Category Archives: Social Studies

“Fascism!” US Army Orientation Fact Sheet #64

While the current US administration is an example of fascism, in March 1945 the US Army was issuing a pamphlet (Orientation Fact Sheet 64) titled “Fascism” to educate soldiers on what it was they were fighting against.
The pamphlet Includes questions and notes for discussion as well as supplemental material and a lesson plan for officers on leading a discussion … How does it start? How does it work? Fascism = War? Can it happen here? How to spot it. How to stop it?
Points of discussion include “Race” and the role of “powerful financial interests” in fascist regimes. Given the bans on teaching about race in various Republican controlled states it would likely be “illegal” to teach this pamphlet in Texas or Florida social studies classrooms today, which tells you something about the current US regime.
This is an excellent resource for teaching about fascism in social studies classrooms. Pamphlet issued by the US Army in March 1945 for training soldiers in or headed to Europe.
Here’s a link to the PDF.

Rich Gibson: The Empire is Teetering! Why is There No General Strike?

The Empire is Teetering! Why is There No General Strike?

By Rich Gibson

January 4, 2025

Going downhill, like a Slinky on a staircase, the empire rolls down almost imperceptibly, until it reaches the floor and collapses in on itself.

But the empire isn’t a Slinky. It is busy with class and imperial warfare, the few attacking the many in ways more numerous than a short essay can outline.

Where is the resistance? Where are the unions?

Even conservative Catholic, David Brooks, has called for a general strike and mass civil disobedience. It only makes sense.

Let us consider our context:

Combine the vast transfer of wealth to the pecunious in the “Big Beautiful Bill,” the loss of Medicaid benefits for fourteen million people, the vast homeless crisis, climate and vaccine denial, a veritable war of the rich on the poor.

Now the hubris of a socio-pathic narcissist decapitates the head of Venezuela, kidnaps him and his wife using typically amphetamine addled Delta force based on Fort Bragg (see The Fort Bragg Cartel), flies them to New York in preparation for a trial about drugs (?).

Approximately forty people were killed in the operation: collateral damage.

Add this body count to the fast boat murders, about 100 dead, where the evidence was destroyed by guaranteeing the ship were sunk, along with two survivors who were blown up while they waved at the sky.

These were, most certainly boats full of drugs, even the one with eleven people on it—where was the room for the drugs?

Drugs– after pardoning the Honduran convicted of bringing metric tons of drugs into the US?

Consider this contradiction: Maduro is charged with enriching himself from the drug trade. Whether that is true or not, or if it is another Gulf of Tonkin tale, may take years to determine.

For his year in office, Trump and his family have enriched themselves from the ponzi scheme that is crypto (even Melania has a crypto), real estate deals, pay for play dinners with billionaires, ignoring the emoluments class.

It grew so egregious that the New York times is publishing pages of charts about the deals Trump and his allies have made, using his public office as cover for what amounts to electoral extortion.

Prattling about bringing democracy: the Constitution does not follow the flag.

Democracy talk ended on day two of the kidnapping. became, rule by proxy—likely Delcy Rodriguez, who should take a lesson from other allies and puppets, like Vietnam’s Diem (Johnson: “we killed the son of a bitch”), or Libya’s Gadaffi.

Rodriguez has been warned by the administration that if she doesn’t cooperate, “She will get something worse than Maduro.”

For her part, Rodriguez has demanded Maduro’s return.

Daughter of a guerrilla terrorist, Rodriguez, the Vice President, is also the oil minister and has been meeting with Americans for months. She is a prime candidate as the insider who made the abduction possible. And, she may well be able to cooperate. Under Maduro’s fake socialism, she was pursuing open market strategies.

Even so, democracy hasn’t ever ruled in the US.

What has ruled, and still rules, are capitalism and imperialism.

Whether we call the US a democracy (rule of the people) or a republic (somewhat distant rule of the people), they’re matched and overwhelmed by capital (rule of the few). It’s a two-sided contradiction and one side must and did win—capital.

There are answers in history, which ties the past, with the present, and organizes the future.

Founding Father, James Madison, wrote, “what if the poor vote not to pay their debts?” that would be too much democracy for any rich man.

Or, when the 1791 Whiskey Rebellion broke out after a revolution that promised equality and happiness, George Washington raised a militia of around fifteen thousand men, to attack tax protesters in Western Pennsylvania.

President Washington, who to his credit, was with the troops on battlefields during the revolution (unlike the five star hotel generals of today, parodied in the film “War Machine”) left the militia early to lower ranking officers.

