。本文以日本高知五臺山對中國五臺山的複製為起點，試圖揭示出在平安和鐮倉時代，把真實和想像中的五臺山景觀映射到日本土壤時，所得為何。

          As the statuary, inscriptions, temple gazetteers, and monastic biographies around which this paper is built establish, the practice of linking structures outside Tang and Song China to Wutai “originals” was not restricted to Godaisan. Quite the opposite, tradition recorded in Seiin’s 静胤 (c. 1197) twelfth-century Tōnomine ryakki 多武峰略記 (A Brief History of Mount Tōnomine) and documents discovered within the cavity of the famous Seiryōji shaka nyorai zō 淸涼寺釋迦如來像 (The Seiryō Temple Sculpture of Śākyamuni Tathāgata), for instance, holds that the mountain served as a template for the creation of structures atop Mount Atago 愛宕山 and Mount Tōnomine 多武峰. 通過考察塑像、碑銘、寺志和僧傳資料，本文發現唐、宋時把非中國的建築與五臺山“原型”聯繫起來的做法，並不限於高知五臺山一地。事實正與此相反。例如，12世紀靜胤 (約活動於1197年)所著的《多武峰略記》以及在著名的淸涼寺釋迦如來像佛臟裡發現的文獻，證明了愛宕山及多武峰峰頂的設計，皆以五臺山為範本。

         With Mount Wutai’s replication at this triad of Japanese sites—Godaisan, Atago, and Tōnomine— at the center of my inquiry, in this paper I will examine relationships between the past and the present; reception and re-presentation; the local and the translocal contexts of religious practice and belief. The types of broader questions that will orient my exploration of Mount Wutai’s replication across the Japanese archipelago between the seventh and fourteenth centuries will include: How do local religious communities differently interpret and strategically apply received traditions? What relationship obtains between the creation of local holy place and the fashioning of religious identities that are not territorially bound? What does the writing and rewriting of the past accomplish for successive generations of practitioners? Highlighting the role that replication played in the growth in scale and geographic reach of the Wutai world, this investigation should call attention to the value of examining local traditions in their larger East Asian context. 本文以日本高知五台、愛宕山和多武峰這三地對中國五臺山的複製為中心，考察了過去與現在、接受與再現、宗教實踐與信念在地域內及跨地域間的關係。我將在一些更大問題的關照下，探索7－14世紀五臺山在日本境內的複製。這些問題包括：地方宗教團體如何對現存宗教傳統進行不同解讀並加以策略性運用？創造地方性的聖地與形成不受地域限制的宗教身份之間，是一種什麼關係？對過去的書寫與重述，給後代宗教修行者造成了什麼影響？在五臺山的世界裡，在其規模及地理可接觸性的增長中，復製皆發揮了作用。通過凸現這種作用，本文應可喚起學者對在更大的東亞範圍內考察地方傳統的關注。

2.  T. H. Barrett 巴瑞特 (SOAS, The University of London 英國倫敦大學亞非學院): How Important is Mount Wutai?: Sacred Space in a Zen Mirror 五臺山如何重要?: 禪宗所鏡鑑之神聖空間

           This paper looks at criticism of the importance of 五臺山 in the 禪宗.   Most famous is 臨濟, T47: 498c. 「有一般學人，向五臺山裡求文殊，早錯了也！五臺山無文殊。」. There are also 公案 in 碧岩錄, etc. which have a similar message. These have already been studied in English. Here we try to look at earlier sources, since many 語錄only exist in late editions, for example 雪峰義存: 雪峰語錄 is only widely available in an edition of 1701. Yet it is clear that negative ideas are already present in the late eighth century, i.e. 歷代法寶記: 「佛在身心，文殊不遠。」本文關注的是禪宗試圖否定五臺山的重要性，其中最有名的出自臨濟之口：「有一般學人，向五臺山裡求文殊，早錯了也！五臺山無文殊。」（T47: 498c）《碧巖錄》等著作中也有類似批評的公案。這些公案的研究都已有英文專著。在此，我們應該考察更早期的資料。因為許多語錄都是以晚出的版本存世，例如常見的雪峰義存的《雪峰語錄》是1701年編訂完成的。但是一些批評性的思想在八世紀晚期已經出現了。《歷代法寶記》中就說到：「佛在身心，文殊不遠。」

           In the 祖堂集 we find that some stories concerning 五臺山 that later appear in 公案were already known. But we also find stories concerning 五臺山that do not occur later, for example one 問答 of趙州從詵 (778-897): “師問僧，「從什摩處來？」對云，「從五臺山來。」師云，「還見文殊也無？」對云，「文殊則不見，只見一頭水牯牛。」師云，「水牯牛還有語也無？」對云，「有。」師曰，「道什摩？」對云，「猶寒，伏惟和尚尊體起居萬福！」” Equally some stories in the 趙州錄 seem to be quite late, for example, “豐幹到五臺山下，見一老人。干云，［莫是文殊也無？］老人云，［不可有二文殊也。」” 閱讀《祖堂集》會發現，後來出現在公案中的一些關於五臺山的故事已見載於此書。但是，我們也會找到一些關於五臺山的故事再沒有出現於後來的文獻中。例如趙州從詵 (778-897)的一則問答說：“師問僧，「從什摩處來？」對云，「從五臺山來。」師云，「還見文殊也無？」對云，「文殊則不見，只見一頭水牯牛。」師云，「水牯牛還有語也無？」對云，「有。」師曰，「道什摩？」對云，「猶寒，伏惟和尚尊體起居萬福！」”同樣的，《趙州錄》中的一些故事似乎也成型時間很晚。例如下則：“豐幹到五臺山下，見一老人。干云，［莫是文殊也無？］老人云，［不可有二文殊也。」”

           But all the stories about 趙州從詵 offer indirect criticism of pilgrimage to五臺山; there is no expression like that of臨濟. By contrast 雲門文偃（864-949） is quite sarcastic: “近日師僧北去，言禮文殊；南去，謂遊南嶽。與麽行腳，名字比丘，徒消信施。” Perhaps these differences are differences in what might have been called 家風。They all of course make clear that looking for 文殊is not as important as 頓悟, or 見性or whatever they consider to be the aim of the 禪宗。但是，與趙州從詵相關的故事針對五臺山朝聖作出的都是間接性批評，完全不見臨濟那樣的表述。相形之下，雲門文偃（864-949）出言則頗事挖苦：“近日師僧北去，言禮文殊；南去，謂遊南嶽。與麽行腳，名字比丘，徒消信施。”或許這就是所謂“家風”不同罷。不過他們都明確表示相比尋訪文殊，更切要的是頓悟或見性等禪宗的所追求的目標。

　　　　This may look as if they consider the Buddhism of五臺山inferior, and in fact they do, because they consider all Buddhism inferior. This does not mean that they necessarily thought of五臺山as unimportant. Consider龐蘊居士 (c. 740-808). There is a verse attributed to him that says, “知餘轉《般若》，見余轉《金剛》。和掌恭敬了，不動見空王。亦勝生命施，亦勝坐天堂，亦勝五臺供，亦勝求西方。” Now 求西方 is certainly not unimportant: eventually in the 禪宗 we find 禪淨兼修。And the fact that all these masters spent so much time affirming the superiority of their practice to practices related to 五臺山shows that they did consider the latter important enough to criticize repeatedly. 如此看來，他們認為五臺山佛教並不足道，事實上確實如此，因為所有形態的佛教都被他們所輕視。但這並不說明他們覺得五臺山不重要。觀龐蘊居士 (c. 740-808)一例即知。據傳，他有詩云：“知餘轉《般若》，見余轉《金剛》。和掌恭敬了，不動見空王。亦勝生命施，亦勝坐天堂，亦勝五臺供，亦勝求西方。”此則“求西方”自非等閒事，何況禪宗最後講究禪淨雙修。既然所有這些禪師都要通過貶低與五臺山相關的修行來抬高他們自己的修行，那說明恰恰是因為五臺山足夠重要，才值得讓他們反覆批評。

3. Ester Bianchi 黃曉星 (Università degli Studi di Perugia, Italy 義大利佩魯賈大學): Lama Nenghai’s imprint on Mount Wutai: Sino-Tibetan Buddhism among the Five Plateaus since the 1930s (能海上師留在五臺山上的印記：1930年代五“臺”間的漢藏佛教);

          At the beginning of the 21st century, on Mount Wutai there are a number of monasteries which reconnect themselves with the monk Nenghai 能海 (1886-1967), the “Chinese lama”, to whom I have already devoted a number of studies and who stands out as one of the most significant personalities of the modern phenomenon of Sino-Tibetan Buddhism as far as the Gelukpa tradition is concerned. In spreading Tibetan Buddhism inside China proper, Nenghai visited Wutaishan several times, and he finally moved there in 1952/53, spending his last years of life in the Jixiangsi, his foremost monastery on the mountain. 21世紀初期，五臺山上有很多寺院將自己與“漢族喇嘛”能海上師重新聯繫起來。我已經就能海寫過幾篇文章。就格魯派一系而言，能海是現代漢-藏佛教現象中最重要的角色之一。為了在中國內地傳播藏傳佛教，能海數次訪問五臺山，並於1952、1953年間移居於此，在吉祥寺（他在五臺山最重要的寺院）度過了他的最後歲月。

         Nenghai’s passage on Mount Wutai has left an indelible mark. He is still revered in a number of stupas and monasteries, where monks wrapped in yellow robes follow the particular liturgy created by him: they chant Tibetan texts translated into Chinese, involve in purely Tibetan meditation practices and rituals, and at the same time also abide to typical Chinese Buddhist habits and rules. 能海在五臺山留下了不朽的印記。他至今仍在很多佛塔與寺院裡備受尊崇，那裡身著黃色僧袍的僧人遵循著他制定的特別儀軌：唱誦譯成漢語的藏文佛經，舉行純粹藏傳佛教式的坐禪與法會，同時也遵守著典型漢傳佛教的習慣與戒律。

         It is likely that political reasons are not entirely foreign to the recent growth in number and importance of these Sino-Tibetan sites, which shall function as “neutral points of encounter” for Chinese and Tibetan Buddhism. That said, however, it is necessary to recall both the highly religious motivation that can be observed inside the contemporary communities of Nenghai, and the acceptance of their presence on the mountain demonstrated by the other resident monastics and – according to interviews I have conducted during a fieldwork in summer 2006 – also by pilgrims of every tradition and ethnicity. To them, the only valuable unifying element seems to be the common devotion to Mañjuśrī. As a matter of fact, the Bodhisattva is said to have appeared to Nenghai and to some of his closest disciples (including the nun Longlian 隆蓮) on Mount Wutai, and it was Mañjuśrī himself who revealed to Nenghai the teachings included in his work on the “Five syllable mantra” (Wuzi Zhenyan 五子真言), one of the principal tantric practices in this tradition. 這些漢-藏佛教場所，其近年來在數量上的增長及重要性方面的提升，可能與政治原因不無關係：對漢傳與藏傳佛教來說，它們應該是“中立的碰撞點”。盡管如此，我們必須切記，在當代的能海信仰團體內部可以觀察到高度的宗教動機，而五臺山其他僧院的常住僧人以及――據我2006年夏天的田野調查――來自不同宗派、種族的朝聖者對他們又都表現出了接受。對這些人而言，對文殊菩薩的共同信仰，似乎惟一有價值的整合性因素。事實上，據說文殊菩薩曾于五臺山在能海及其最親隨的弟子（包括比丘尼隆蓮）前顯身，並向能海揭示了那些記錄在其《五子真言》――此教派中最重要的密法之一――裡的教義。

