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Rich Gibson: The Empire is Teetering! Why is There No General Strike?

The Empire is Teetering! Why is There No General Strike?

By Rich Gibson

January 4, 2025

Going downhill, like a Slinky on a staircase, the empire rolls down almost imperceptibly, until it reaches the floor and collapses in on itself.

But the empire isn’t a Slinky. It is busy with class and imperial warfare, the few attacking the many in ways more numerous than a short essay can outline.

Where is the resistance? Where are the unions?

Even conservative Catholic, David Brooks, has called for a general strike and mass civil disobedience. It only makes sense.

Let us consider our context:

Combine the vast transfer of wealth to the pecunious in the “Big Beautiful Bill,” the loss of Medicaid benefits for fourteen million people, the vast homeless crisis, climate and vaccine denial, a veritable war of the rich on the poor.

Now the hubris of a socio-pathic narcissist decapitates the head of Venezuela, kidnaps him and his wife using typically amphetamine addled Delta force based on Fort Bragg (see The Fort Bragg Cartel), flies them to New York in preparation for a trial about drugs (?).

Approximately forty people were killed in the operation: collateral damage.

Add this body count to the fast boat murders, about 100 dead, where the evidence was destroyed by guaranteeing the ship were sunk, along with two survivors who were blown up while they waved at the sky.

These were, most certainly boats full of drugs, even the one with eleven people on it—where was the room for the drugs?

Drugs– after pardoning the Honduran convicted of bringing metric tons of drugs into the US?

Consider this contradiction: Maduro is charged with enriching himself from the drug trade. Whether that is true or not, or if it is another Gulf of Tonkin tale, may take years to determine.

For his year in office, Trump and his family have enriched themselves from the ponzi scheme that is crypto (even Melania has a crypto), real estate deals, pay for play dinners with billionaires, ignoring the emoluments class.

It grew so egregious that the New York times is publishing pages of charts about the deals Trump and his allies have made, using his public office as cover for what amounts to electoral extortion.

Prattling about bringing democracy: the Constitution does not follow the flag.

Democracy talk ended on day two of the kidnapping. became, rule by proxy—likely Delcy Rodriguez, who should take a lesson from other allies and puppets, like Vietnam’s Diem (Johnson: “we killed the son of a bitch”), or Libya’s Gadaffi.

Rodriguez has been warned by the administration that if she doesn’t cooperate, “She will get something worse than Maduro.”

For her part, Rodriguez has demanded Maduro’s return.

Daughter of a guerrilla terrorist, Rodriguez, the Vice President, is also the oil minister and has been meeting with Americans for months. She is a prime candidate as the insider who made the abduction possible. And, she may well be able to cooperate. Under Maduro’s fake socialism, she was pursuing open market strategies.

Even so, democracy hasn’t ever ruled in the US.

What has ruled, and still rules, are capitalism and imperialism.

Whether we call the US a democracy (rule of the people) or a republic (somewhat distant rule of the people), they’re matched and overwhelmed by capital (rule of the few). It’s a two-sided contradiction and one side must and did win—capital.

There are answers in history, which ties the past, with the present, and organizes the future.

Founding Father, James Madison, wrote, “what if the poor vote not to pay their debts?” that would be too much democracy for any rich man.

Or, when the 1791 Whiskey Rebellion broke out after a revolution that promised equality and happiness, George Washington raised a militia of around fifteen thousand men, to attack tax protesters in Western Pennsylvania.

President Washington, who to his credit, was with the troops on battlefields during the revolution (unlike the five star hotel generals of today, parodied in the film “War Machine”) left the militia early to lower ranking officers.

They had problems: desertion, drunks, theft, but many of the ranks had no shoes and short rations.

So, how did the officers, including the gentleman Merriweather Lewis, live? The lived very well with plenty of whiskey, beef, sweets, and more.

Discipline, to enforce these inequities, was harsh—typically one hundred lashes laid on hard.

Inequality, ah, trumped, equality, fast—despite the real radicalism of the American Revolution embodied in the Declaration of Independence.