They had problems: desertion, drunks, theft, but many of the ranks had no shoes and short rations.

So, how did the officers, including the gentleman Merriweather Lewis, live? The lived very well with plenty of whiskey, beef, sweets, and more.

Discipline, to enforce these inequities, was harsh—typically one hundred lashes laid on hard.

Inequality, ah, trumped, equality, fast—despite the real radicalism of the American Revolution embodied in the Declaration of Independence.

That summons to action for equality and revolution inspired radicals in France, Haiti, and Ho Chi Minh of Vietnam who wrote his declaration almost word for word from Jefferson’s.

Jefferson, per historian Stephen Ambrose, “wanted empire.” He was a slaveholder and land speculator, like Washington, two of the richest men in the country.

He and other landowner/speculators, needed more and more land to serve the soil destroyer, tobacco. It was, as always with empire, expand or die. In this case, internally, but in most cases, expand or die because another empire; now soft-economic power China, is coming.

(The US has at least 750 bases around the world. China has one. The soft power is money and people).

The US government, before and with Trump, is nothing but an executive committee and armed weapon of the ruling class, the exploiters. It is inequality, within the US and the world, not “affordability,” the Democrats mantra.

Now, back to the kidnapping.

Sun Tzu, the Chinese philosopher of war, wrote, about two thousand years ago, “know yourself, know your enemy, know the terrain, and you will win one thousand battles.”

Socio-pathic narcissists can’t know themselves, and their sycophants who trail along, all blinded by “we leader,” only know he’s a genius, that is, for public consumption, otherwise they know they are kidnapped by him.

Venezuela is a huge country, thirty million people, twice the size of Iraq. There a competing militias all over Venezuela, and two Colombian guerrilla forces. The people are armed, and were in training before the abductions. Fifteen thousand troops on ships west of Venezuela won’t be nearly enough to quell a rebellion.

Congressman Gil Cisneros says Trump wants the oil so he can process it and bring it to the US to drive down gas prices. If he is right, it’s a classic example of the US leaders not knowing the terrain, as in Vietnam, Afghanistan, and Iraq.

Venezuela’s oil processing plants are dilapidated. Over twenty years of decay means only oil rigs owned by Chevron are anywhere near full capacity. According to oil industry insiders, it will take years to bring the rigs up to capacity. Others within Trump’s orbit, promise the oil companies will be reimbursed for their efforts.

And who will reimburse them? Taxpayers from an unjust tax system where billionaires like Trump, pay little or no taxes.

Is this a diversion as a former Democratic Party presidential candidate suggests?

Yes, Trump’s popularity ratings have plummeted, and the Democrats did do will in recent elections. In New York, the voters chose a socialist, who probably won’t be able to keep his promises, like Obama’s “hope and change” demagoguery, but billionaires spent millions for Cuomo, and they lost. All true.

Then there are the Epstein files (demand the videos!) which cling to Trump like his orange makeup and wig. They were forgotten for a day.

But this military attack is part and parcel of US imperialism. It is what empire’s MUST do: join in the relentless struggle for cheap labor, raw materials (oil), regional control and markets. Empire sent the US into Vietnam (rice, tin, rubber, strategic location), Afghanistan (strategic location going back to the Great Game) and Iraq (oil again).

Rosa Luxemberg outlined empire long ago.

“In detail, capital in its struggle against societies with a natural economy pursues the following ends:

  1. To gain immediate possession of important sources of productive forces such as land, game in primeval forests, minerals, precious stones and ores, products of exotic flora such as rubber, etc.

  2. To ‘liberate’ labour power and to coerce it into service. 

  3. To introduce a commodity economy.

  4. To separate trade and agriculture.”

The 2025 National Security Strategy, straight from Project 2025, expands on the 1823 Monroe Doctrine, now dubbed the Don-doctrine, declaring all of the Americas the property of the US. Trump, before the kidnapping, declared Venezuelas’ oil, “ours.”

The many-titled Marco Rubio threatened Cuba, Columbia, and Mexico, with the Venezuela treatment. Clearly, Greenland and Canada have reason to worry about the once-peacenik candidate Trump.

My “No Blood for Oil,” buttons and stickers, created in 2001, will be good for the rest of our lives.