           In the present study, I shall make an attempt to evaluate Nenghai’s role in the developments of Buddhism on Wutaishan during the 20th century, as well as the legacy he left behind, particularly focusing on his first and second generation disciples who were and are still involved with the “Five Plateaus Mountain”. 在本文中，我嘗試評估能海在20世紀五臺山佛教發展中的作用，以及他所留下的遺產，尤其是他那些過去曾經或現在仍然與五臺山關係密切的第一代、第二代弟子。

4. Robert Borgen 包瀚德 (University of California in Davis 美國加州大學戴維斯分校): A Japanese Pilgrim’s Visit to Wutai in the Winter of 1072 (1072年冬一位日本朝聖者的五臺山之旅);

            During the Heian period, few Japanese ventured overseas, particularly after 840, when the last ship of Japan’s final diplomatic missions to the Tang court returned home and, perhaps not coincidentally, Chinese merchants began to appear with some regularity in Japan.  Among those who did travel to China, Buddhist monks were conspicuous because, although they were few in number, they kept records of their travels, some of which have been preserved.  Pilgrimage to the Wutai Mountains was one of their principle goals.  The Japanese pilgrim who left the most complete record of his journey to Wutai was Jōjin (1011-1081), who went to China in 1072 with seven disciples and remained there until his death.  When five of his disciples returned to Japan in 1073, they brought with them Jōjin’s diary, The Record of a Pilgrimage to the Tiantai and Wutai Mountains (San Tendai Godai San Ki) in eight scrolls, of which the fifth covers their journey to Wutai in the eleventh and twelfth months of the Chinese calendar.  Although it took nearly a month to get there, Jōjin spent only three full days at Wutai before heading back to the Song capital of Kaifeng, where he arrived just in time to greet the new year.  During his brief stay, Jōjin accomplished the goals of his pilgrimage.  He presented offerings he had brought from Japan and witnessed a manifestation of Mañjuśrī, the bodhisattva thought to dwell at Wutai.  His account reveals both the importance of Wutai in the Buddhist imagination of Heian aristocrats and also provided a detailed, day by day, account of how a privileged pilgrim (Jōjin was traveling with an imperial escort) made the journey to Wutai.  Details he provides range from the operation of the official system of relay stations to graffiti left by previous Chinese pilgrims. 在平安時代，尤其是在840年當日本最後的遣唐使返回家鄉、而中國商人也許並非偶然地開始較為經常地出現在日本之後，日本人就很少到海外探險了。在那些確實到過中國旅行的人中，佛教僧人引人矚目，因為儘管人數寥寥，他們留下了旅行記錄，而且其中一些至今尚存。到五臺山朝聖，是這些僧人的主要目標之一。成尋 (1011-1081年在世)是留下了最為詳盡的五臺山遊記的日本朝聖者，他於1072年帶著7名徒弟到達中國，至死未曾離開。1073年，成尋的五位弟子在返回日本時帶上了師父的八卷日記《參天台五臺山記》，該書第五卷記錄了他們於農曆十一月及十二月到五臺山的旅程。儘管花了近一個月努力才到達，成尋在五臺山只留了三天就返回汴京，剛剛趕上在這個京城裡慶祝新年。在逗留五臺山的短暫期間，成尋完成了此行朝聖的任務。他獻上了自日本帶來的供物，並目睹了據稱以五臺山為道場的文殊菩薩的顯聖。他的日記，揭示出五臺山在平安時代貴族的佛教想像中的重要性，同時也提供了對一次高規格的五台朝聖之旅（成尋由皇帝派遣的一位使節護送）的詳細的、逐日的記錄。他所提供的細節，包括驛站系統的運作，以及此前參訪五台的中國朝聖者所留下的塗鴉。

5. Mary Anne Cartelli 高德麗 (Hunter College of the City University of New York 紐約市立大學杭特學院): The Literary Wutaishan (翰墨中的五臺山);

              Mount Wutai is a destination to be ascended and worshipped in word and image. In the Mount Wutai literature, the mountain is a synthesis of geography and iconography and of matter and spirit, simultaneously representing both the mundane and transcendental worlds. The literary motifs of the Mount Wutai literature are based on the numinous traces (lingji 靈跡) of the mountain as described in the early travel records, such as the Gu Qingliang zhuan 古清涼傳 and the Guang Qingliang zhuan 廣清涼傳. These traces reflect the religious themes of Chinese Buddhism and articulate the extraordinary characteristics associated with the mountain as the pure land of the bodhisattva Mañjuśrī. They are also associated with the sutra literature and the wall-painting of the mountain in Cave 61 at Dunhuang. My talk will focus on the imagery and themes of the steles, gazetteers, poems, tales, and other Chinese literature associated with the mountain from the Tang through Qing dynasties. 五臺山是一個先攀登而後以文字與形象來崇奉的目的地。在五臺山文獻中，五臺山是地理與符號、物質與精神的混合物，同時代表聖、凡兩界。五臺山文獻的主題，以該山靈跡為基礎，如早期《古清涼傳》及《廣清涼傳》所描述的那樣。這些靈跡反映了中國佛教的宗教主題，也清楚地說明了五臺山作為文殊菩薩淨土的一些卓越特性。它們也與佛經文學及敦煌第61號洞窟裡關於五臺山的壁畫有關。我的演講，將集中於碑銘、方志、詩歌、傳說以及其他自唐至清的中國文學作品中，與五臺山有關的形象與主題。

6. Isabelle Charleux 沙怡然 (National Centre for Scientific Research 法國國家科學研究中心): The pilgrimage account of Duke Miγvačir of Alaša to Mount Wutai in 1938  阿拉善的密各瓦祺爾公爵1938年五臺山巡禮記

           Pilgrimages to the sacred Chinese mountain of Wutaishan were very popular among Mongols who went there in droves in the 19th and 20th century, and are documented by a variety of sources, including stone inscriptions, folk songs, and pilgrimage guides. Among these sources, pilgrims’ diaries, travel accounts and memoirs give an insider’s viewpoint of their journey. The present study introduces the recently published travel account of Duke Miγvačir (1893-1958) of Alaša, a writer, traveler, artist, poet, and pious Buddhist, who describes his visit to the sacred Chinese mountain in 1938 with his younger brother, after a long journey to Tibet, India, and Beijing (Alaša qosiγun-u baraγun güng-ün iledkel šastir [“Report of the Western Duke of Alaša Banner”], 1942, published in 2008). Although he was known as a pious Buddhist and eventually became a monk, Miγvačir’s visit to Wutaishan is rather matter-of-fact and brings to light some specific Mongol practices. This paper questions what Miγvačir’s account tells (and does not tell) us about Mongols’ pilgrimages of the early 20th century, in a time of troubles and conflicts. 朝覲五台聖山在蒙古人中非常盛行。19到20世紀，他們趨之若鶩，彼番情形見諸各種史料，包括石刻、民歌、及朝聖指南。其中，朝聖日記、行記、和實錄反映出當事人對旅行的理解。本研究介紹的是近來出版的一部朝聖行記，作者是阿拉善的密各瓦祺爾公爵(1893-1958)，一位作家、旅行家、藝術家、詩人、和佛教徒。這部書裡，作者講述了1938年與其弟的一番長途跋涉的巡禮，他們先去西藏、往印度、再到北京、最後朝拜了這座聖山。（Alaša qosiγun-u baraγun güng-ün iledkel šastir《阿拉善旗西公表傳》，1942年成書，2008年出版）雖然作者密各瓦祺爾以虔誠的教徒知名於世，而且最終出家，但是他去五臺山則是事實，而且此行還將一些蒙古的獨特修法公諸於世。在20世紀早期的戰亂中，蒙古人仍往五臺山的朝拜；對此，這部行記說出了什麼，又沒說出什麼，這是本論文探索的問題。

7. Chen Jinhua 陳金華 (The University of British Columbia 加拿大英屬哥倫比亞大學): “Sacred Geography”: New Perspectives on the Study of Mount Wutai (「神聖地理學」： 五臺山研究的新視野);

         This article proposes to study a marchmount of exceptional importance for East Asian Buddhism. It is Mount Wutai (Lit. Mountain of Five Terraces), located in central China and widely venerated by Buddhist believers from all over East Asia. It will not treat sacred space as a dead and immobile entity; nor will it isolate it from sacred time or religious, intellectual and socio-political backgrounds. But rather, it will treat Mount Wutai as a sacred site in specific historical and intellectual contexts. It will be carried out around three foci: (1) the ways legends and local histories represent the perceived sacrality of this sacred site, and the role that (2) relics and (3) images (including paintings, statues, and maps) played in creating, recreating and sustaining this mountain’s status as a key Buddhist sacred site. 本文研究的是對東亞佛教有特殊重要性的一座山嶽，即五臺山。此山位於中國中部，為整個東亞的佛教徒所尊奉。本研究不將聖地看做靜態的不動之物，也不將之從神聖的時代、宗教、思想、和社會政治環境中剝離出來。相反，本文提倡將五臺山看視作特定歷史和思想脈絡中的一方聖地。這裡探討三個主題。其一是傳說與地方歷史對此山神聖性的認知；第二和第三分別關於舍利和形象（包括繪畫、造像，和地圖），它們在創造、再創造，以及維繫五臺山的佛教聖地的地位中扮演了什麼角色。

8. Chen Long 陳龍 (忻州師範學院中文系，五臺山文化研究中心): 《古清凉傳》版本源流及校勘舉隅;

         《古清涼傳》是五臺山現存最早的山志，也是我國現存最早的佛教名山志。本文從對《古清涼傳》進行校勘的實用角度出發，依據清代藏書家的記錄，對現存版本進行梳理，力求做到溯本清源。本文認為《古清涼傳》現存版本可分為兩種：一為“明天順本”，二為“清雙唐碑館本”。二者合用，可對現在通行的整理本的校勘，起到重要作用。

9. Choi Sun-ah 崔善娥 (Myongji University, Seoul 韓國首爾明知大學): The Legacy of True Image: The Mañjuśrī Statues at Zhenrong yuan 眞容院 and Shuxiang Si 殊像寺 of Mount Wutai (真容的遺產：五臺山殊像寺與真容院的文殊造像);