That summons to action for equality and revolution inspired radicals in France, Haiti, and Ho Chi Minh of Vietnam who wrote his declaration almost word for word from Jefferson’s.

Jefferson, per historian Stephen Ambrose, “wanted empire.” He was a slaveholder and land speculator, like Washington, two of the richest men in the country.

He and other landowner/speculators, needed more and more land to serve the soil destroyer, tobacco. It was, as always with empire, expand or die. In this case, internally, but in most cases, expand or die because another empire; now soft-economic power China, is coming.

(The US has at least 750 bases around the world. China has one. The soft power is money and people).

The US government, before and with Trump, is nothing but an executive committee and armed weapon of the ruling class, the exploiters. It is inequality, within the US and the world, not “affordability,” the Democrats mantra.

Now, back to the kidnapping.

Sun Tzu, the Chinese philosopher of war, wrote, about two thousand years ago, “know yourself, know your enemy, know the terrain, and you will win one thousand battles.”

Socio-pathic narcissists can’t know themselves, and their sycophants who trail along, all blinded by “we leader,” only know he’s a genius, that is, for public consumption, otherwise they know they are kidnapped by him.

Venezuela is a huge country, thirty million people, twice the size of Iraq. There a competing militias all over Venezuela, and two Colombian guerrilla forces. The people are armed, and were in training before the abductions. Fifteen thousand troops on ships west of Venezuela won’t be nearly enough to quell a rebellion.

Congressman Gil Cisneros says Trump wants the oil so he can process it and bring it to the US to drive down gas prices. If he is right, it’s a classic example of the US leaders not knowing the terrain, as in Vietnam, Afghanistan, and Iraq.

Venezuela’s oil processing plants are dilapidated. Over twenty years of decay means only oil rigs owned by Chevron are anywhere near full capacity. According to oil industry insiders, it will take years to bring the rigs up to capacity. Others within Trump’s orbit, promise the oil companies will be reimbursed for their efforts.

And who will reimburse them? Taxpayers from an unjust tax system where billionaires like Trump, pay little or no taxes.

Is this a diversion as a former Democratic Party presidential candidate suggests?

Yes, Trump’s popularity ratings have plummeted, and the Democrats did do will in recent elections. In New York, the voters chose a socialist, who probably won’t be able to keep his promises, like Obama’s “hope and change” demagoguery, but billionaires spent millions for Cuomo, and they lost. All true.

Then there are the Epstein files (demand the videos!) which cling to Trump like his orange makeup and wig. They were forgotten for a day.

But this military attack is part and parcel of US imperialism. It is what empire’s MUST do: join in the relentless struggle for cheap labor, raw materials (oil), regional control and markets. Empire sent the US into Vietnam (rice, tin, rubber, strategic location), Afghanistan (strategic location going back to the Great Game) and Iraq (oil again).

Rosa Luxemberg outlined empire long ago.

“In detail, capital in its struggle against societies with a natural economy pursues the following ends:

  1. To gain immediate possession of important sources of productive forces such as land, game in primeval forests, minerals, precious stones and ores, products of exotic flora such as rubber, etc.

  2. To ‘liberate’ labour power and to coerce it into service. 

  3. To introduce a commodity economy.

  4. To separate trade and agriculture.”

The 2025 National Security Strategy, straight from Project 2025, expands on the 1823 Monroe Doctrine, now dubbed the Don-doctrine, declaring all of the Americas the property of the US. Trump, before the kidnapping, declared Venezuelas’ oil, “ours.”

The many-titled Marco Rubio threatened Cuba, Columbia, and Mexico, with the Venezuela treatment. Clearly, Greenland and Canada have reason to worry about the once-peacenik candidate Trump.

My “No Blood for Oil,” buttons and stickers, created in 2001, will be good for the rest of our lives.

Moments after the kidnappings were announced, lawyers leaped forward to declare the actions illegal, under so many laws that I lost count: the UN Charter, no involvement of congress, the War Powers Act, and more. But the law is merely a reflection of political and economic reality. US law is PROPERTY law. There is no right to have a job, home, health care—it’s not about human rights, it is about power, and usually money.