Moments after the kidnappings were announced, lawyers leaped forward to declare the actions illegal, under so many laws that I lost count: the UN Charter, no involvement of congress, the War Powers Act, and more. But the law is merely a reflection of political and economic reality. US law is PROPERTY law. There is no right to have a job, home, health care—it’s not about human rights, it is about power, and usually money.

And so, it’s only illegal if you get caught, and sure they are caught, after all they caught themselves by announcing the kidnapping.

No law is going to stop them. Trump has immunity. He can pardon the other co-conspirators in murder and kidnapping, and that will be that.

And, immediately after I heard the big news, I got an email from the Democratic Party Front, Move-on, urging donations and plans to petition congress, and let’s vote in the mid-terms.

Nobody ever voted their way out of fascism, and that is what this modern tyranny is. It will take a mass, activist, anti-racist, class conscious movement with experience in direct action, on the job and off.

General Strike?

Let us wrap up with why there will be no general strike.

I have never been able to get off the merry-go-round of the bogus US unions. I have been writing about them for nearly 20 years, often on Counterpunch.

A sidelight of imperialism is that the core empire loots enough goods and money to bribe certain sections of the working class. Lenin demonstrated this more than 100 years ago. It’s still true.

The upshot of this is that the union bosses who, as above, believe and benefit from, Partners in Production, sell the pacified labor of the union members to the Big Bosses, in exchange for dues income, off of which the labors bosses live very well.

Foe example, a past president of the National Education Union, where I once worked as an organizer, when NEA was actually a union on the early ’80s, made $686, 949 in his last year in office—this in a union where many school workers live in trailers.

It follows that a general strike led by rank and file activists, would upend that sweet deal. They’d realize the union bosses would become worse than irrelevant—enemies. The union bosses know they are corrupt, and they are going to protect their corruption at all costs.

A United Auto Workers president threatened to kill a dissenter in his inner circle.

In the unlikely event that some accelerator, like the Tunisian fruit vendor who self-immolated to set off the disastrous “Arab Spring,” should create a series of rolling strike that coalesce as a General Strike, expect a violent response.

ICE, Border Patrol, and Trump’s own SS, the Proud Boys, the Oath Keepers, unmarked masked men, and others will certainly mobilize and, as in past strikes, like the railroad strike of 1877, people will begin to be “shot back to work.”

Simply withdrawing labor may not be enough.

All the forces of the state, the police, the courts, almost all of congress, the mainstream media, and most cultural institutions would be arrayed against strikers and their allies.

And, then, in the even unlikelier event that class consciousness sees the state itself as a target, the planning gets beyond my pay grade, and my crystal ball becomes opaque. While I like the Declaration’s call for the necessity of revolution, and I have already laid out plenty of similar grievances, a 21st century revolution is difficult for me to imagine.

This is the best I can do. I’ve been thinking and acting like this for more than six decades. The youngers will have to pick up where parts of my generation left off (so many mistakes, sad to say) and carry on the fight for equality and justice.

One last thing.

Justice demands organization. A critical examination of past parties, and the contradictions of democratic centralism, must push forward our battle,

Rich Gibson is professor emeritus of history from San Diego State University. He, with Wayne Ross, is the founder of the Rouge Forum. He can be contacted at: RG@Richgibson.com

UBC Faculty for Palestine

F4P is a voluntary association of over 100 UBC full and part-time faculty and staff who share a commitment to support the struggle for Palestinian liberation from Israeli Apartheid and Occupation based on the principles of anticolonialism, anti-racism and social justice. #UBC #FacultyForPalestine

Towards an Ideal Model of Education for Critical Citizenship (now open access)

The article “Towards an Ideal Model of Education for Critical Citizenship. An Analysis of the Spanish Curricular Change in Social Sciences” published in January 2025 in the European Journal of Education is now available under Open Access license.

The article examines the integration of citizenship education in Spain’s new social sciences curriculum, focusing on primary and secondary education. ​ It highlights the importance of fostering critical citizenship, which involves questioning societal norms, challenging injustices, and engaging in transformative social action. ​ The study uses the International Civic and Citizenship Education Study (ICCS) framework to analyze the curriculum, revealing a stronger emphasis on cognitive skills and content knowledge compared to attitudes and engagement. ​

Key findings include:

  1. Cognitive and Content Focus: The curriculum prioritizes cognitive domains (e.g., reasoning and application) and content domains (e.g., civic principles and roles) over attitudes and engagement. ​
  2. Inconsistencies in Curriculum Elements: While competencies emphasize citizenship commitment, evaluation criteria and basic knowledge lack coherence, limiting practical classroom implementation. ​
  3. Limited Focus on Engagement: Engagement-related dimensions, such as activism and social participation, are minimally addressed, distancing the curriculum from fostering active democratic citizenship. ​
  4. Imbalance in Basic Knowledge: Basic knowledge focuses solely on content, neglecting cognitive, attitudinal, and engagement aspects. ​

The study concludes that while the curriculum incorporates cognitive and content domains effectively, it falls short in promoting critical social action and engagement. ​ Future efforts should focus on aligning curriculum elements and fostering interdisciplinary approaches to empower students as active participants in democracy. ​ Researchers are encouraged to examine the practical implementation of these curricular changes to advance education for social justice. ​

Navarro Medina, E , Ross, E. W., Pérez-Rodríguez, N., & De Alba Fernandez, N. (2025). Towards an ideal model of education for critical citizenship. An analysis of the Spanish curricular change in social sciences. European Journal of Education, 60(1), e70010. https://doi.org/10.1111/ejed.70010

Interview with Brazilian history education researchers

It has been a great honor and a learning experience for me to have connected with history education researchers in Brazil in recent years.

Prof. Dr. Luis F. Cerri (State University of Ponta Grossa, Brazil) contributed a chapter for the book Social Studies Education in Latin America: Critical Perspectives from the Global South , which I edited with Sebastián Plá .

Cerri’s chapter presents outcomes of an international project researching young peoples’ view of teaching and learning history, historical awareness and culture, political position and culture. The chapter presents comparative data on political position and views regarding history from young people across Latin America, including Brazil, Argentina, Chile, Mexico, Peru and Colombia.

Subsequent to the book project, I had the opportunity to speak at the National Meeting of Researchers on the Teaching of History in Brazil and then last summer participated in a video interview with Dr. Cerri as well as Prof. Dr. Maria Lima (Federal University of Mato Grosso do Sul) and Prof. Dr. Juliana Andrade (Federal Rural University of Pernambuco).

The interview has just been published in Revista Docentes:

Ross, E. W., Cerri, L. F., Lima, M. A., & Andrade, J. (2025). Entrevista com o professor E. Wayne Ross. Revista Docentes10(35), 99-111. https://periodicos.seduc.ce.gov.br/revistadocentes/article/view/1474

Summary

E. Wayne Ross, together with Sebastián Plá, organized a collection on the teaching of Social Studies in Latin America, resulting from the understanding that the Global South is rapidly changing its role in the various spheres of contemporary life, and among them, the debate on the teaching and learning of subjects such as History. In 2022, he opened the proceedings of the National Meeting of Researchers on the Teaching of History held at UFRPE, reflecting on the impacts of neoliberal policies on the teaching of History and other human and social sciences. In this interview, conducted by videoconference on July 14, 2024, three leaders of the ABEH Associação Brasileira de Ensino de História spoke with the professor about their experiences of civic and professional resistance to the advances of militarism, the business perspective and reactionism in education, themes that are older there than here, which resulted in a fruitful debate.

Download PDF of article (in Portuguese).

Thoughts to contemplate on May Day

Consider the thoughts below as part of your May Day activities:

Proletarier aller Länder, vereinigt Euch! – Marx & Engels

“Think! It ain’t illegal yet!”
—George Clinton [“Lunchmeatophobia”]

“There was a movement at one time, not so many years ago either, which was international in its scope, which had for its object the setting aside the first of May for a general, international holiday, looking ultimately to the inauguration of a short-hour workday, but this grand idea has been side-tracked in later years by a lot of political buncombe and claptrap, thus persuading the working classes into the notion that they can gain their freedom by electing a lot of fellows to office.”
― Lucy Parsons (1906)
“I want to die a slave to principles. Not to men.”
— Emiliano Zapata

“… the most urgent expression of freedom is the destruction of idols, especially when they claim to represent freedom.”
— Guy Debord et al [“Position of the Lettrist International,” 1952]

“Only in community with others has each individual the means of cultivating his gifts in all directions; only in the community, therefore, is personal freedom possible.”
—Karl Marx

“We live in capitalism. Its power seems inescapable. So did the divine right of kings. Any human power can be resisted and changed by human beings. Resistance and change often begin in art, and very often in our art—the art of words.”
— Ursula K. Le Guin

“The state is nothing but an instrument of oppression of one class by another—no less so in a democratic republic than in a monarchy.”
—Marx & Engels

