L’espoir

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El desaparecido Hotel Colón de Plaça Catalunya, en el centro de Barcelona (convertido hoy en un Apple Store), donde transcurren las primeras páginas de l’Espoir, acá retratado durante los últimos años de la República, antes de ser tomado por los falangistas. Más fotos acá.

Uno de los elementos que más me llamó la atención del L’espoir (1937) fue la fascinación del narrador por la tecnología bélica. Por un lado, me hizo pensar en el potencial destructor de la tecnología, me recordó las ideas que enarbolaron Adorno y Horkheimer al pensar Auschwitz en Dialéctica de la ilustración. Aquellas que nos hablan sobre cómo la producción sistemática de muerte a escala industrial, por parte del nacional socialismo alemán durante la primera mitad de los cuarenta, más que una muestra de barbarie irracional es la culminación lógica del proyecto racional ilustrado y el triunfo de una dimensión particular de la razón: la instrumental. Aquella que emplea la capacidad racional del hombre para controlarse y dominarse en lugar de emanciparse a sí mismo, utilizándolo como un medio más que como un fin en sí, fundamentalmente, a través de la implementación de rigurosas herramientas técnicas, fruto de la evolución científica. En este sentido, las batallas representadas en L’espoir del verano español de 1936 pertenecen ya a ese mundo. Esta fascinación del narrador (que es tecnófila y tecnófoba al mismo tiempo) agota todas las posibilidades, como podemos observar en las múltiples elecciones léxicas que escoge para enumerar un sinfín de armas: metralletas, arietes, subfusiles, mosquetes, escopetas, carabinas, dinamitas, aviones bombarderos de combate, algunos de ellos elementos inéditos, nunca utilizados en guerras anteriores, desfilan por las páginas de la novela a la par que los múltiples personajes, dándonos una idea de paralelismo entre la técnica y hombres atrofiados, que terminan mecanizándose y convirtiéndose en un arma más.

No en vano, por otra parte, comienza el narrador la novela poniendo en el centro de la escena un artefacto técnico: la centralita telefónica, una herramienta que mediatiza la relación de milicianos y rebeldes, al mismo tiempo que despliega Madrid hacia el resto de la Península. El teléfono, dicen Horkheimer y Adorno, es el último estadio en el desarrollo técnico en el que la tecnología aún no uniformaba ni paralizaba al sujeto. El teléfono, «dejaba aún jugar al participante el papel de sujeto. La radio, democrática, convierte a todos en oyentes para entregarlos autoritariamente a los programas, entre sí iguales, de las diversas emisoras». Este atributo de los avances tecnológicos para conferir paulatinamente cada vez más pasividad a los sujetos, homogeneizándolos, puede palparse también en la dependencia por las armas que experimentan los milicianos republicanos en la novela: es la asimetría en relación al desarrollo técnico que ostenta cada uno de los dos bandos, en otras palabras, es la capacidad de poseer tecnología lo que parece condicionar el devenir del conflicto, una idea que reside en las palabras de García y Vargas, cuando discuten con Monsieur Magnin: «Los zaristas no tenían tanques ni aviones; los revolucionarios usaban barricadas. ¿Cuál era la idea detrás de estas barricadas? Resistir al Calvario Imperial […] Hoy España está repleta de barricadas para resistir a los aviones de combate de Franco».

Por otro lado, el imaginario relativo a la tecnología bélica no participa solamente de la estrategia descriptiva que sigue el narrador para brindarnos una atmósfera vívida de los primeros días de la Guerra Civil; también es utilizada como símil en distintas ocasiones. «La esperanza», según la define el americano Slade, «es la fuerza impulsora de la revolución»; el coraje «algo que debe mantenerse como los rifles»; la pipa de García es apuntada «como un revolver» cada vez que realiza una afirmación. La técnica invade y contamina al lenguaje como una forma, tal y como quiere Beatriz Sarlo, de estructurar la imaginación.