And so, it’s only illegal if you get caught, and sure they are caught, after all they caught themselves by announcing the kidnapping.

No law is going to stop them. Trump has immunity. He can pardon the other co-conspirators in murder and kidnapping, and that will be that.

And, immediately after I heard the big news, I got an email from the Democratic Party Front, Move-on, urging donations and plans to petition congress, and let’s vote in the mid-terms.

Nobody ever voted their way out of fascism, and that is what this modern tyranny is. It will take a mass, activist, anti-racist, class conscious movement with experience in direct action, on the job and off.

General Strike?

Let us wrap up with why there will be no general strike.

I have never been able to get off the merry-go-round of the bogus US unions. I have been writing about them for nearly 20 years, often on Counterpunch.

A sidelight of imperialism is that the core empire loots enough goods and money to bribe certain sections of the working class. Lenin demonstrated this more than 100 years ago. It’s still true.

The upshot of this is that the union bosses who, as above, believe and benefit from, Partners in Production, sell the pacified labor of the union members to the Big Bosses, in exchange for dues income, off of which the labors bosses live very well.

Foe example, a past president of the National Education Union, where I once worked as an organizer, when NEA was actually a union on the early ’80s, made $686, 949 in his last year in office—this in a union where many school workers live in trailers.

It follows that a general strike led by rank and file activists, would upend that sweet deal. They’d realize the union bosses would become worse than irrelevant—enemies. The union bosses know they are corrupt, and they are going to protect their corruption at all costs.

A United Auto Workers president threatened to kill a dissenter in his inner circle.

In the unlikely event that some accelerator, like the Tunisian fruit vendor who self-immolated to set off the disastrous “Arab Spring,” should create a series of rolling strike that coalesce as a General Strike, expect a violent response.

ICE, Border Patrol, and Trump’s own SS, the Proud Boys, the Oath Keepers, unmarked masked men, and others will certainly mobilize and, as in past strikes, like the railroad strike of 1877, people will begin to be “shot back to work.”

Simply withdrawing labor may not be enough.

All the forces of the state, the police, the courts, almost all of congress, the mainstream media, and most cultural institutions would be arrayed against strikers and their allies.

And, then, in the even unlikelier event that class consciousness sees the state itself as a target, the planning gets beyond my pay grade, and my crystal ball becomes opaque. While I like the Declaration’s call for the necessity of revolution, and I have already laid out plenty of similar grievances, a 21st century revolution is difficult for me to imagine.

This is the best I can do. I’ve been thinking and acting like this for more than six decades. The youngers will have to pick up where parts of my generation left off (so many mistakes, sad to say) and carry on the fight for equality and justice.

One last thing.

Justice demands organization. A critical examination of past parties, and the contradictions of democratic centralism, must push forward our battle,

Rich Gibson is professor emeritus of history from San Diego State University. He, with Wayne Ross, is the founder of the Rouge Forum. He can be contacted at: RG@Richgibson.com

Rouge Forum Archive

The Rouge Forum Archive is now available at RougeForum.com The RF Archive includes flyers, broadsides, conference programs, issues of our zine The Rouge Forum News, the Adam Renner Education for Social Justice Lectures, and more. And also check out RougeForum.org for additional information about RF activities.

The Rouge Forum is a group of educators, students, and parents seeking a democratic society.

We are concerned about questions like these:

  • How can we teach against racism, national chauvinism, and sexism in an increasingly authoritarian and undemocratic society?
  • How can we gain enough real power to keep our ideals and still teach—or learn?
  • Whose interests shall schools serve in a society that is ever more unequal?

We are both research and action oriented. We want to learn about equality, democracy, and social justice as we simultaneously struggle to bring into practice our present understanding of what these are.

We seek to build a caring inclusive community that understands an injury to one is an injury to all. At the same time, our caring community is going to need to deal decisively with an opposition that is sometimes ruthless.

Read about the origins and history of The Rouge Forum here.

Why do you call it The Rouge Forum?