          Between 1774 and 1776, the Qianlong emperor commissioned the building of a Buddhist monastery named Shuxiang si at the outskirt of the Summer Palace in Chengde, together with a gigantic statue of the bodhisattva Mañjuśrī. The name of the temple and the statue enshrined in it were unmistakably derived from, and modeled after, the original Shuxiang si, one of the Han Chinese Buddhist temples at Mount Wutai. Amongst the many Buddhist temples at the mountain, why did Qianlong choose Shuxiang si to transport and translate the sacredness of Mount Wutai to Chengde? Why, for instance, didn’t he choose Pusa ding, which was the focus of imperial patronage since the Tang dynasty and served as the centerpiece of Qing imperial patronage on the mountain? Beginning with this inquiry, this paper traces the ways in which a sculptural image of the bodhisattva Mañjuśrī, which was once enshrined at the Hall of the True Visage (zhenrong yuan 眞容院) at Mount Wutai, became the prime object in the cult of the mountain during the medieval period and remain as the ineffaceable legacy until the Qing dynasty. 1774至1776年間，乾隆皇帝在承德避暑山莊近郊出資建造了一座名為殊像寺的寺廟和一尊巨型文殊菩薩造像。該廟名稱及其中供奉的造像，無疑起源於並募仿了五臺山漢傳佛教寺廟之一的殊像寺。在五臺山眾多寺廟中，為何乾隆唯獨選擇以殊像寺為載體，把五臺山的神聖性輸送並轉化到承德?例如，他為什麼不選擇自唐代以來一直是皇家寵遇焦點、並在清代成為五臺山皇家佈施中心的菩薩頂呢？以此問題出發點，本文追溯曾經供奉于五臺山真容院大殿的一尊文殊菩薩雕像，如何在中古時期成為五臺山佛教信仰的首要對象，並直至清代仍然保持其地位。

         In the first part of the paper, I trace two historical trajectories related to the cult of the statue. First, I examine the cultural process through which the icon became the central focus in the cult of Mount Wutai. Located in northeastern China, Mount Wutai has been believed as the abode of the bodhisattva Mañjuśrī, attracting a number of pilgrims who expected to witness miraculous signs of the deity, including the manifestation of the bodhisattva in his flesh form. Through a comparative reading of various textual sources ranging from mountain monographs to pilgrims’ testimonies, I highlight the shift in the pattern of touring the mountain, from wandering and wondering in search for fleeting visions of the deity to the worship of a particular icon, which was named “zhenrong” and sanctified by the legend on its miraculous birth as the materialized vision of the bodhisattva Mañjuśrī. Second, I relate the newly arisen cult of the bodhisattva statue at Mount Wutai to the widely-spread practice of translating the sacred space out of its cultic center. Among various examples that translated and represented the cult of the mountain, I concentrate on the tenth-century visual materials remaining at the Mogao Grotto in Dunhuang. In particular, Cave 61 serves as the centerpiece in this investigation, with a focus on the relationship between the well-known panoramic depiction of Mount Wutai rendered on the rear wall and a statue of the bodhisattva Mañjuśrī which once stood on the altar. By reconstructing the link between the now-missing, thus hitherto-neglected bodhisattva statue in the cave and the centrality of the zhenrong icon at Mt. Wutai, I argue that Cave 61 epitomizes the critical moment in the cultic center, when the ontological status of vision and image was conflated. 在本文第一部分，我追溯了與文殊造像信仰有關的兩個歷史過程。首先，我考察了該造像成為五臺山佛教信仰中心的文化過程。五臺山地處中國東北部，據信為文殊菩薩道場，因此吸引了眾多希望見證文殊種種神跡、包括其肉身顯現的朝聖者。通過對從五臺山山志到朝聖者證言等各種文本資料的比較，我凸現了參訪五臺山模式的轉變，即從四處遊蕩尋找菩薩一閃即逝的身影到崇拜一尊特定的、被稱為“真容”的造像—該像所以得到認可，據傳是因它具像化了文殊菩薩形象。其次，我把新出現的五臺山文殊菩薩造像信仰，與把神聖空間從信仰中心轉移出來這一普遍的實踐聯繫了起來。在關於轉化及再現五臺山佛教信仰的種類繁多的例子裡，我著力討論了保存于敦煌莫高窟的、十世紀的視像材料。敦煌61號窟尤其是考察中心，關注重點在於後牆上所繪的著名五臺山圖與一尊一度供奉於龕位的文殊菩薩塑像之間的關係。通過重建該窟現已不存、並從此被忽略的文殊塑像與五臺山“真容”造像的中心性間的聯系，我認為61號洞窟集中體現了該信仰的一個關鍵時刻，其時視覺與形象的存在論地位得到了融合。

         In the second part of the paper, I return to the initial inquiry: the reason why Qianlong choose Shuxiang si, and the mode in which he revisited, replicated, and reproduced so-called “true images” revered in traditional China including the true image enshrined at Shuxiang si of Mount Wutai. With a particular focus on the notion of zhen眞, this paper highlights the legacy of the true image not only in context of the cult of Mount Wutai, but also in history of Chinese Buddhist visual culture in general. 在文章第二部分我回到原來的問題：為何乾隆選擇了殊像寺，以及他在重訪、複製以及再造傳統中國供奉的所謂“真容”（包括供奉於五臺山殊像寺的真容）時所使用的模式。通過特別關注“真”這一概念，本文不僅在五臺山佛教信仰裡，而且在更普遍的中國佛教視覺文化的歷史裡，凸現了“真容”這一遺產。

10. Chou Wen-shing 周文欣 (Hunter College of the City University of New York 紐約市立大學杭特學院): Miracles in Translation: An Indo-Tibetan Buddhist Engagement with Chinese Buddhism at Wutai Shan (轉譯神蹟化現: 印藏佛教與漢傳佛教在五台山的互動);

          The late eighteenth- and early nineteenth- century witnessed an unprecedented increase in the production of Tibetan and Mongolian language guidebooks to Wutai Shan, attesting to the mountain’s growing popularity among especially the learned sector of Mongol and Tibetan pilgrims in this period. This paper considers one particularly instrumental guidebook to Wutai Shan initiated by Zhangkya Rölpé Dorjé (1717–1786), the resident Tibetan Buddhist master in the Qing Court and one of the most prodigious Buddhist scholars of the eighteenth century. In this work, tales of Mañjuśrī’s apparitions and his teachings, hagiographical accounts of Buddhist masters in diverse traditions (Chan, Tiantai, Huayan, Vinaya, Pure Land, and Esoteric Buddhism), along with pre-Buddhist legends of immortals, are meticulously preserved and introduced through an Indo-Tibetan Tantric spatiotemporal framework. Rölpé Dorjé’s guidebook reveals how Tibetan Buddhists, and in particular Gelukpa hierarchs and scholars from Mongolia and Amdo Tibet, re-imagined (the no less multicultural) Chinese Buddhist history and its place within Gelukpa historiography. It also invites a reevaluation of the importance of Wutai Shan’s religious identity for the Qing Gelukpa world from the eighteenth century onward.清乾隆嘉慶兩朝年間開始出現多部以藏、蒙文印行的五臺山志。這些作品的出版與流通見證了五臺山聖地文化在彼時藏蒙地區高僧大德間的盛行，其中尤以清朝章嘉國師若必多吉起筆的《聖地清涼山志》為著。該書中深刻保留並以藏文轉述了文殊化現的事迹與各宗派傳統（禪、天台、華嚴，律，淨土，和密）的高僧大德的傳記，並將五臺山重新定位於藏傳佛教宇宙觀， 恰足供後人窺見、探討當時藏、蒙兩地以格魯派為主的學者，如何重新解譯漢傳佛教的多元化歷史與其在格魯派佛教歷史與聖地傳統的地位。本論文試圖以章嘉國師該書為藉來探討藏傳格魯派教義與五臺山在有清一朝成形的聖地文化。

11. Cui Zhengsen 崔正森 (山西省社會科學院;《五臺山研究》名譽主編)：藏傳佛教的文殊信仰研究;

          文殊是般若化身、諸佛之母、眾菩薩之師，文殊的大智、大願、大行，是“非餘百千億那由他菩薩之所能有；其大無邊，能生出一切菩薩功德”。“若有聞得文殊名者，皆當成佛；若有受持百千億諸佛名號，不若受持文殊師利一菩薩名，福多於彼。以彼等佛，所作一切饒益群生事，不及文殊一時作故。”“若聞文殊名，或見形像者，百千劫中，不墮惡道；若稱念文殊名者，設有重障，不墮阿鼻極猛火處，常生他方清淨國土，值佛聞法，得無生法忍。”所以，住于蓬萊仙域、須彌天宮，不如朝拜五臺山文殊菩薩。何以故？樂彼天仙，常論七趣，向我文殊，必得菩提。因此，眾生對文殊菩薩崇拜得五體投地、信仰彌篤。又以佛菩薩有法、報、應三身，為了教化眾生，即可隨類化現，故在中國佛教史上出現了不少文殊化身。如漢傳佛教中的杜順、寒山、戒闍黎、金碧峰、澄芳……；藏傳佛教中的貢嘎寧波、索南孜摩、貢噶堅贊、紮巴堅贊、八思巴、宗喀巴、龍欽巴……；乃至於中國封建社會中的元、清諸帝，還有日本的行基等，都是文殊菩薩的化身。為什麼他們就成了文殊菩薩的化身？分析其原因，找出規律。從漢傳佛教、藏傳佛教、封建帝王及日本僧人的比較研究中，指出其信仰的共性、特點，揭示出對現實社會的啟示。

12. Feng Dabei 馮大北 (忻州師範學院五臺山文化研究中心): 阿王老藏與五臺山——基於《清凉老人語錄》的考　察;

           五臺山佛教宗派衆多，義學興盛，高僧代不乏人，但有文集、語錄流傳於後世者極為鮮見。筆者與五臺山研究中心同仁在北京大學圖書館檢索到《敕封清涼老人語錄》清雍正十二年刻本，發現其文獻、史料價值重大，不揣鄙陋，亟抄錄點校并交付宗教文化出版社刊行。

          阿王老藏（1601—1687），清初五臺山高僧，菩薩頂開山祖師。順治十六年（1659），欽命為“總理五臺山番漢事務大喇嘛”，乃五臺山僧務管理之最高僧官。其修學行道事蹟，見於老藏丹巴《清涼山新志》、乾隆《欽定清涼山志》及印光《清涼山志》等。究其史料來源，皆本於戶部左侍郎蔣弘道所撰《敕封清涼老人塔記》。基於這些史料，惟國內學者崔正森先生在《五臺山佛教史》一書中，對其進行了梳理。