Days of Hope by André Malraux

Tanto el inglés como el español para mí son idiomas extranjeros, necesito admitir que cuando leía este libro, Days of Hope, me encontraba con dificultades, sería menos complicado para mí si fuera en español. En todo caso, es interesante conocer la guerra civil española desde la visión de un extranjero como el autor, un francés. En el libro Malraux se sienta en la posición de los republicanos al contar al historia. En las primeras párrafos, los cortos diálogos en teléfono nos cartografian las fronteras y sus situaciones actuales, y se terminan por las frases de emoción como ¨viva España¨, ¨viva el Cristo Rey¨, etc. me suenan muy familiar, que según lo que mis padres en China me contaron, en sus tiempos, cuando estaban en el colegio, al terminar sus frases, añadieron unas slogans similares, tales como ¨viva el Presidente Mao¨ o ¨viva la revolución¨ ¨viva el pueblo ¨o ¨camarada¨...las cuales no tenían realmente ningún relación con la charla, pero se las añadieron al final de sus palabras. Estos slogans eran típicos en la Comunista China durante el tiempo rojo.

Es la esperanza que une a los diferentes grupos en contra los fascistas. Malraux indica claramente el desequilibrio en el poder de tecnología y arma entre ambas partes en guerras. En una materia que leí, dice que en la guerra civil española el gobierno francés mandó aviones para los republicanos españoles pero esos aviones eran obsoletos y sirvieron mucho para aumentar realmente su fuerza aérea, además dice:
The Ministry of Defense of France had feared that modern types of planes would easily be captured by the Germans fighting for Francisco Franco, and the lesser models were a way of maintaining official "neutrality".
 No entiendo muy bien por qué esta neutralidad, pero parece que Malraux no está en neutral, para mí el libro sí tiene cierto nivel de propagada de la parte republicana. En muchas partes describe con mucho detalle la figura, el aire y las acciones de sus caracteres, los cuales son como protagonistas en alguna película, que el autor nos está trazando unas imágenes refinas. Los caracteres son valientes e idealistas, tienen dentro un ideal sublime o unos ideales sublimes que les apoyan, a pesar de la gran desventaja de las armas que poseen. Están esperando, esperando y esperando. Aquí me recuerda San Camilo, que de pronto para Cela, para concluir las causas de la guerra civil español es difícil o imposible, la guerra es inevitable e irreversible, pero al mismo tiempo es casual o accidental, por el montón de posibilidades. Aquí, aunque existe una gran disparidad de armas, los republicanos están insistiendo su(s) esperanza(s), igualmente es porque creen en las posibilidades para ganar.

Espoir: Sierra de Teruel

From the Encyclopédie Larousse:

Espoir est le seul film de l’écrivain André Malraux, par ailleurs auteur d’un roman intitulé l’Espoir, consacré au même thème.

Montré clandestinement en 1939, ce pamphlet sobre et lyrique n’est sorti qu’à la Libération, précédé d’un commentaire de Maurice Schumann. Plus que d’une œuvre de pure propagande, il s’agit de l’une des premières tentatives françaises (réussie) de cinéma-vérité. Auteur complet de son film, qu’il a écrit, dialogué, réalisé et même monté, Malraux use des images et des sons de la même manière qu’il se servait des mots dans la Condition humaine. Pour lui, le contexte socio-politique est un personnage à part entière. Il prend soin de décrire la guerre d’Espagne comme un catalyseur de passions vécues non pas par des individus isolés, mais plutôt par une communauté déchirée dans sa chair. En ce sens, il annonce le reportage tel qu’il s’est développé à l’occasion de la Seconde Guerre mondiale à l’instigation de photographes comme Robert Capa, fondateur de l’agence Magnum en 1939. En outre, Malraux évite le piège dans lequel tombent souvent les écrivains cinéastes : les grands discours moralisateurs.

Espoir est une chronique dépouillée qui tend à ressembler le plus possible aux actualités cinématographiques de l’époque, sans en reprendre le ton sentencieux. Les faits sont là et les images se suffisent à elles-mêmes, l’une des qualités primordiales de cette œuvre étant l’habileté avec laquelle les documents pris sur le vif sont intégrés aux scènes de fiction pure. La distribution composée d’inconnus renforce encore cet aspect et confère aux différentes anecdotes une authenticité qui sait ne jamais tricher avec la vérité des sentiments.