“When it can be said by any country in the world, my poor are happy, neither ignorance nor distress is to be found among them, my jails are empty of prisoners, my streets of beggars, the aged are not in want, the taxes are not oppressive, the rational world is my friend because I am the friend of happiness. When these things can be said, then may that country boast its constitution and government. Independence is my happiness, the world is my country and my religion is to do good.”
– Thomas Paine, The Rights of Man

“There are a thousand hacking at the branches of evil to one who is striking at the root.”
—Henry David Thoreau

“People who talk about revolution and class struggle without referring explicitly to everyday life, without understanding what is subversive about love and what is positive in the refusal of constraints, such people have a corpse in their mouth.”
—Raoul Vaneigem

“One form of wage labor may correct the abuses of another, but no form of wage labor can correct the abuse of wage labor itself.”
—Karl Marx

“In societies dominated by modern conditions of production, life is presented as an immense accumulation of spectacles. Everything that was directly lived has receded into a representation.
— Guy Debord [Society of the Spectacle, Thesis 1, 1967]

“[In The Power Elite (1956) C. Wright Mills quoted] Sophie Tucker (without either approval or disapproval in the context) ‘I’ve been rich and I’ve been poor, and believe me, rich is best.’ For a radical, the corollary of the this attitude is that it is not wealth that is wrong with America but poverty, and that what is reprehensible about the rich is not that they enjoy the good things of life but that they use their power to maintain a system which needlessly denies the same advantages to others.
—Paul M. Sweezy, “Power Elite and the Ruling Class,” Monthly Review, September, 1956

“Let every dirty, lousy tramp arm himself with a revolver or a knife, and lay in wait on the steps of the palaces of the rich and stab or shoot the owners as they come out. Let us kill them without mercy and let it be a war of extermination without pity.”
—Lucy Parsons quoted in Women Building Chicago, 2001, p. 671

“… and there will be rivers of blood!”
– Anonymous Rouge Forum Member

Review of The Social Studies Curriculum (5th Ed.) by Peter M. Nelson

The Social Studies Curriculum (5th Ed)I am happy to share a review of The Social Studies Curriculum: Purposes, Problems, and Possibilities (5th Ed.) by Peter M. Nelson (UBC) that was published in Theory and Research in Social Education on January 31, 2025.

While the focus of the review is on the fifth edition, Nelson puts the latest edition of the book in conversation with previous editions that were published in 1997, 2001, 2006 and 2014.


Taking stock of the field: Complicated conversations in social studies curriculum
Book Review by Peter M. Nelson

The social studies curriculum: Purposes, problems, and possibilities (5th edition), by Ross, E. W. (Ed.) Statue University of New York Press, 2024, 430 pp., $99.00 (hardcover), $36.95 (paperback). ISBN (hardcover) 9781438499024, ISBN (paperback) 9781438499031

With the fifth edition of The Social Studies Curriculum: Purposes, Problems, and Possibilities (TSSC), editor E. Wayne Ross and the book’s contributors deliver a vital, timely addition to the influential TSSC series. Across 17 chapters—14 of which are new to this edition—the boundaries of the social studies curriculum are relentlessly complicated and contested, and the book’s authors offer critical, compelling visions for how social studies teaching and learning can attend to a range of contemporary issues and topics.

Contextualizing the book

The fifth edition of TSSC arrives at a time when efforts to “capture,” or tame, social studies curriculum are ubiquitous and well-funded. To put it another way, if TSSC offers visions of the social studies curriculum as inherently wild terrain—even feral in its disorderly commitments to real-world action, to understanding that “social studies curriculum and teaching is by its very nature a political undertaking” (p. 381), to its critical attention to the complicated contexts in which education actually occurs—then the capture of social studies begins with its reduction. Phenomena like uncertainty, ambivalence, unpredictability, and spontaneity, while embedded in human experience (and presumably entangled with the project of education as well), are viewed by policy makers, administrators, ideologues, and politicians as problems to eradicate, let alone the more explicit socio-political potentialities that are part and parcel of any meaningful social studies education. To be sure, attempts to capture social studies curriculum, or to reduce its radical potential to foment sociopolitical change, are not new; what Evans (2004) called the social studies wars have been waged since the advent of the field in the early twentieth century. My point, here, is that the fifth edition of TSSC provides an updated glimpse of current contestations around numerous issues, and one of the book’s most valuable, and unique, contributions is how Ross and other chapter authors manage to frame a wide range of sociopolitical issues as readily available for social studies teachers and students to explore and attend to in meaningful ways. …

To continue reading the review see the link below or download the review here.