         《敕封清涼老人語錄》，四卷，阿王老藏六代孫、督理五臺山札薩克大喇嘛羅藏陳片葛隆輯刊。卷一收序文、出家原由、奏對、法語、普說、家訓、清涼山志序等。卷二、三為詩文經偈。卷四收事實行狀、警訓示衆、像讚等，并附其徒老藏丹貝的行狀。《語錄》全文三萬餘字，雖篇幅短小，但內容多為清涼老人自述、自撰，或其弟子、再傳弟子所親見聞，從而實錄輯刊，堪稱信史。

        本文擬從以下四個方面加以考察：一、《塔銘》與《語錄》中關於阿王老藏行實記載之異同。蔣弘道《塔銘》中關於清涼老人的記載，均可從《語錄》中得到印證、補充和訂正。《語錄》中的《出家原由》、《清涼老人事實》及《清涼老人行狀》比修飾過的《塔銘》更為可信。二、阿王老藏的修學思想。據《出家原由》、《行狀》等記載，阿王老藏早期求學多門，雖禮大慈法王第十三代商喇嘛實公為師，但同時遊學講肆，聽講《法華》、《楞嚴》、《圓覺》、《華嚴》、《金剛》等經，又從少林堂頭心月老和尚參悟禪法。在《家訓》、《誡子警訓》中，阿王老藏強調“戒律為先”、“戒行脩德”，說明他對戒律非常重視。禪、教、律、淨圓融的思想，在他身上得到充分的體現。值得注意的是，《語錄》中雖有示衆、法語、普說等內容，但說理說性的并不多。雖為喇嘛，從事“喇嘛本業”，卻沒有相關的闡述。其重實脩踐履而非義學，與明末五臺山佛教形成了很大的反差。三、阿王老藏與五臺山的復興。明末五臺山佛教出現了短暫的繁榮期，與德清、真可、鎮澄等人的努力分不開。明清易代之際，五臺山佛教遭到了極大的破壞，《語錄》中的“臺山大獄，香火乏人”就是明證。順治十六年阿王老藏到五臺山后，建道場，脩寺廟，補經藏，賑貧乏，修志書，尤其是與清廷保持了良好的政教互動關係，五臺山佛教開始走向繁榮。四、阿王老藏的法嗣及其思想傳承。阿王老藏的弟子老藏丹貝、再傳弟子老藏丹巴以及羅藏陳片葛隆，繼承了清王朝賦予阿王老藏的特權，也繼承了他的“青黃并存，顯密兼脩”的思想。從阿王老藏至當今菩薩頂當家章樣摩蘭，法脈綿延，慧命不斷。源遠而流長，這正是一代高僧阿王老藏作出的最大貢獻。

13. Robert Gimello 詹蜜羅 (University of Notre Dame 美國聖母大學):  Jietuo, Foguangsi, and the Religious Ethos of Wutai Shan 解脫和尚、佛光寺、與五臺山的宗教風貌;

          The Temple of the Buddha’s Radiance 佛光寺 is located neither on one of Wutai’s five most sacred peaks nor in any of its interior valleys. Rather it lies just to the SSW of the Wutaishan proper, amidst the hills through which pilgrims coming, for example, from Chang’an commonly passed on their way to Mañjuśrī’s earthly habitation. It’s main hall stands even today as one of China’s few wooden temple buildings to have survived from as early as the ninth century and it is regarded as a major site of what we might call “Greater Wutai.”  就位置而言，佛光寺既不在五臺山最為神聖的五頂，也不在其中任何一座山谷。相反，它座落于五臺山正南偏西南的群山，來自諸如長安等地的朝聖者，穿過這些山峰後到達文殊菩薩在此塵世的道場。佛光寺的主殿至今依然矗立，是中國自九世紀以來倖存下來的少數木制建築之一。佛光寺是我們可稱之為“大五台”地區的一個主要佛教地點。

         The de facto founder of Foguangsi as a principal Wutai pilgrimage site was the charismatic monk Jietuo 釋解脫 (d. 653), a famous master of vinaya and meditation said to have been especially devoted to Mañjuśrī 文殊菩薩 and to the Huayan jing 華嚴經. Four or five decades after Jietuo’s death Fazang 法藏 (643-712), the great Huayan hierarch and systematizer of Huayan thought, collected the lore concerning his saintly predecessor and compiled an account of Jietuo’s life that he included in his hagiographical account of the transmission of the Flower Ornament Scripture, the Huayanjing zhuanji 華嚴經傳記, which may fairly be regarded as the earliest “history” of Huayan. 作為五臺山主要朝聖地之一的佛光寺，其實際創建者為富有魅力的僧人釋解脫（653年卒）。釋解脫是著名的律師和禪僧，據信對供奉文殊菩薩及《華嚴經》至為虔誠。在他去世四、五十年後，偉大的華嚴祖師、將華嚴思想系統化的法藏（643-712年在世），搜集了這位神聖先行者的傳說，為其作傳，並收入自己關於《華嚴經》流布的聖徒傳《華嚴經傳記》中――該書可謂華嚴最早的“歷史”。

         This paper will be a close reading (and will include a full annotated translation) of Fazang’s hagiography of Jietuo. It will give special attention to two related themes: 本文將詳細解讀法藏的釋解脫傳，並附一份完整的帶有注釋的譯文。本文將特別關注兩個相互關聯的主題:

1. Fazang’s markedly sectarian presentation of Jietuo as a kind of “Huayan hero” notably superior in spiritual accomplishment to Huisi 慧思 and Zhiyi 智顗, the founders of the rival Tiantai tradition. 法藏對釋解脫形像的呈現有明顯宗派性，將其描繪為“華嚴英雄”式的人物。他在精神方面的成就，比作為對手的天臺宗創始人慧思和智顗都要高很多。
2. The hagiography’s deliberately ambiguous treatment of the kinds of visionary experiences (e.g., apparitions of Mañjuśrī) associated with pilgrimage to Wutai, as when Mañjuśrī is said actually to have chided Jietuo for bowing before his miraculously appearing image when he should have known that it is only “awakened understanding” (悟解) and “awakening to non-arising” (悟無生) that are important. This may be seen as an anticipation of the sort of “disenchantment” (Entzauberung) with the religion of pilgrimage and visions that would later be voiced in the Chan tradition by figures like Linji 臨濟 (d. 866). 對跟五臺山朝聖有關的影像經驗（例如文殊的幻影），釋解脫傳有意地進行了模糊處理。據說，文殊菩薩斥責釋解脫在自己神秘出現的影像前拜伏，因為後者應深知只有“悟解”和“悟無生”重要。或許，這可以視為後來為臨濟（866年卒）等禪宗人物所代表的、那種對於朝聖和影像宗教的“驅魅”的先聲。

 

14. Geoffrey Goble 高傑 (Washington University in St. Louis 美國聖路易士華盛頓大學): Faith and Realpolitik: Tang Dynasty Esoteric Buddhism at Mount Wutai 信仰與現實政治: 有唐一代五臺山的密教傳統

             It is broadly accepted that the Buddhist establishment of Mount Wutai was notably enriched by the imperial patronage of Emperor Daizong 代宗 (r. 762-779) and the reasons for this patronage are generally held to have arisen at the behest of Amoghavajra 不空金剛 (704-774). This essay argues against the generally held view that Amoghavajra was personally devoted to Mañjuśrī and that Mañjuśrī is a central figure in the Esoteric Buddhist tradition that he represented. Questioning the assumption that a Buddhist monk’s primary motivation must necessarily be personal and devotional and that a sitting emperor’s must be secular and political, this essay reveals that the expansion of the Buddhist presence on Mount Wutai and its de facto establishment as a center of Esoteric Buddhism was driven principally by Daizong’s investment in Mount Wutai and his devotion to Mañjuśrī. Through consideration of extant communications between Amoghavajra and Emperor Daizong, I argue that Amoghavajra merely responded to those concerns in an attempt to establish Esoteric Buddhism within the Tang imperium. 根據廣為接受的看法，五臺山的佛教化的建構因唐代宗(762-779年在位)的扶植而大大充實，而一般又將這一君主扶植的原因歸諸不空金剛(Amoghavajra，705-774)。本研究反駁一個通行的看法，所謂不空金剛個人崇奉文殊師利，而且文殊是不空所代表的密教傳統的核心神祇。本文質疑如下假設，即僧人的首要關懷是個人性的、信仰性的，而當朝帝王關切的則主要是世俗的、政治的。本文揭示，佛教在五臺山的擴張以及五臺山被打造為密教中心主要歸功於唐代宗對此山的投入以及他對文殊師利的崇奉。通過研讀現存的不空與代宗之間的來往奏答，筆者論證，對於帝王的興趣，不空僅僅是作出自己的應對，目的是在唐國建立密教。

15. Imre Hamar 郝清新 (Eötvös Loránd University, Hungary匈牙利羅蘭大學): Khotan and Wutaishan  于闐與五臺山;

           It is well-known that one of the scriptural proofs for the identification of Wutaishan as the abode of Mañjuśrī bodhisattva is the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra. The origin or the compilation of this voluminous Mahāyāna sūtra might be closely associated with Central Asia. If we consider the Central Asian origin or edition of this scripture, Khotan could be a possible candidate, as this scripture seems to have been very important in this Central Asian oasis-state. Both Sanskrit manuscripts of the two Chinese translations of this scripture were taken from Khotan. The Khotanese monk Devendraprajñā who was active in translating Huayan sūtras was respected by both Wu Zetian and the Khotanese king. The longest extant Buddhist work that was originally composed in Khotanese is the Book of Zambasta, which seems to be influenced by the teachings of the Buddhāvataṃsaka. In this paper we study the appearance of Ox-head Mountain (Niutoushan 牛頭山) in the Huayan jing, and its identification with the Ox-head mountain of Khotan, and its various images in Dunhuang. 眾所悉知，將五臺山看作文殊道場的經典依據之一是《大方廣佛華嚴經》。這一大部頭大乘經典的起源或編集可能於中亞密切相關。考慮中亞的話，于闐是一個可能，因為這部經典對於中亞的綠洲國家曾經非常重要。該經的兩個漢譯本所據的梵文原典都來自于闐。積極參譯《華嚴經》的于闐僧提雲般若也受到武則天和于闐王的尊重。現存篇幅最長的于闐語佛教著作贊巴斯塔(Zambasta)，似乎就受到了《大方廣佛華嚴經》的影響。本文將研討牛頭山在《華嚴經》中的出現，此山被認定為于闐的“牛頭山”的情形，以及敦煌中牛頭山的各種形象。