Cette osmose est sans doute due à la dérive d’un projet qui ne devait constituer initialement qu’un post-scriptum au roman écrit en 1937. Les deux œuvres n’ont d’ailleurs finalement que très peu de points communs, sinon cette passion de la liberté qui allait conduire l’auteur dans les rangs de la Résistance.

See also the film’s IMDB page.

Days of Hope

At first glance, André Malraux’s novel Days of Hope, gives the reader the impression of a novel filled with the sentiments of people overcoming their obstacles, continuously trying despite their failures. Although it appears to be like a glimmer of light, it is something that people aren’t able to control perhaps. I can’t help thinking that hope has something to do with fate because of it’s uncontrollable nature.

The novel starts off in the first few months of the Spanish civil war, the beginning is quite fast paced, which can be seen from it’s narration and dialogues between Ramos, the secretary of the Railway workers’ union as he makes quick and efficient calls to the other stations, in-order to get a grasp of their situation. The sense of urgency can be felt, but Ramos appears to be calm and capable in handling the situation. The format of the dialogues were somewhat confusing because sometimes it was hard to tell who said which line. As the novel progresses, it is told from the point of views of the combatants on the Republican side. Numerous characters are mentioned, as a detailed and descriptive account of their experiences and thoughts during this war are written down, for example their feelings and how they dealt with Guerilla warfare with tanks and the use of dynamite. It is apparent that the fascists are the opposing force in this novel, it mentions specifically Captain Hernandez, who was someone that got executed in the first part of the novel. I believe that it is worthwhile to mention the part where there was a temporary ceasefire between the republicans and Fascists. I think that this serves as a pause and in some ways, is a sign of hope, but not really.

Some of the messages I find, make clear sense and could be applied to ‘life’ in general, such as how “Hope alone, is insufficient.” Although in the novel, there was a clear indication that technology was also important, that hope has to come with effort, the Republicans seem to be running the war based on emotions. How they run things, lack organization, which eventually leads to the downfall of the Republicans. The  idea of losing, hope equates giving in and letting pessimism take over. I think like in most cases, no one really wants war. It is all dependent on the perspectives of each side. Mutual understanding is the first step to reaching peace. It seems Malraux’s message is that the Republicans might lose the war and the revolutions might be lost, but it is for the better because of the high likelihood that they would adapt to the approach of fascism.

 
 

Malraux — Days of Hope (L’Espoir)

Malraux’s Days of Hope is an account of the Spanish Civil War told from the perspective of the Republicans. It is a unique novel in that he does not demonstrate the perspective of the Fascists. Malraux completely rejects the Fascist perspective on the war, and explores the Republican psyche extensively. He demonstrates two sides of the Republican movement. First, the unitive nature of the Republican faction, provoked through their unanimous distaste for the Franco leadership and support for the Second Spanish Republic; and the second, the divisive nature of the Republican faction through political disputations between the Communists, the Anarchists, and the like which in turn contributes to the defeat of the Republican faction.

The first part of the novel maps the battleground and gives a brief overview of numerous characters. It also takes the readers to the battleground during the beginnings of the civil war using specific phrases in Spanish used during the war: “Salud,” “Arriba España,” “Viva El Cristo Rey,” and “Compañeros.” It’s a constant dialogue through the telephone operators, between Republicans and at times brief moments of communication between the Nationalists and the Republicans trying to locate which areas they control. I was overwhelmed by the amount of action that was occurring in the story and could not quite get into the story. However, as the story progressed Malraux demonstrates that the war wasn’t just a battle between the Republicans and the Nationalists but also the socio-philosophical ideas that were unveiled by the characters and their version of the revolution. The conversations between the Anarchists and the Communists and their own ideas of what they should get out of the war gave me a better understanding of why the Civil War was a complete failure for the Republicans.