The River Rouge runs throughout the Detroit area—where the Rouge Forum was founded in 1998. Once a beautiful river bounteous with fish and plant life, it supported wetlands throughout southeast Michigan. Before industrialization, it was one of three rivers running through what is now the metropolitan area. Today the Rouge meanders through some of the most industrially polluted areas in the United States, past some of the poorest and most segregated areas of North American, only to lead some tributaries to one of the richest cities in the U.S.: Birmingham. The Rouge cares nothing for boundaries. The other two Detroit rivers were paved, early in the life of the city, and now serve as enclosed running sewers. Of the three, the Rouge is the survivor.

The Ford Rouge Plant was built before and during World Way I. By 1920, it was the world’s largest industrial complex. Everything that went into a Ford car was manufactured at the Rouge. It was one of the work’s largest iron foundries and one of the top steel producers. Early on, Henry Ford sought to control every aspect of a worker’s life, mind and body, in the plant and out. Using a goon squad recruited from Michigan prisons led by the infamous Harry Bennet, Ford instituted a code of silence. He systematically divided workers along lines of national origin, sex, race, and language groupings–and set up segregated housing for the work force. Ford owned Dearborn and its politicians. He designed a sociology department, a group of social workers who demanded entry into workers’ homes to discover “appropriate” family relations and to ensure the people ate Ford-approved food, like soybeans, voted right, and went to church.

While Ford did introduce the “Five Dollar Day,” in fact only a small segment of the employees ever got it, and those who did saw their wages cut quickly when economic downturns, and the depression, eroded Ford profits.

The Rouge is the site that defined “Fordism.” Ford ran the line mercilessly. Fordism which centered on conveyor production, single- purpose machines, mass consumption, and mass marketing, seeks to heighten productivity via technique. The processes are designed to strip workers of potentially valuable faculties, like their expertise, to speed production, expand markets, and ultimately to drive down wages. These processes seek to make workers into replaceable machines themselves, but machines also capable of consumption. Contrary to trendy analysis focused on globalization and the technique of production, Ford was carrying on just-in-time practices at the Rouge in the early 1930’s. Ford was and is an international carmaker, in the mid 1970’s one of Europe’s largest sellers. In 1970, Ford recognized the need to shift to smaller cars, and built them, outside the U.S., importing the parts for assembly—early globalism.

Ford was a fascist. He contributed intellectually and materially to fascism. His anti-Semitic works inspired Hitler. Ford accepted the German equivalent of the Medal of Honor from Hitler, and his factories continued to operate in Germany, untouched by allied bombs, throughout WWII.

At its height, more than 100,000 workers held jobs at the Rouge. Nineteen trains ran on 85 miles of track, mostly in huge caverns under the plant. It was the nation’s largest computer center, the third largest producer of glass. It was also the worst polluter. The Environmental Protection agency, in 1970, charged the Rouge with nearly 150 violations.

Today there are 9,000 workers, most of them working in the now Japanese-owned iron foundry. Ford ruthlessly battled worker organizing at the Rouge. His Dearborn cops and goon squad killed hunger marchers during the depression, leading to massive street demonstrations. In the Battle of Overpass Ford unleashed his armed goons on UAW leaders, a maneuver which led to the battle for collective bargaining at Ford, and was the founding monument to what was once the largest UAW local in the world, Local 600, led by radical organizers for years.

On 1 February 1999, the boilers at the aging Rouge plant blew up, killing six workers. The plant, according to workers, had repeatedly failed safety inspections. UAW local president made a statement saying how sorry he was for the families of the deceased–and for William Clay Ford, “who is having one of the worst days of his life.” Papers and the electronic press presented the workers’ deaths as a tough day for the young Ford who inherited the presidency of the company after a stint as the top Ford manager in Europe. The steam went out of Local 600 long ago. The leaders now refer to themselves as “UAW-FORD,” proof that they have inherited the fascist views of the company founder.

When environmentalist volunteers tried to clean the rouge in June 1999, they were ordered out of the water. It was too polluted to clean. So, why the Rouge Forum? The Rouge is both nature and work. The Rouge has never quit; it moves with the resilience of the necessity for labor to rise out of nature itself. The river and the plant followed the path of industrial life throughout the world. The technological advances created at the Rouge, in some ways, led to better lives. In other ways, technology was used to forge the privilege of the few, at the expense of most–and the ecosystems, which brought it to life, The Rouge is a good place to consider a conversation, education, and social action. That is why.