16. Jing Tianxing 景天星 （西北大學佛教研究所）：唐初的五臺山文化景觀

         唐初的僧人慧祥在其《古清涼傳》中記載了不少五臺山文化景觀。世界遺產五臺山的文化景觀是歷朝歷代人與自然相互影響而發展至今的“活態”遺產，是一種天人合一的景觀，在“世界文化景觀”中，具有很強的代表性。本文將唐初的五臺山文化景觀分為三類：五臺山聖山景觀、五臺山佛教景觀和五臺山朝聖景觀，五臺山聖山景觀包括山嶽景觀、水文景觀和園林景觀等；五臺山佛教景觀包括佛寺景觀、佛塔景觀、佛像景觀、鐘磬景觀等；五臺山朝聖景觀是以文殊菩薩為中心形成的景觀，包括聖相景觀、信眾景觀、化境景觀等。這是一種世俗性與神聖性並存、世間與出世間統一的極富生命力與感染力的世界文化景觀。

17. Kuan Guang 寬廣 (King’s college, the University of London 英國倫敦大學國王學院): Monastic Officials on Mount Wutai under the Ming Dynasty (明代五臺山僧官);

           Zhu Yuanzhang, the first Ming emperor, established his empire relying on a rebel group, which initially formed through a mixture of Buddhist and Zoroastrian beliefs. Being fully aware of the power of religious faith, as soon as he ascended the throne this Ming emperor created (and later adapted) a centralised system of monk officials under his political order to oversee all Buddhist activities in his empire. Through examining various records, particularly inscriptions and tombstones, this paper reconstructs the monk official system on Wutai Shan, and reveals how monk officials were appointed, and how this monk official system functioned during the Ming dynasty. We will also see the difference between the Wutai Shan monk official system and the monk official system in Nanjing. Nanjing monk officials had the authority of overseeing the entire Buddhist community in that territory. Although there was also a Buddhist Office on Wutai Shan, the monasteries there did not follow the same administration system as in Nanjing. Rather they had a federal arrangement. It was not the business of the Wutai Shan Buddhist Office to interfere in the affairs of an individual monastery. Wutai Shan monk officials played a role of intermediary between the Ming government and individual monasteries on Wutai Shan.  借助於明教和紅巾軍的勢力，朱元璋建立了大明王朝。宗教對政權的影響對明太祖來說是再清楚不過了。登基不久，他便設立了一套僧官體系並將之納入其政府的編制之內，以便更有效的控制和監督宗教勢力。本文通過對五臺山各種碑文及墓誌銘的研究， 再現了明朝五臺山的僧官制度。其中涉及了僧官的任命，各級僧官的許可權，及其之間的相互關係。再者，通過對比南京的僧官制度，本文將展開討論五臺山僧官制度的特點。南京的僧官體系是和其地區之內的大小寺院的等級隸屬相掛鉤的，而五臺山的僧官制度比較複雜，加之各個教派之間的文化語言差別，使之沒能形成一個完整統一的體系。五臺山的僧官機構更像是一個聯邦政府，五臺山各大寺院相對擁有更多的自主權利，和皇室之間的牽連決定了其許可權的大小。僧官機構在五臺山上所起到的是一種協調和召集人的作用。

18. Kwak Roe 郭磊(韓國東國大學)：“慈藏參五臺說”之考辯;

         慈藏是新羅中古時代(514-654)佛教界的代表性高僧，他對於新羅王室佛國土意識的形成有著直接的影響，建立戒壇弘揚戒法，并把文殊信仰傳入朝鮮半島。《三國遺事》中記載慈藏638年入唐并往五臺山參拜，感遇文殊菩薩化現，得以傳授梵偈并付之袈裟舍利，并告之其國亦有五臺山且文殊菩薩常住說法。慈藏攜帶佛像藏經等返回新羅被任命為大國統，統理僧尼。 并往本國五臺山禮文殊菩薩，后创寺建塔十余所，著述若干。他將舍利分別安奉在皇龍寺塔、通度寺戒壇等處 。

        其間韓國學界對於慈藏的研究不在少數，新羅五臺山文殊信仰之慈藏傳來說也被視為定論。其主要依據是《三國遺事》中的相關記錄，但是此書編撰於1281年，相比而言，成書于7世紀中葉的《續高僧傳》、《法苑珠林》等中國傳記中並無慈藏入五臺山之記載。有關其五臺山參拜之說也有學者提出疑問，并從其入唐時間、神人所傳偈頌等方面指出此說是後代的附會之作。但此主張並未被韓國學界所重視。

        筆者以慈藏相關史料為基礎，綜合既有的相關研究，并結合唐之五臺山文殊信仰的發展情況，分別從：1.慈藏入唐時期的唐代五臺山文殊信仰發展的情況。2.慈藏的入唐徑路。3.慈藏前往五臺山參拜的可能性。4.《三國史記》中的地理記載。5.道宣編撰的《續高僧傳》中高僧們的行跡。等五個方面予以論證說明，認為‘慈藏參五臺說’存在種種不實，是後人添加而成。

       新羅文殊信仰真正受到重視應當是在8世紀中葉前後，緊隨唐之發展軌跡，其時正值不空大興密教和文殊信仰。所以新羅的五臺山文殊信仰具有很鮮明的密教性質。統一新羅爲了穩固其統一局面而借用高僧慈藏之名望將其與文殊信仰連接起來，同時作為佛國土思想的體現而將五臺山地區神聖化，以穩定當地的政局民心。

19. Lee Sangyop 李尚曄 (Stanford University 美國史坦福大學): The Emergence of the “Five Terrace Mountain” Cult in Korea 五臺山佛教信仰在朝鮮半島的出現;

         The story of the Silla cult of Mount Odae (Ch. Wutai), as it appears at first sight, is that of transmission and localization. The story involves the right kind of actors for the kind of narrative that it is: Chajang, an elite monk, a sinophile, a pilgrim to Mount Wutai in China, who introduces the Chinese practice of Mañjuśrī veneration on a “five-terrace mountain” into Silla Korea, and Poch’ŏn and Hyomyŏng, two princes of the Silla dynasty, pious lay practitioners of Buddhism, members of the cultural and political elite, who develop a uniquely Sillan expression of the cultic practice that continues to this day. It is the familiar story of high Chinese culture’s “transplantation” to the empire’s periphery and of the Korean elite’s “domestication” of the imported cultural elements. 乍眼一看，新羅的五台(Odae) 山崇拜，就是一個傳播和地方化的故事，其中包含這類敘事裡應有的角色：一位名叫慈藏(Chajang)的高僧，親近中國並曾到五臺山朝聖，把中國五臺山對文殊菩薩的信仰引進了朝鮮半島; 兩位名分別叫做寶川(Pochon)和孝明(Hyomyŏng)的新羅王子，既是虔誠的佛教居士，又是文化與政治精英，發展出了一套獨特的、至今仍在使用的新羅式崇拜。這是一個耳熟能詳的、有關高級的中國文化如何被移植至帝國的邊緣地帶，以及朝鮮精英如何將外來文化成分進行本土化的故事。

            However, the maintenance of such a story of the Mount Odae cult comes in fact at an exorbitant theoretical cost: The key protagonists of the story have to be reassigned, if we want to reconcile the historical contradictions the primary sources raise, and the most esoteric passages in the Buddhist canon must be invoked, if we are to explain the doctrinal and practical idiosyncrasies of the cult’s Buddhism. Despite almost a thousand years of traditional and modern scholarly inquiry, there is no agreement on how to historicize even the most basic events of this narrative. The story of the cult’s transmission and localization raises more problems than it explains. 但是，要維持這樣一個五臺山信仰的故事，要付出極高的理論代價：如果我們要調和在原始資料裡發現的歷史衝突，就不得不對該故事裡的關鍵主角重新分配;如果我們試圖解釋五臺山佛教的理論及實踐特性，那就必須援引佛經裡最具密教色彩的段落。近一千年來，盡管傳統與現代佛教學者不斷探索，但是他們甚至尚未就如何把該故事裡一些最基本的事件進行歷史化處理達成共識。在五臺山佛教信仰的傳播與地方化這個故事裡，其提出的問題比它解釋的還要多。

            This study starts from the suspicion that the story of transmission and localization may not then be the best approximation of the Mount Odae cult’s appearance and development in Korea. From a philological analysis of the two Koryŏ dynasty records on the Mount Odae cult, the study first establishes that both these records were compiled based on sources of the same textual origin the provenance of which is the mountain region itself. Further analysis of the narratives contained in these records would advance a portrayal of the mountain cult as simple local Buddhists of this remote region. It will be argued that despite the narratives’ claim, these Buddhists did not have close contacts with the religious, cultural, or political elite of Silla, let alone high Chinese culture, and that they accordingly practiced a distinctive idiom of Buddhism that largely deviated from the Sino-Korean norms. The study concludes that the story of Korean Mount Odae cult, then, may be better told as that of inspiration and emergence than of transmission and localization, that the cult may be understood as an indigenous, independent materialization of the floating abstract idea of “Mañjuśrī’s five-terrace mountain.” 本研究從質疑開始，認為這一傳播與地方化的故事可能並非對五臺山佛教信仰在朝鮮半島的出現與發展的最佳概括。通過對與五臺山信仰有關的兩則高麗王朝的資料進行文獻學分析，本文首先確定了這兩項資料是根據同一種原始資料編撰而成，而這一原始資料的出處，即是五臺山自身。對這些材料的進一步分析，指出該山信仰在這一遙遠地區的只一種簡單的地方佛教。本文認為，無論前述敘事如何主張，但是這些地方佛教徒其實與新羅的宗教、文化或者政治精英並無密切接觸，更遑論高級的中國文化；與之相應，他們踐行一種特別的、大多採用自中、朝習俗的佛教風格。本文最終認為，朝鮮的五臺山佛教信仰，最好被看作是一個啟發與出現而非傳播與地方化的故事，可以被理解為“文殊菩薩的五台”這一飄浮的、抽象的概念，如何在本土被獨立地實體化。

20. Li Jianxin 李建欣 (中國社會科學院世界宗教研究所)： 論李通玄的“三聖一體”說及其影響;

        三聖圓融思想是中國學者與僧人對由印度傳播到中國的“一佛二菩薩”信仰實踐的概括與總結，同時這一思想又對後世的信仰與實踐產生了深遠的影響。本文以三聖圓融思想的萌芽、發展與成熟為中心，集中探討李通玄和澄觀的這一思想，試圖以他們有關三聖圓融的相關著作為核心，深入分析他們所理解的三聖關係，對這一思想所蘊涵的理論與現實意義有所揭示。其次，梳理了三聖圓融思想對後世佛教信仰實踐，尤其是佛教造像的影響，以突顯佛教思想與佛教信仰之間的互動關係。