 

“The communists, you see, want to get things done. Whereas you and the anarchists, for different reasons, want to be something. That’s the tragedy of a revolution like this one. Our respective ideals are so different; pacifism and the need to fight in self-defense; organization and Christian sentiment; efficiency and justice—nothing but contradictions. We’ve got to straighten them out, transform our Apocalyptic vision into an army—or be exterminated.” (210-211)

 

There was no desire between the Anarchists and the Communists to form a unitive structure. It was interesting for me that Hernandez claims the Anarchists have a “Christian sentiment” which almost sounds like he is suggesting the Anarchists are no different from the Nationalists, who had the backing of the Church. It almost sounded like Malraux was sympathizing with the Communists and suggesting that the Anarchists were ruining the revolution. In general it was interesting for me to see how organization, the very thing that unified the Left, ultimately failed the Left.

Malraux — Days of Hope (L’Espoir)

Malraux’s Days of Hope is an account of the Spanish Civil War told from the perspective of the Republicans. It is a unique novel in that he does not demonstrate the perspective of the Fascists. Malraux completely rejects the Fascist perspective on the war, and explores the Republican psyche extensively. He demonstrates two sides of the Republican movement. First, the unitive nature of the Republican faction, provoked through their unanimous distaste for the Franco leadership and support for the Second Spanish Republic; and the second, the divisive nature of the Republican faction through political disputations between the Communists, the Anarchists, and the like which in turn contributes to the defeat of the Republican faction.

The first part of the novel maps the battleground and gives a brief overview of numerous characters. It also takes the readers to the battleground during the beginnings of the civil war using specific phrases in Spanish used during the war: “Salud,” “Arriba España,” “Viva El Cristo Rey,” and “Compañeros.” It’s a constant dialogue through the telephone operators, between Republicans and at times brief moments of communication between the Nationalists and the Republicans trying to locate which areas they control. I was overwhelmed by the amount of action that was occurring in the story and could not quite get into the story. However, as the story progressed Malraux demonstrates that the war wasn’t just a battle between the Republicans and the Nationalists but also the socio-philosophical ideas that were unveiled by the characters and their version of the revolution. The conversations between the Anarchists and the Communists and their own ideas of what they should get out of the war gave me a better understanding of why the Civil War was a complete failure for the Republicans.

 

“The communists, you see, want to get things done. Whereas you and the anarchists, for different reasons, want to be something. That’s the tragedy of a revolution like this one. Our respective ideals are so different; pacifism and the need to fight in self-defense; organization and Christian sentiment; efficiency and justice—nothing but contradictions. We’ve got to straighten them out, transform our Apocalyptic vision into an army—or be exterminated.” (210-211)

 

There was no desire between the Anarchists and the Communists to form a unitive structure. It was interesting for me that Hernandez claims the Anarchists have a “Christian sentiment” which almost sounds like he is suggesting the Anarchists are no different from the Nationalists, who had the backing of the Church. It almost sounded like Malraux was sympathizing with the Communists and suggesting that the Anarchists were ruining the revolution. In general it was interesting for me to see how organization, the very thing that unified the Left, ultimately failed the Left.

Days of Hope

What occurs to me when reading Days of Hope is the amount of variation in ideologies between the different characters. The dialogue hints at a sense of unity among the various Republican factions insofar as the struggle against Franco is concerned, but also reveals deep gulfs between how they would ideally like society to be organized. The different factions of communists, anarchists, and everyone else opposed to fascism mostly all held genuinely left-wing, egalitarian ideals but their disunity and lack of a clear chain of command were what doomed them from the start, notwithstanding their clear technological disadvantages.

There’s a lot at play in this book and it feels like as one reads it the sense of despair and hopelessness that engulfs the characters only becomes more apparent. It’s somewhat ironic considering the title of the novel. The militias are ill-equipped to take on a well-trained and supplied army that has the support of two fascist states with a group of rag-tag peasants and laborers operating shoddy rifles that easily jam. It dawns upon the characters that if they truly want to win this war they’ll have to compromise their egalitarian and anti-fascist beliefs. But most of all they’ll need more technology that they simply don’t have access to: more planes, machine guns, and bombs.