Global Thursday Talks: Video of my interview with Fatma Mizikaci & Eda Ata on Curriculum and Instruction in relation to pandemic and online education, academic activism, ed technology, & dangerous citizenship

Was honoured to participate in @GlobalThursdayTalks this past week. Thank you Fatma Mizikaci and Eda Ata from University of Ankara for organizing these events and the invitation to participate. Also thanks to everyone who attended the live event. Here’s the video of the interview.

New Book: Rethinking Social Studies: Critical Pedagogy in Pursuit of Dangerous Citizenship

I’m please to announce the publication of my new book Rethinking Social Studies: Critical Pedagogy in Pursuit of Dangerous Citizenship (Information Age Publishing, 2017).

The book is published as a volume in the series: Critical Constructions: Studies on Education and Society, which is edited: Curry Stephenson Malott, West Chester University of Pennsylvania. Brad J. Porfilio, CSU, East Bay. Marc Pruyn, Monash University. Derek R. Ford, DePauw University. Thanks to all the editors for their support of this project.

I would also like to thank Peter McLaren for writing the Foreword to the book. You can read of version of McLaren’s foreword to Rethinking Social Studies here: A Message to Social Studies Educators of the US in the Coming Trump Era.

Book Overview

Social studies is the most dangerous of all school subjects. Its danger, however, is a matter of perspective.

Like the schools in which it is taught, social studies is full of alluring contradictions. It harbors possibilities for inquiry and social criticism, liberation and emancipation. Social studies could be a site that enables young people to analyze and understand social issues in a holistic way – finding and tracing relations and interconnections both present and past in an effort to build meaningful understandings of a problem, its context and history; to envision a future where specific social problems are resolved; and take action to bring that vision in to existence. Social studies could be a place where students learn to speak for themselves in order to achieve, or at least strive toward an equal degree of participation and better future. Social studies could be like this, but it is not.

In practice social studies has been and continues to be profoundly conversing in nature. Social studies is the engine room of illusion factories whose primary aim is reproduction of the existing social order, where the ruling ideas exist to be memorized, regurgitated, internalized and lived by. If you don’t eat your meat, you can’t have any pudding! If you do not memorize these facts, accept these myths as truths so you can pass these exams to get those credentials, then you will not get any pudding. That is the way the world works. And good social studies teachers are here to make the meat palatable because they want everyone to be able to have some pudding.

Social studies too often teaches myths instead of encouraging critical explorations of human existence. Schools are fundamentally authoritarian, hierarchical institutions, they produce myriad oppressive and inequitable by-products and social studies is an integral component in this process.

The challenge, perhaps impossibility, is discovering ways in which schools in general and social studies in particular can contribute to positive liberty. That is a society where individuals have the power and resources to realize and fulfill their own potential, free from the obstacles of classism, racism, sexism and other inequalities encouraged by educational systems and the influence of the state and religious ideologies. A society where people have the agency and capacity to make their own free choices and act independently based on reason not authority, tradition, or dogma.

Does that sound too idealistic to you? Utopian even? I would not be surprised if it did. Many of my students (and more of my colleagues) say the same. They argue for the importance of being “realistic” or “adjusting to circumstances as they are” as if the really existing social studies classes in all their boring and socially reproductive glory are natural phenomenon beyond human capacity to change. I can understand this point of view, but cannot embrace it. You can just throw up your hands or argue for being realistic, but in the face of a world filled with injustices I do not believe sustaining the status quo is an admirable goal and neither is sustaining a social studies that offers conventional (non)explanations of the world.

In 1843, Arnold Ruge overcome with revolutionary despair, wrote a letter to Karl Marx lamenting the impossibility of revolution because the German people were too docile: “our nation has no future, so what is the point in our appealing to it?” To which Marx replied “You will hardly suggest that my opinion of the present is too exalted and if I do not despair about it, this is only because its desperate position fills me with hope.” This is an example of what philosopher Giorgio Agamben has called “the courage of hopelessness.” The courage of hopelessness is an optimistic response to pessimistic circumstances. The equivalent of responding to the criticism that you are “being too idealistic” with “be realistic, demand the impossible!”