21. Lin Shih Hsuan 林士鉉 (臺北大學)：五臺山與清乾隆年間的滿文佛經翻譯;

         五臺山作為東亞佛教聖地，歷代帝王對之奉崇有加，清朝的滿洲帝王亦有過之而無不及，更曾以西巡之名多次御臨。滿洲帝王對五臺山的供奉活動見於諸本《清涼山志》以及《西巡盛典》，此外還有其他特殊的奉崇活動。據筆者考察，最為特殊者便是乾隆年間於北京、承德仿建五臺山之文殊塑像、寺廟，以及在五臺山翻譯滿文佛經。目前已知著名的文殊菩薩經典《維摩詰經》與《大聖文殊師利菩薩讚佛法身禮》即於五臺山翻譯作滿文，前者與翻譯《滿文大藏經》有關，後者則由乾隆皇帝親自翻譯。本文擬介紹此二經的翻譯記錄，並考察滿文譯本的版本狀況及翻譯特色。

22. Lin Yun-jo 林韻柔 (逢甲大學中國文學系): 中古佛教聖山信仰的成立——北朝至初唐的五臺山信仰;

          五臺山為中國第一座發展出佛教聖山信仰的山岳，此一信仰展現了聖地與菩薩信仰的結合，成為中國佛教傳播與發展的特殊面向。本文意在釐清五臺山信仰自北朝至初唐時期的成立經過，並認為五臺山雖於北朝時期已出現其為文殊菩薩道場之說，但主要為地區性的佛教修行中心，尚未成為真正的佛教聖山。隨著佛教內部重視經典與信仰菩薩的變化、信眾信仰需求的改變，以及武周政權成立的影響，五臺山至初唐時期始確立其佛教聖山的地位。

23. Neng Ren 能仁 (北京佛教文化研究所): 神聖傳承: 五臺山與古心如馨(1541-1615)的戒學中興運動;

            萬曆四十二年（1614年）明神宗延請古心如馨（1541—1615）赴五臺山永明寺開建皇壇，結束了嘉靖四十五年（1566年）明世宗皇帝對僧尼開壇傳戒的禁令，這也成為古心如馨中興近世中國佛教戒律學的標誌性事件。檢視古心如馨的生平行履，我們發現聖地五臺山是其戒學中興運動的關鍵。朝禮臺山，感應文殊菩薩的加持，如馨獲得戒法的“神聖傳承”，保證了其戒法源頭的合法性與根本性。萬曆年間，如馨協助南方義學領袖雪浪洪恩（1545—1608）修復金陵三大剎之一的南京大報恩寺長幹塔，獲得《寶志說戒圖》戒壇修築模型；如馨顯示神異，並借由洪恩之口，昭示其為“持戒第一”的“優波離尊者再來”，由戒法的神聖性轉換出身份的神聖性，實現其傳戒資格的“合理性”與可能性。又傳戒于“文殊菩薩化身”的五臺山永明寺澄芳遠清，由遠清通過內宦的管道而上奏慈聖太后和神宗，促成了萬曆四十二年開傳官方皇戒，徹底地顛覆了明世宗以來的禁令。古心如馨的戒學中興運動影響深遠，遺澤至今。

         五臺山既是神聖的文殊菩薩道場，也是通往影響北京宮廷的最佳途徑。自宗教史學的立場來看，古心如馨正是通過聖地五臺山，經由神聖加持——身份轉換——神聖翻轉的特殊歷程，獲得其戒“法”和身份的神聖化，並進一步影響了宮廷決策，最終實現了他中興戒學的理想。以佛教學的視野來看，古心如馨的神聖化及其戒學中興是“優波離化身”與“文殊化身”於圍繞五臺山這一神聖空間的戒法傳承主題上“神通遊戲示現”的現實展開，這種“神通示現”的思想根據和認識根源正如中國佛教哲學“本跡觀”所揭示的那樣，自超越立場的“本”而展現為現實的“跡”。如馨與聖地五臺山這一神聖傳承因緣，深刻地影響了其戒法傳承的內容屬性，其與雪浪洪恩的一段密切交誼因緣，也為遠承如馨的戒學後繼者們的派系之爭埋下了草蛇灰線。

24. Qi Ziyu 祁姿妤(中央美術學院): 山西五台山塔院寺佛足跡碑研究

          明末萬歷年間皇家敕造塔院寺，寺中的佛足跡碑在現存五座明清佛足跡碑中具有典型性，本文對塔院寺佛足跡碑圖像內容的進行解讀，說明佛足跡碑之間的傳承關系，並歸納明清佛足跡碑的三個特點：一是佛足跡圖像從碑陰轉移到了碑陽，二是西安臥龍寺佛足跡碑影響了諸佛足跡碑，三明代佛足跡碑中碑頭形制變化引起佛足跡碑上半部圖案變化。進一步地，本文試圖分析這三個特點所引發的問題：佛足跡圖像是為何從碑陰轉到碑陽？塔院寺佛足跡碑為何選擇了少林寺而非臥龍寺重鐫？採用分體式雙龍碑頭后，填充空間的圖案是否具有必然性？本文試圖從其所處的時代背景出發，對這些問題進行的解讀。

25. Sheng Kai 聖凱 (清華大學哲學系): 法照淨土教與五臺山文殊信仰;

         在法照的一生中，在南嶽創立“五會念佛”，後入五臺山創建大竹林寺，五臺山則是自修與弘教、世俗與神秘的人生分界點，文殊信仰則是這種分界點的根本原因。本文探討法照的生平與五臺山文殊信仰的關係，剖析法照淨土贊文中的文殊信仰；指出五臺山文殊信仰的靈異是“五會念佛”神聖性的基礎，更是法照自己宣稱“念法照名字”感應的淵源。

26. Sun Yinggang 孫英剛 (復旦大學文史研究院): 五臺山與隋唐長安城

           隋唐長安城作為佛教中心的地位長達兩百餘年，而五台山作為佛教聖地興起之後，兩者之間人員往來和空間想象變得非常重要，對理解中古時代佛教中心和周邊地域的關係，以及中古時代佛教交游網絡有一定啟發。

27. Beth Szczepanski 潘淑雅 (Lewis and Clark College 美國路易斯克拉克學院): Fazhao 法照, Jin Bifeng 金璧峰and the Development of Northern Chant at Wutai Shan (法照、金璧峰、和北宗詠誦法在五臺山的發展);

          This article examines the purported sources for Wutaishan’s unique local genre of Buddhist chant and music, which is known as “northern style Buddhist music.”  Chant and ceremonial music at Wutaishan includes melodies and wind instruments not found in mainstream Chinese chant practice.  Origin myths point to Tang-era monk Fa Zhao and Ming-era Chan master Jin Bifeng as sources for innovations in chant and music at Wutaishan.  In the eighth century, Fa Zhao reportedly experienced a vision in which Mañjuśrī taught him to chant “Namo Amitābha” in five different styles, a technique known as “Wu hui nianfo”.  According to Han Jun and Xiao Yu, this technique comprises the melodic basis for Wutaishan’s local chant.  In the thirteenth century, Wutaishan Chan master Jin Bifeng wrote, “In accordance with the Avataṃsaka Sūtra, the sound of hymns should be clear and elegant, with all forty-two zou, as is the earthly practice.” (Quoted in Han, 2004, 28)  The term “zou” (奏) often refers to the performance of music, so Han concludes that Jin’s statement supported the use of wind instruments in Buddhist chant.  In this chapter, I will analyze current versions of “Wu hui nianfo” from various regions of China to see if any remaining traces of melodies unique to Northern Buddhist music, and I will explore the question of whether or Jin Bifeng’s reading of the Avataṃsaka Sūtra likely inspired the addition of melodic wind instruments to Buddhist chant at Wutaishan. 本文考察了被稱作“北宗佛樂”的五臺山獨特的地方佛教誦贊和音樂的來源。五臺山的唱贊和法會音樂中，有不見於中國主流佛教唱贊的曲調和管樂。關於其起源，傳說中與被認為是五臺山禪誦和音樂革新源頭的唐代僧人法照和明代禪僧金璧峰有關。八世紀時，據說法照經歷過一次文殊菩薩顯聖，受指導以五種方式念誦“南無阿彌托佛”，即“五會念佛”技巧。韓軍和肖雨認為這種技巧構成了五臺山地方唱誦曲調的基礎。到十三世紀，五臺山禪僧金璧峰“嘗制華嚴佛事，梵音清雅，凡四十二奏，盛行於世。”（Han,2004,28)“奏”一詞常指音樂演出，因此Han認為，這種說法顯示在佛教贊誦中使用了管樂。在本文中，我將分析來自中國不同地區的“五會念佛”現行版本，檢查是否殘存任何獨屬北宗佛樂的曲調痕跡；我也將考察金璧峰對《華嚴經》的解讀，確定它是否啟發了五臺山佛教唱誦加入了管樂。

28. Hurelbaatar Ujeed: 悟晢德 呼日勒巴特爾 (Inner Mongolia Normal University 內蒙古師範大學): Making of Folk Beliefs in the Buddhist Holy Land Wutaishan 建構民間信仰於佛教聖地五臺山;

          Along with reconstruction of Buddhist Monasteries on Wutaishan over the last three decades, religious practices on this Buddhist holy land has become evermore multi-faceted. In addition to the multi-ethnic, multi-schools of Buddhism inherited from the past, there are more and more folk religious elements intermingled not only within the sacred landscape but also in the Buddhist monasteries. From outside, the philosophical, enlightenment oriented, ethical aspects of traditional Buddhism are overshadowed by those worldly folk elements. 在過去十多年間，在五臺山大規模重建佛教寺廟的同時，在此佛教聖地的宗教實踐變得日益多樣化。從過去遺傳下來的多民族、多教派以外，不僅在神聖地理景觀上，而且也在佛教寺廟裡融進了越來越多的民間宗教信仰的成分。從外面看，傳統佛教哲學的、以覺悟為目的、與倫理的方面被那些世俗的民間因素所掩蓋。

           Recent increase of folk religious elements is not a matter of the means for Buddhism to spread and accommodate itself to a new culture as happened in early times when Buddhism reached a new culture. Conversely Buddhism is now in the position of an officially recognised religion, but folk religion is still seen by the state at worst as superstition and at best being in the grey area between superstition and culture. So, folk religious practices are taking refuge in the Buddhist monasteries establish themselves. These are happening in the context of current social-political conditions, economic financial environments and religious cultural mentalities of both laities and monks. 最近融進來的民間宗教因素不是佛教傳到某一地方的早期時代所發生的那樣是用來傳播和適應新文化的工具。相反地，佛教現在是官方承認的宗教，而民間宗教在最壞的時候被認作迷信，最好的時候也只是處於迷信與文化之間的灰色區域。所以民間宗教求助於佛教寺廟和場所來確立自己。這些都是在現今的社會政治條件、經濟財經環境、信徒與僧侶的宗教文化心態的背景下發生的。

29. Sangseraima Ujeed 悟晢德桑賽瑪 (University of Oxford 英國牛津大學): Black Mañjuśrī: Mongolian veneration of the Wutaishan Wuye 蒙古人對五臺山五爺（黑文殊）的崇拜;