Malraux’s emphasis on the technological aspects of warfare are what put the Republican’s situation into perspective. It all comes down to logistics: who has more machine guns? Who controls the train station? How many men do they have? This focus on technology, and the destruction it can cause, adds to the sense of hopelessness one feels throughout the book. It also helps one see how the Spanish Civil War was a sort of precursor to World War II. Though Malraux couldn’t have been intentionally foreshadowing (as the book was published before the end of the Civil War), he certainly helped set the mood for what was to come to Europe as a whole. The book helps one understand the political and ideological fervor with which people were acting. The conflict brought people from all over, inspired by their strongly-held beliefs, to fight for or against fascism in what they saw to be a global struggle. Spain was just one arena in which it would be fought, and it would overtake the rest of Europe and much of the rest of the world in the following decade.

I also want to make a note about the idea raised in class yesterday regarding the novel as possible pro-Republican propaganda. Later in life, Malraux was the French Minister of Information and then Minister of Cultural Affairs under Charles de Gaulle, which seem to me like good positions for a propagandist. The idea that Malraux wrote this and emphasized the clear technological disparity between the two sides to try to persuade the French government to arm the Republicans seems plausible to me.

Days of Hope

I have the feeling that Days of Hope is the war novel that we’ve all been waiting for (or at least I have). With characters that rise to the challenge of their difficult situations, scenes of combat and tragic deaths (much more explicitly so than in either Réquiem or San Camilo), war-time camaraderie and bravery, a few humorous anecdotes (the soap factory incident, for example) and, of course, evocative and heart-wrenching descriptions of magnificent explosions and destruction, the novel responds to our expectations of what a war story should be (to go back to our discussion of what to look for in a novel from yesterday’s class). Doubtlessly, these expectations are due in large part to Hollywood war films and, in my case at least, Canadian war novels that I read as a teenager. This nature of the novel perhaps contributes to Jon’s suggestion yesterday in class that the novel resembles or approaches a work of propaganda. The quick publication and translation of the novel that Raya pointed out also supports this idea.

The novel does, however, include several elements that I don’t expect from a war novel. First, is the depiction of the bombardment of Madrid. We discussed in class the mechanized side of the conflict portrayed in the book, but during the aerial attack on Madrid, it’s as if the characters forget about the fascists and their advanced machines circling like ghosts above them (present, but not tangible) and the attack is likened to an earthquake, a force of nature, “it was not so much fear of the fascists that gripped the crowd as the sort of terror a cataclysm inspires.” But interestingly, the fact that the machines can’t be easily seen and that they exert such ‘earth-shaking’ damage is seen as an opportunity for resistance: “‘giving in’ never entered their heads —one doesn’t talk of giving in to an earthquake” (365). They may be living in a cataclysm, but it seems to be a cataclysm they can deal with, at least at first or temporarily.

This dehumanization of the violence of the bombardment, in which it is made into a natural force rather than one unleashed by human beings, is interesting taking into account what Jon says in his blog post about the blurred border between what is inert and what is alive, with fires described as “a myriad of writhing tentacles, like a fantastic octopus” (399) and the startled-looking tanks. Maybe to add to this list would be the flock of sheep that flow river-like through the streets of Madrid in the pitch black and carry away Scali and Garcia, “half-suffocat[ing]” Garcia (391). At first, the flock is described as simple pressure, then later a pack of dogs, but they are tipped off by “that dusty smell of country fields” and a bleat (391-392). This confusion brings to light the confusion of the inert and the animate, but it also is an example of the importance of the sensory perceptions, and not just visual ones, in this novel, which I believe was mentioned last class. Aside from helping the reader to identify with the characters and situations taking place, what role does this focus on non-visual senses —the smells, the textures, the sounds of the conflict— play? This sheep incident also suggests a certain invasion of the city of the countryside, or a fusion of the two. The incident is also similar to the formation of packs of dogs in Madrid, giving the city (or reinforcing?) a certain wild character. Is this part of the inert-animate confusion that Jon mentions, or is it something else?