The hegemonic system of global capitalism dominates not because people agree with it. It rules because most people are convinced “There Is No Alternative.” Indeed, as I argue in this book the dominant approach to schooling and curriculum, particularly in social studies education, is aimed at indoctrinating students into this belief.

Utopian thinking allows us to consider alternatives, such as the pedagogical imaginaries which this book explores, in attempt to open up spaces for rethinking our approaches to learning, teaching, and experiencing the world. These imaginaries are necessary because traditional tropes of social studies curriculum (e.g., democracy, voting, democratic citizenship) are essentially lies we tell ourselves and students (because democracy is incompatible with capitalism; capitalist democracy creates a shallow, spectator version of democracy at best; democracy as it operates now is inseparable from empire/perpetual war and vast social inequalities).

We certainly have plenty of fuel for our hopes. The challenge we face as social studies educators is to not warm our students’ hearts with empty hopes, but rather confront what are seemingly hopeless times for freedom and equality with a pedagogy and curriculum that come from a courage of hopelessness.

This book aims to rethink social studies so it becomes a site where students can develop personally meaningful understandings of the world and recognize they have agency to act on the world, to make change. Social studies should not be about showing life to students, but bringing them to life. The aim is not getting students to listen to entertaining lectures, but getting to speak for themselves, to understand people make their own history (even if they make it in already existing circumstances). These principles are the foundation for a new social studies, one that is not driven not by standardized curriculum or examinations, but by the perceived needs, interests, desires of our students, our communities of shared interest, and ourselves as educators.

*****

Rethinking Social Studies is organized into three parts. Part 1 – Redrawing the Lines, expands on the basic premises discussed above. Chapter 1 presents a description and critique of traditional social studies education. The chapter deconstructs the ideology of neutrality, which is frequently taught as part of social studies teacher education and examines the deleterious effects of conceiving of learning and citizenship as spectator projects. Chapter 2 presents a case study of right-wing think tank report on social studies as an example of the politics of the social studies and its connections to movement conservatism. By taking a close look at neo-conservative efforts to control the field and destroy the (at least theoretical) pluralism that has long characterized social studies we can better understand the normative nature of social studies and the inadequacy of adopting a neutral stance as social studies educators. Chapter 3, “Insurrectionist Pedagogies and the Pursuit of Dangerous Citizenship,” is in many ways the heart the book. This chapter presents an analysis of neoliberal education reforms in North America. Part of a Global Education Reform Movement (GERM), these corporate-driven reforms include three key strategies: (1) School choice and privatization; (2) human capital policies for teachers; and (3) standardized curriculum coupled with an increased use of standardized testing. The idea of “dangerous citizenship” is presented as a possible antidote to the stultifying effects of GERM on the freedom to think, learn, and teach social studies outside of a hegemonic worldview that is authoritarian and harbours racially, sexually, and class-based discriminatory traditions. Various possibilities for creative disruption of dominant assumptions and practices of social studies teaching and curriculum are presented as imaginaries for what might become insurgent pedagogies that foster dangerous citizenship.

The chapters in Part 2 ­– Social Education for Critical Knowledge for Everyday Life explore questions such as: What is the social justice? Chapter 4 takes a look at the relationship of social justice and power and argues that social justice requires much more that adopting a new vocabulary and socially and culturally inclusive curricula, rather it requires a revolution of everyday life.

Chapter 3 asks, What is critical pedagogy? Then takes a critical look at an approach that is filled with contradictions and too often comes across as either a theory-laden field for left wing academics or a radical idea that is domesticated by liberal teachers and teacher educators, or both. The chapter emphases the importance of everyday life and becoming as part of what it means to practice critical pedagogy.