           Wuye (五爺), the Dragon King in Wuyemiao, Wanfoge used to be a local god who was in charge of rainfall and the weather and is said to be particularly concerned with the local people of Wutaishan. It has been a common practice for Buddhists to cooperate local spirits into Buddhist pantheon when Buddhism reached a new culture. However, the Wuye became popular as late as the early twentieth century, two millenniums after the mountain’s association with Buddhism. Nowadays, he can be considered as one of the most popular deities in Wutaishan and is believed to possess the ability to grant any wishes of the pilgrims.  五臺山萬佛閣五爺廟的龍王五爺，原來是尊專管五臺山的耕雲播雨的地方神。當佛教傳到一個新的地方時把那裡的地方神容納到佛教萬神廟是個普遍現象。可是，崇拜五爺的這種習慣是在佛教傳到五臺山兩個世紀後的二十世紀初才在佛教徒中得以普及。如今，五爺是在五臺山裡最被崇敬的神靈之一，並被認為他能夠滿足朝聖者們的任何一個願望。 

          The Mongols know the Wuye of Wutaishan more popularly as the Black Mañjuśrī, which is one of the deities venerated by the Mongol pilgrims to the holy Mountain in the past. Since the Mongols’ resume of pilgrimages to Wutaishan after the Cultural Revolution, the deity became more and more popular among the Inner Mongols. One can find an image (usually picture) of the deity on the Buddhist alters of families even in the countryside. When you ask who the deity is, people would reply either Black Mañjuśrī or Wuye. When you ask where they are obtained, they would tell you invariably that the image was from Wutaishan either brought by themselves or by their relatives who went for pilgrimage there. People often inform you earnestly that “the first thing you have to do after arriving Wutaishan is to pay homage to the Black Mañjuśrī, then he would protect you for the duration of your stay on the mountain. Furthermore, the last thing you do on the mountain before leaving is to again pay homage to the deity as he then will protect you all the way to the threshold of their homes”. 蒙古人把五爺普遍地稱為“黑文殊”。黑文殊是蒙古人到五臺山朝聖時必要崇拜的神明之一。文革後五臺山朝聖活動恢復以來，“黑文殊（五爺）”在內蒙古蒙古族朝聖者心目中變得越來越重要。在許多人家中的佛壇上一般都有五爺的肖像（大多是照片）。當我們實施面接調查，並問起“他是什麼人”時，多數人的回答是“黑文殊唄”；少數人還會說“是五臺山的五爺”。當問起“你是從哪裡得到的？”時，人們總是回答說 ：“是從五臺山得到的”。這些都是他們自己去五臺山時買的或者是親戚朋友從五臺山給帶過來的。他們還誠懇地告訴我“到了五臺山之後，你首先要做的第一個事是到五爺廟向黑文殊報導。這樣，在五臺山的整個活動過程中，你就能得到他的保護。當你要離開五臺山時，也必須再到五爺廟向黑文殊告別。這樣，你一路上會得到他的保護一直到你的門檻上”。   

           This paper explores the reasons for the increasing emphasis on the deity of Wuye on Wutaishan based on Mongolian perception of the deity, folk tales, lama’s writings and the actual practices of the deity in support of the argument that certain Mongolian Buddhist notions of the Black Mañjuśrī has contributed to popularization of this deity. 這篇文章基於蒙古人對五爺的信仰、民間傳說、喇嘛們的作品以及田野調查來探討蒙古人對五爺的崇拜以及他們的某些佛教觀念是如何促進了此尊神明的普及等問題。

30. Uranchimeg B. Ujeed 悟哲德包·烏仁其木格 (Inner Mongolia Normal University 內蒙古師範大學; University of Cambridge 劍橋大學): Tradition, Faith and Tourism: Contemporary Inner Mongolian Pilgrimage to Wutaishan (實現願望：傳統、信仰和旅遊觀光－當代蒙古人到五臺山朝聖－);

         Although it was considered as the third important pilgrimage site for the Mongols after Lhasa and Kumbum, Wutaishan has been the most popular one due to geographical proximity to them. There exists in Mongolian culture a historically rooted wish to make pilgrimage to the holy mountain at least once in their lifetime. Fervor for pilgrimage is increasing, especially in Inner Mongolia. Thanks to improvement of living standard and convenience of travelling nowadays, many people can fulfill the dream their predecessors were not able to. In the past, although taunted as the ideal everyone should aspire to, not many people actually complete it due to cost and difficulty. Often the riches are the ones who could have made the journey there. Those commoners who did were idolised and become local legends.

         While it can be understood that Manchu construction of Wutaishan greatly promoted the popularity of the holy mountain among Mongols, the cause of contemporary Inner Mongolian enthusiasm about Wutaishan pilgrimage is remarkably different because of their religious outlook. Although faith remains a motivator for many, deep rooted wish fulfillment may be a more significant factor. In fact, a large proportion of the visitors are not or only lightly religious. Many wish to experience the journey so deeply rooted in the cultural mentality of their elders. Today, due to development of transport links and increasing disposable income has made pilgrimage an evermore realistic prospect. It is also something that helps connect younger generation with their elders. The wish to see Wutai, propagated by the elders is matched by the financial ability of the younger. Wutai acts as a bridge between past and present and brings together evermore distant generations. Travelling to Wutai today is as much, if not more, a cultural excursion and show of newfound wealth as it is religiously motivated.

         對蒙古人來說五臺山一直是他們最重要的朝聖地。按名次排列的話，五臺山雖然被排到拉薩和塔爾寺之後，佔據第三，但是，因為它的特殊地理位置，使得蒙古人當中存在“人活著一輩子，最起碼應該去一趟五臺山朝聖”這種習俗。他們的這種習俗與願望具有悠久的歷史淵源。

         由於中國的經濟發展，人民生活水準的不斷提高以及交通的發達，使得人們對五臺山的嚮往以及朝聖的熱情日益增長。很多人已經能夠去實現他們的祖先沒有達到的願望。過去，五臺山朝聖雖然被他們當作是應該追求的最高理想，但是，由於受到經濟交通等方面的原因普通人能夠實現其願望的卻僅限於少數人。因此，能夠到五臺山朝聖的人總是被當地人當作偶像或地方性傳奇人物。

          如果說滿清政府構建的五臺山作為聖山在蒙古人當中得到了普及的話，那麼當今的蒙古人對五臺山的熱心是具有它的歷史根源。但是，值得注意的是，人們的宗教信仰及對此的心態明顯不同於過去。

         雖然多數朝聖者去五臺山的動因源於他們的信仰，但是，根深蒂固的、具有實現願望的傳統的理念才有可能是最重要的因素。據我們觀察，大多數朝聖者實際上並不是一個那麼虔誠的信徒。他們到五臺山主要是來體驗一下長輩們的那種根深蒂固的文化心理。五臺山朝聖又轉而變成一種連接年輕一代與他們長輩們的紐帶。長輩們想到五臺山朝聖的願望為年輕的兒女子孫們提供了孝敬他們的機會。因此，隨著中國社會環境的變化，城市化步伐的加快而使親情被淡化或疏遠的時代，可以說五臺山朝聖之舉拉近了幾代人之間的距離，它起到了一種“橋樑”作用。也可以說是把“過去”和“現在”連接在了一起。換句話說，五臺山朝聖在變為一種文化旅遊和炫富之手段的同時，也能解決目前日益加深的代溝問題。因此，我們可以認為，當今蒙古人的五臺山朝聖目的，不僅僅是起因於宗教動機，而如上所述的理由也許更重要，它有可能相當於或超過其宗教方面的動機吧。

 31. Wu Shaowei 武紹衛 (首都師範大學歷史系): 觀化得道: 唐五代“五臺山化現”考述;

          《五臺山化現圖》一直是學者津津樂道的話題之一。從內容上看，《五臺 山化現圖》可以分為兩部分，一是以五臺山為對象的《五臺山圖》，二是根據 各種靈驗故事創作添加的化現元素。以往的研究更多的是偏重於前者，對於後 者，則多流於表面介紹，對其背景並未有太多探討。根據不同時期的《五臺山 化現圖》的對比，我們可以很清晰地看到化現內容的增減。那些新增加的元素 被加入的契機如何，背後有怎樣的推動，又體現了當時信眾怎樣的心理？這是本文試圖揭示的一些問題。

 32. Yihu 義護(中國人民大學）: 中唐法照法師淨土信仰研究;       

          隨著大乘佛教的興起，淨土思想在印度也隨之興起。但是淨土思想在印度影響有限，在中國卻獲得到了較快的發展。佛教內部流行的淨土信仰有很多種，主要有彌勒菩薩的兜率淨土信仰、藥師佛的東方淨琉璃淨土信仰，以及西方極樂世界阿彌陀佛的彌陀淨土信仰。本文主要介紹法照所主張的彌陀淨土信仰。在論文中為了簡便起見，不再出現“彌陀淨土信仰”字樣，而以“淨土信仰”代替之。

　　   法照是中唐時期的著名法師。他提倡的“五會念佛”法門為后來者所推崇，被尊稱為淨土宗四祖師。法照將禮拜、懺悔、念佛、誦經與誦贊相結合創立了五會念佛法門。在法照的努力下，五會念佛在南岳、五台、太原、長安等地，在宮廷與民間廣為流傳。日本的圓仁在唐代開成五年到五台山學習五會念佛法門並把這個法門帶回比睿山弘傳於日本。法照將淨土宗法事贊儀軌推向愈加豐富、完善的階段。現存法照作品，有《淨土五會念佛誦經觀行儀》、《淨土五會念佛略法事儀贊》兩種。《淨土五會念佛誦經觀行儀》在大歷九年（774）冬撰於太原龍興寺，原為三卷，分為十門，詳細敘述五會念佛儀規。《淨土五會念佛略法事儀贊》是其后在長安章敬寺淨土院所撰，分為本、末兩卷，供舉行較小規模法事使用。

　　筆者將以點面相結合的方式對法照淨土信仰進行研究：首先，探討法照的生平事跡﹔其次，探索法照淨土思想的來源﹔再次，研究法照淨土思想的內容和方法。最后，分析法照弘揚淨土信仰的方法——五會念佛。    

 33. Zhang Dewei 張德偉(University of Macau 澳門大學): More Than Seeking for Sacredness: New Light on the Carving the Jiaxing Canon at Mount Wutai (何止追求神聖性: 《嘉興藏》在五臺山的刊刻新解);

            It has attracted much scholarly attention in recent years to explore how the mobilization of resources has affected the development of Chinese Buddhism. By examining the result of a particular mobilizing project, we have a better chance to detect the interplay of various elements involved and thus to well appreciate the vitality of Buddhism. As a huge project that required tremendous human and material resources to carry through, the making of the Buddhist canon in pre-modern East Asia provides us with a rare opportunity in this regard. 近年來，探究各種資源的動員和結果是如何影響了中國佛教的發展，已經吸引了學者相當的注意。而通過考察一個特定的項目，我們能夠更好地發現參與動員的種種因素之間的相互作用，並由此更好地理解佛教的生命力。在前現代的東亞社會，雕造佛教大藏經是一個巨大工程，需要投入巨量的人力、物力資源才能保證其得以完工，由此為我們在此方面提供了一個難得的機會。