This question brings me to another: Why does Manuel always carry around a piece of a plant or tree? In Toledo, Manuel is described as carrying around a sprig of fennel and later a fairly straight branch (239). In the Guadarrama, he carries a pine branch (354). Is this for giving orders (a sprig of fennel does not seem to be very effective for this) or a sort of talisman? Did anyone else have this question?

 

Days of Hope II

André Malraux

If the problem that André Malraux’s Days of Hope poses is that of the confrontation between the virtues and emotions of human subjectivity–hope, courage, enthusiasm–and a new form of mechanized warfare that puts a premium on objective technological efficiency, this is complicated by the fact that the very opposition repeatedly breaks down. For on the one hand the machines cannot be so easily reduced to an instrumentalized, technical logic. And on the other hand, the figure of the human is constantly in danger of disappearing or of being subsumed into a more general and impersonal landscape of affect. In short, the machines seem to take on a life of their own, while the men (and women) fighting the war have trouble holding on to their appearance of individualized identity.

Some of this blurring of the machinic and the human is a matter of perspective. After all, Malraux shows us the war from the air, a point of view that might be imagined to offer a broader and more objective panorama, but which in practice simply confounds established certainties. Hence when the Republican Flight brings along a local peasant, to help them locate a hidden Falangist airstrip, at first his local knowledge of the terrain proves useless, as he is unaccustomed to looking down on it from above: “His mouth half-open, and tears zig-zagging down his cheeks, one after the other, the peasant was straining every nerve to see where they were. He could recognize nothing” (395). But more broadly, even for seasoned pilots, from the air things take on a different aspect. On one of their early mission, for instance, they see a road “studded with little red dots. [. . .] too small to be cars, yet moving too mechanically to be men. It looked as if the roadway itself was in motion.” This turns out to be a column of Fascist lorries, but to see them as such requires the pilot to have “a gift of second sight: seeing things in his mind, not through his eyes.” And even then, he retains the impression that the landscape and infrastructure itself has come to life as he observes a “road [. . .] that throbbed and thundered–the road of fascism” (86).

But even closer to the ground, the distinction between the animate and the inert is often hard to discern. At one point, for example, during the defence of Madrid, we are provided with the perspective of a fire-fighter named Mercery high up on his ladder, who imagines himself battling “an enemy with more life in it than any man, more life than anything else in the world. Combating this enemy of a myriad writhing tentacles, like a fantastic octopus, Mercery felt himself terrible inert, as though made of lead” (342). Shortly thereafter, machine-gunned by a Fascist plane, he is described as “living or dead” as he “still clung to the nozzle of his hose”–as though the border between life and death had here become strictly undecidable, or perhaps (however briefly) irrelevant. Elsewhere, even the confrontation between infantry and tank, which is otherwise staged as the classic clash between man and machine (for faced with the tank only the dynamite-laden “dinamiteros [. . .] can face the machine on equal terms” [197]), is also put into question. At Guadarrama we discover that “a machine can seem startled on occasion.” Faced with anti-tank machine guns, “four of them–three in the first line, one in the second–tilted up simultaneously with an air of puzzlement: ‘What on earth is happening to us now?’” (310).

And at the Battle of Teruel, things are further complicated by the deployment of a loud-speaker, a machine that talks: “inert, yet alive because it spoke” (381). Later, as the noise of battle dies down, it is described in personifying terms: “the loud-speaker had been waiting for this lull” (384). More generally, the technology of mass reproduction–represented here by cartoon characters such as “Mickey Mouse, Felix the Cat, Donald Duck” (368)–conjure up “the modern fairyland, the world in which those who are killed all come back to life” (369). Technology both brings to humanity death and destruction but also offers the world forms of (re)animation that trouble the very distinction between human and inhuman, living and dead.