Peter M. Nelson (31 Jan 2025): Taking stock of the field: Complicated conversations in social studies curriculum, Theory & Research in Social Education, https://doi.org/10.1080/00933104.2025.2459031 

Towards an Ideal Model of Education for Critical Citizenship

Thanks to Noelia Pérez‐Rodríguez for the opportunity to work with her and colleagues Elisa Navarro‐Medina and Nicolás De‐Alba‐Fernández – all in the Department of Didactics of Experimental and Social Sciences at University of Seville – on an article analyzing social science curriculum in Spain and working towards an ideal model of critical citizenship.

Abstract:

In this study, we analysed the presence of citizenship education in the new Spanish social sciences curriculum, focusing on both the primary and secondary education stages. The relevance of the study stems from the need to adapt to a new reality, in which it is crucial to develop in children and young people the skills to understand, interpret and make critical decisions. Considering the model outlined as ideal, and being aware of the difficulty involved in achieving it, we took as a reference a possible model to analyse the Spanish curriculum, the ICCS study framework. The research presented is based on a review of policy documents and analyses the curricula of compulsory education stages through a content analysis technique. The results show that in the Spanish curriculum, under the logic of the ICCS framework, cognitive skills and citizen content are more prevalent than those based on attitudes and engagement. This issue prompts us to reflect on the future changes that should be made to approach the model we consider relevant.

Citation:

Navarro Medina, E , Ross, E. W., Pérez-Rodríguez, N., & De Alba Fernandez, N. (2025). Towards an ideal model of education for critical citizenship. An analysis of the Spanish curricular change in social sciences. European Journal of Education, 60(1), e70010. https://doi.org/10.1111/ejed.70010

 

Anti-Palestinian Racism and the Enablement of a Genocide

UBC Middle East Studies invites you to attend a lecture by Prof. Muhannad Ayyash (Mount Royal University) titled:

Anti-Palestinian Racism and the Enablement of a Genocide

Date: Friday, Nov 8th

Time: 12-1:30pm
Location: In-person + Zoom (UBC Vancouver location TBC)

Registration required: https://ubc.ca1.qualtrics.com/jfe/form/SV_9RGeYjRKn1N5I9g

Speaker Bio: Dr. Ayyash is Professor in the Department of Sociology & Anthropology at Mount Royal University. His interdisciplinary research draws from anti-racist, decolonial, and critical hermeneutic approaches to social theory and analysis. Driven by questions about relations of power, justice, as well as political and social change, his research has largely focused on violence, settler colonial sovereignty, decolonial sovereignties, as well as social movements, focusing on the Palestinian struggle. His recent publications include Canada as a Settler Colony on the Question of Palestine and numerous journal articles and op-eds in prominent outlets.

 

Research seminar at UWE Education and Childhood Research Group

I was delighted to have the opportunity to lead a research seminar with the Education and Childhood Research Group at the University of the West of England in Bristol this week.

The seminar was titled “Critical Social Education: Insurgent Pedagogies & Dangerous Citizenship” and explored how social studies education in the Americas is being used to contribute in significant ways to creating a society where individuals have the power and resources to realize their own potential and free themselves from the obstacles of classism, racism, sexism, and other inequalities often encouraged by schools, the state, and oppressive ideologies.

The seminar also framed the role and nature of social studies education in the Americas, with an emphasis on critical perspectives in the field, drawing on my recently published edited collection, The Social Studies Curriculum: Purposes, Problems, and Possibilities (5th Edition, SUNY Press) as well other critical scholars including contributors to the book Insurgent Social Studies: Scholar-Educators Disrupting Erasure and Marginality (2022, Myers Education Press), edited by Natasha Hakimali Merchant, Sarah B. Shear and Wayne Au.

I also touched on related research on social studies in the Latin American context based on the book Social Studies Education in Latin America: Critical Perspectives from the Global South, which I edited with Sebastián Plá.

The ECRG is led by Alpesh Maisuria, Professor of Education Policy in Critical Education at UWE Bristol, who I thank for the opportunity.

I also want to thank UWE Bristol education Professor Jane Andrews for the chance to participate in their monthly reading group which discussed a recent chapter of mine titled “Society, Democracy, and Economics: Challenges for Social Studies and Citizenship Education in a Neoliberal World”. I enjoyed the lively and diverse discussion.