              Among more than twenty printed versions of the canon, the Jiaxing canon deserves particular attention for two reasons: it was the biggest one, consisting of about 12,000 fascicles of Buddhist texts; its creation was most time-consuming, requiring more than 200 years to finish. Scholars have tended to view the creation of this canon as a story of courage and commitment, but they fail to explain a significant and meaningful fact: the project was originally planned to complete within ten years. So, why were the organizers of the project so ambitious to produce the canon in such a short time period in the first place? What caused the procrastination of about 200 years? Was it accidental? How could the project still be finished after experiencing such a delay? What changes happened over the course of time? 在多達二十餘種的刊本大藏經中，嘉興藏尤其值得注意，原因有二：它卷帙最為浩繁，有各種佛教文獻約1萬2千卷；它的完成耗時最長，前後逾二百年。學者們習慣于把嘉興藏的雕刊看作是一個充滿勇氣與獻身的故事，但未夠解釋如下這一意義重大而充滿意味的事實：該雕造專案原本計畫於10年內完工。那麼，嘉興藏的組織者們，最初為何能夠如此自信，計畫在如此短暫的時間內完成該專案？此後又是什麼原因，造成了約200年的延遲？這些都只是意外嗎？在經歷了如此漫長的延遲之後，該項目為何仍然能夠完成？在此漫長過程中，都發生了什麼變化？

          This paper examines the early stage of making the Jiaxing canon at Mount Wutai in hope of discovering the elements that were at work and how their interaction affected the project. That phase lasted only four years, from Wanli 17 to 20 (1589-1592), but the result has proved most fruitful. This paper reveals that Mount Wutai was deliberately chosen as the site for the project for both sacred and secular reasons. Religiously, as scholars have recognized, this arrangement was to enhance the attractiveness of the project by borrowing sacredness from Bodhisattva Mañjuśrī. A more important but oft-ignored fact, however, is that the mountain was actually seen by the organizers of the project as an ideal location to draw resources from Beijing, especially from the inner and outer court. Such a strategy resulted in the failure to get the local people of Shanxi, in which Mount Wutai was located, involved in the project, even though they had already shown strength and enthusiasm enough for supporting this kind of project. That the coordinators of the Jiaxing project mostly came from South China might be a contributing factor to this strange ignorance. This heavy dependence on the court proved disastrous: when the supporting force at the Wanli court collapsed as consequence of intense court strife, the project was forced to move from Mount Wutai to south China, thereby marking the gloomy end of the early stage of producing the canon. Afterwards, the Jiaxing project continued slowly, and only with local support it obtained from Jiangnan societies was it finally brought to a completion more than one hundred years later than planned. 本文考察嘉興藏於五臺山雕造的早期階段，希望發現在其中發揮作用的各種因素以及它們的互動，是如何影響了這一工程。該時期雖然只有四年，從萬曆17至20年（1589-1592），但非常高效。本文揭示出，五臺山被選擇為刻經場所，是出於神聖與世俗方面的精心考慮。在宗教方面，正如學者已經看到的，通過借助文殊菩薩的神聖性，這樣的安排加強了這一雕造工程的吸引力。但是，在世俗方面，一個更為重要但經常被忽略的事實是，刻經組織者實際上把五臺山看作一個從北京尤其是內廷和外廷汲取資源的理想之地。受此策略影響，即使已然表現出了足夠的力量及熱情，五臺山所在山西地區的地方民眾，也未被有效動員。這一奇怪的忽視，與組織和策劃嘉興藏者多數來自江南可能有關。這種對於宮廷的過度依賴被證明是災難性的：當來自萬曆朝廷的支持力量因為激烈的宮廷鬥爭而瓦解時，刻經就被迫從五臺山遷移至江南，從而結束了嘉興藏雕造的早期階段。此後，嘉興藏的刊刻一直緩慢地延續，但只有在獲得江南社會支持後，才在比原計劃晚了至少一百年後最終完工。

 34. Zhang Huiming 張惠明(Centre de Recherche sur les Civilisations de l’Asie Orientale [CRCAO], Paris, France 法國巴黎 東亞文明研究中心): 公元7至8世紀《五臺山圖》中的化現圖像研究;

          五臺山圖是反映中古時期在中國乃至受漢文化影響的東亞國家廣爲流行的五臺山文殊信仰的一種重要佛教藝術圖像。儘管此圖現在中國内地已不存，然相關的最早畫跡可以在敦煌莫高窟的吐蕃佔領時期（781-844）的四個洞窟中（159，222，237，361）找到。本文旨試圖以中國佛教藝術史為背景，從圖像學的角度，結合漢文佛教文獻和石刻資料相關記載，提出關於最早的五臺山圖的繪製年代和地點的推测，並通過敦煌的畫跡圖像的内容與文獻記載的淵源關係的論證，分析探討五臺山圖底本的基本樣式和圖像内容，並對其圖像内涵與象徵意義加以解讀。與此同時，提供某些有關五臺山文殊信仰在中國官方與民間流傳的信息。

 35. Zhang Shubin 張書彬(中國美術學院): 正法與正統——五台山佛教聖地的建構及視覺呈現

           五臺山佛教聖地的建构與變化對於研究佛教的傳播具有重要意義。本研究將結合方志、僧傳、行記、靈驗故事、圖像、敦煌遺書等相關史料的梳理，一方面探究五臺山形象發生多層次演變的原因及“文殊—五臺山”信仰的流動過程，針對唐宋時期佛教與政治、聖跡示現、巡禮信眾、異鄉的信仰空間等方面加以討論；另一方面也試圖關注佛教在東亞範圍內的傳播模式。

 36. Zhu Lixia 朱麗霞(河南大學哲學與公共管理學院): 藏傳佛教五臺山情結內涵嬗變;

         佛教傳入吐蕃不久，五臺山就成為藏族僧人心目中的聖地。在不同的歷史時期，藏地對五臺山、對五臺山與藏傳佛教的關係有不同認知，五臺山作為聖地被賦予的藏傳佛教因素越來越豐富，與藏傳佛教的結合也越來越具象化。

         在唐代，五臺山作為文殊菩薩道場為吐蕃僧人所向往，但此時的五臺山是一個純粹的“他者”，雖然與西藏佛教有些關係，但這種關係僅限於外在聯繫，是凡界對圣境的仰慕。所以，吐蕃派出使臣求取五臺山地圖，甚至臆想出吐蕃主要的信佛讚普都到過五臺山這樣的虛幻歷史。

        在元代，藏傳佛教大規模傳入漢地，作為藏傳佛教最傑出的僧人代表八思巴不僅到五臺山學習密法，而且最為重要的是他將五臺山與密宗信仰聯繫起來。他依據密宗的觀點，將五臺山的五臺看做金剛界五部佛的化現之地。這時的五臺山對於西藏僧人來說，已經不再作為“他者”存在，它已經與西藏的密教聯繫起來，成為內在與本民族宗教的“己者”。五臺山既然與密宗五部佛聯繫起來，那麼，五臺山理所當然地成為在漢地修行密法的理想之所。

        從明朝末年開始，在西藏僧人的情結中，五臺山與西藏佛教的關係已經不再僅限於“教”，而是走向了現實的“人”，即五臺山與西藏格魯派的創始人宗喀巴聯繫起來。宗喀巴的出生被認為或者說被解讀為是五臺山漢僧的投胎轉世，宗喀巴圓寂之後，其化身也被認為轉世於五臺山。清朝的國師章嘉活佛甚至指出宗喀巴就轉世在五臺山的漢族僧人中。所以，此時，在藏傳佛教中，五臺山終於完成了從佛、法到僧與五臺山的全面結合。五臺山作為自然之山，雖然遠在千里之外，矗立在異族文化傳統中，但五臺山作為聖地，則徹底內在於藏民族的佛教信仰中。

        藏傳佛教五臺山情結內涵的嬗變，實際上也是五臺山作為聖地超出單一文化領域，最終成為具有普遍性信仰的過程。

 37. Peter Zieme 茨默(Institute of Turcology at Berlin Free University, Germany 德國柏林自由大學突厥學研究所): Wutaishan and Mañjuśrī in Uigur Buddhism (回鶻佛教中的五臺山和文殊師利).

         The Wutai as one of the most sacred places of pilgrimage is embedded in Buddhist lore till today. There are some wall inscriptions in the Mogai Caves written in Old Uigur that reflect this idea, mostly of the Yuan period. The anonymous Wutaishanzan is a poem praising the sacredness and beauty of Mount Wutai. Manuscripts from Dunhuang in Chinese are well-known, likewise an Old Uigur translation. In one case, some monks even transcribed the Chinese text into Uigur script. Here, I want to introduce a new text which is based on the Wutaishanzan, but elaborates the verses in a peculiar and unique way. Some of its phrases remain enigmatic. The paper will present these features connected to the cult of Mañjuśrī who was known as nom .güki “the favorite of the Law”. This high prestige of the Bodhisattva Mañjuśrī and the Mount Wutai belong together. In a popular text of 22 omina we read: “Twenty-second (omen): If one comes to the ayāskaṇḍā sword of the Bodhisattva Mañjuśrī, it is a good (omen). If one is a prudent and wise person, one should complete (even) larger puṇya, then it will be better. If one is ill, one is quickly [heal]ed. If one goes to a distant (place), one returns with profit. The matters at home are at ease. All one thinks of will be completed according to one’s wish. The omen (book) is finished.” 作為最神聖的朝聖地點之一，五臺山至今仍然深植於佛教傳說中。從莫高窟一些以舊回鶻文書寫於牆上的、多數出自元代的字句中，也可以看出來這點。由無名氏所作的一首詩，名為《五臺山贊》，讚美了該山的神聖與美麗。敦煌出土的漢文卷子遐邇聞名，其回鶻文譯本也同樣如此。其中一例，有些僧人甚至將漢文文本轉錄進了回鶻文。此處我要介紹一個以《五臺山贊》為底本、但以一種獨特而罕見的方式進行了潤飾的新文本。其中一些文句至今仍然無法解讀。本文將呈現這些與文殊（nom .güki， “法的最愛”）崇拜有關的特徵。文殊菩薩的盛名與五臺山密不可分。在流行的22omina中我們看到：“二十二（占）：如果一人得到文殊菩薩的智慧之劍，吉。如果他精明智慧，就應該完成甚至更大的功德，更妙。如果病了，他會很快病癒。如果遠行，他將獲利而歸。家裡的事會很順利。他會心想事成。占（書）完。”