If then the machines increasingly take on a life of their own, what distinguishes the human? At the best in the novel, the men and women who populate it eke out a fairly shadowy and precarious existence. Again, this is partly a function of the recurring aerial perspective: from on high or far off, people either disappear are easily dehumanized, for instance (in the case of deserters going over to the enemy) appearing to be no more than “insects waving their antennae” (305) or (in the case of Fascists flushed out of the forest) adopting “the same panic-stricken scamper as the herd of cattle they had just stampeded” (398). Again, however, even on the ground they tend to dissolve into the environment: “shadows,” “ghosts,” “wraiths,” and “shadowy forms” in the Madrid mist, for example (265, 266, 267, 270); or collectively constituting “a frenzied mass” (204) or a “panic-stricken mob [. . .] like leaves whirled together and then dispersed by the wind” (225). Even in terms of the novel’s own representational strategy, which constantly jumps between locations and discrete episodes, there is little attempt to give many of the characters much realist depth or rounded individuality; they tend simply to incarnate particular positions or singular attitudes, becoming spokespeople for (say) Anarchism or Communism, or exemplary instantiations of stubbornness or self-sacrifice.

If there is something that, for Malraux, can (still) be said to be distinctly human, it is perhaps the face. This perhaps is why the novel repeatedly recurs to the human face, and to the notion that the face somehow stands in for individual character (men are variously described, for instance, in terms of a “jovial solid-looking jowl” [9] or a “predatory face, hook nose, and twinkling eyes” [18] and so on), and also more generally for shared humanity. In an atmosphere frequently characterized by gloom and indiscernibility, Malraux often has faces suddenly revealed or lit up, as for instance when an explosion at Toledo catches a group of dinamiteros “open mouthed, their cheeks lit by the livid purplish sheen of flame and moonlight mingled [such that] each saw the face that he would wear in death” (199). Or when an aeroplane is caught in a searchlight and “a sense of comradeship in arms pervaded the cabin flooded with menacing light; now for the first time since they began the flight, these men could see each other” (234; emphasis in original) and as a result, in the aftermath, each of the crew “had vividly before him the picture of the features of his comrade as they had been thrown into relief for that brief moment” (235). There is something about the face of the other that gives us both his (or her) truth, and reminds us of some shared commonality.

Except, of course, that warfare also destroys the face and our perception of it. On the one hand, the novel repeatedly gives us instances of blindness, either permanent or temporary, which make it impossible to see the face. And the face of the blind is also somehow grotesque, we are told: the father of the blinded airman Jaime tells us that he “can’t bear to look at his face” (279). But war also mutilates its victims such that there is no face to be seen. This is what happens to Gardet, another airman, whose plane crashes towards the end of the book: his face is “slashed wide open from ear to ear. The lower part of the nose was hanging down.” As a result, would-be rescuers flee from the sight, and Gardet muses “If I look at my mug just now, I’ll kill myself” (409). Even bandaged up, the effect is that of “a tragic bas-relief of Armageddon” (411).

Throughout, then, Malraux tries to maintain the distinction between human and machine (as well as between the human and he animal), but ultimately the war puts such differences into question. More likely, we end up with a variety of hybrid combinations of man, machine, and nature, in which what is presumptively object is animated and gains features of subjectivity (such as affect and agency), while men and women defer or abdicate some part of their subjectivity as they take up their places in the “endless flux of things” (423). Sometimes these hybrids are empowering, as with the case of the pilot who “feel[s] the contact of the stick, welded to the body, identified with it” (401). Sometimes they are grotesque, as with the battering ram used at the siege of the Montaña Barracks, a “strange geometrical monster” (32) wielded by men on either side of it, one of whom dies under fire and “slump[s] across the moving beam, arms dangling on one side, legs on the other. Few of his companions noticed him; the battering-ram continued lumbering slowly forward, with the dead body riding it” (33). Here, man and machine, animate and inanimate, dead and alive all come to constitute a collective apparatus of war in which any categorical distinctions are untenable if not irrelevant. This complicates any notions of fraternity. Yet such is modern warfare. And in so far as war teaches us how to live (Manuel, perhaps the novel’s major character, tells us that “a new life started for me with the war” [428]), it is also, quite simply, modern life.

See also: Days of Hope I; Spanish Civil War novels.