Why is class an invisible concept in social studies? What would social studies look like if we put class at the center of the curriculum? Chapter 6, “Why Teaching Class Matters” describes both the invisibility of class in the social studies curriculum (and research) and presents an example of how class can be (and is) used as the organizing concept for a high school American Studies course. Chapter 7 analyzes the American empire – making connections between politics, foreign policy and the economy to illustrate the really existing class war in the United States (and the world) – as the context for the political and pedagogical project that is teaching and organizing for social change.

In an era marked by regimented curriculum, bureaucratic outcomes-based accountability systems, and corporatized educational aims, how do you keep your ideals and still teach? The answer to this question is multifaceted, but as argued in Chapter 8, there are at least two necessary, if insufficient responses. First, working in opposition to the mainstream of educational practice requires a question-posing approach. Secondly, collaborative thought and action are crucial to understanding and transformation of educational practices and social relations. Two counterstories are presented in this chapter. The first is based on the individual perspectives of two novice teachers. The second is the counterstory of a collective known as the Rouge Forum.

I often ask the social studies teachers to write about and examine the beliefs that inform their practice as educators. This task is useful in unearthing unstated assumptions that underlie our classroom practices and broader beliefs regarding the role of schools in society and reasons we teach what we teach. In Chapter 9, I have taken my own assignment and completed it, presenting a “my pedagogical creed” (based on the framework of John Dewey’s famously titled article). My hope is that you will be inspired to write your own pedagogical creed as a way analyzing and gaining insight into your practice as a social studies educator.

Part 3 – Beyond the Classroom, extends some themes from earlier in the book and provides an overview of key ideas found in Parts 1 and 2 (plus a few new ones). Democracy within the social studies curriculum is too often presented in its most weak and superficial form, that is, as process of electing of representatives and the functions of government. I say, “don’t vote, engage politics!” and Chapter 10 presents one approach to political engagement, writing for popular media. Chapter 11 is my own “educational autobiography,” another assignment I ask my students to complete, this activity aims to make sense of our current assumptions, thinking, and practices as educators by historicizing and analyzing their preconditions. The idea is that if we can better understand the sources of our present thinking and practice we can then better understand our present circumstances and more clearly envision how what we think and do today can help us achieve our goals in the future. The book closes with an interview conducted by Carlo Fanelli in which I discuss a wide-range of topics, including corporate education reform, critical pedagogy, and educational and politic activism. In many ways this interview is an overview and summary of ideas from the previous chapters.

*****

As researcher, teacher, book and journal editor I have had the privilege and honour to collaborate with many fine educators and scholars. When considering my work it is impossible to separate ideas and accomplishments that could be described as my own from those that are the result of collaboration with others. Mark Twain said,

“There is no such thing as a new idea. It is impossible. We simply take a lot of old ideas and put them into a sort of mental kaleidoscope. We give them a turn and they make new and curious combinations. We keep on turning and making new combinations indefinitely; but they are the same old pieces of coloured glass that have been in use through all the ages.”

Twain is right, but only up to a point. If we continue to manipulate that kaleidoscope at some point we will witness something entirely new, yet carrying forward aspects of what it was. We can understand and change the world and in the process we create ourselves anew. This is what I have experienced in my collaborative relationships with others and it is important for me to acknowledge those folks who contributed to who I am today as a person, a teacher, and a scholar.

This book emphases my collaborations with Kevin D. Vinson, Perry Marker, Rich Gibson, and Gregg Queen.

Kevin and I have had a long and fruitful collaboration as writing partners, but most importantly as friends. I came to now him when he submitted an manuscript to a journal I was editing and I like it so much I had to call him up and talk about it. That was, of course, back in the day when people actually called each other on the phone. Our interests and thinking has been so intertwined over the years that each of us has written pieces then given the other credit for writing. We allowed ourselves the conceit that our relationship was not unlike Lennon and McCartney, without the hits.

Perry and I met as graduate students when Ohio State University and Indiana University regularly held colloquia for social studies students and faculty, since then we have worked together on nearly twenty presentations, articles, and journal issues. Perry’s work as a social studies teacher educator and curriculum scholar is the exemplar of critical, democratic praxis and I have long admired his dedication to both the ideals of democracy and his students, but most of all I appreciate his friendship, particularly his willingness to engage with me in spirited discussions of politics and baseball, which are often fuelled by bourbon whiskey.

I was chairing the question and answer part of a conference session when this fellow wearing a black leather jacket stood up and asked a question that pulled the rug out from under the assumptions of all the prior presentations. Afterwards, I chased the guy down and found out his name was Rich Gibson and soon learned he was a full-time troublemaker and revolutionary. We began working together almost immediately, helping to found the Rouge Forum and writing articles for newspapers, political and academic journals, co-editing books and journals. He has been my mentor on Marx, martial arts, spaghetti westerns, revolution, and all things Detroit (and I reciprocate by sharing obscure blues, R & B, and rockabilly recordings with him).

Greg Queen is Rich’s former graduate student and in my mind he is one of the most unique and accomplished high school social studies teachers ever. He has provided leadership for social change in his community and nationally as the Community Coordinator for the Rouge Forum. His teaching embodies a critical, revolutionary spirit and he has been honoured for his dedication to teaching against the grain with the National Council for the Social Studies’ defence of academic freedom award. Greg does what most social studies teachers are afraid to do, objectively teach the unvarnished truth of United States history. When my students say nobody can teach that way and keep their job, Greg is the person I point to.

The influences of Kevin, Perry, Rich, and Greg are easy enough to spot in the pages of this book, but I must acknowledge a number of others who have influenced my thinking and practice as an educator. As a social studies educator I am deeply indebted to my professors, particularly Richard C. Phillips (University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill) and M. Eugene Gilliom (The Ohio State University) and my teachers at Independence High School in Charlotte, NC, the epitome, in a curricular sense, of the “shopping mall” high school.

I have learned much from many superb colleagues in the field of social studies education, including: Ceola Ross Baber, Jane Bernard-Powers, Jeffrey W. Cornett, Margaret Smith Crocco, Abraham DeLeon, Ronald W. Evans, Stephen C. Fleury, Four Arrows (aka Don T. Jacobs), Todd Hawley, Neil O. Houser, Gregg Jorgensen, Joseph Kahne, Gloria Ladson-Billings, Christopher R. Leahey, Merry Merryfield, Jack L. Nelson, Nel Noddings, Paul Orlowski, Valerie Ooka Pang, Marc Pruyn, Doug Selwyn, Özlem Sensoy, Walter Werner, Joel Westheimer, and Michael Whelan.

It has been a privilege to collaborate with many great scholars on a variety of projects including, Derek Ford, David Gabbard, David W. Hursh, Kathleen Kesson, Johnny Lupinacci, Curry Stephenson Malott, Gail McCutcheon, Stephen Petrina, Ken Saltman, Patrick Shannon, Larry Stedman, Ken Teitelbaum, John F. Welsh, and Mark Wolfmeyer.

All the people in, and around, The Rouge Forum have continued to be a huge inspiration to me as a scholar, teacher, and activist, most especially Brad Porfilio, Faith Agostinone Wilson, Gina Steins, Bryan Reinholdt, Joe Wegwert, Amber Goslee, Dennis Carlson, Peter McLaren, and Adam Renner (1970-2010).

Colin and Rachel continue to make me a proud father. And, as always, the person who provides my life with love, happiness, and excitement is Sandra Mathison.

Table of Contents
Foreword, Peter McLaren.
Acknowledgments.
Preface.
Permissions.
PART I: REDRAWING THE LINES
CHAPTER 1: Redrawing the Lines: The Case Against Traditional Social Studies Instruction.
CHAPTER 2: If Social Studies Is Wrong, I Don’t Want to Be Right (with Perry Marker). CHAPTER 3: Insurrectionist Pedagogies and the Pursuit of Dangerous Citizenship (with Kevin D. Vinson).
PART II: SOCIAL EDUCATION AND CRITICAL KNOWLEDGE FOR EVERYDAY LIFE
CHAPTER 4: Social Studies Requires a Revolution of Everyday Life.
CHAPTER 5: Broadening the Circle of Critical Pedagogy.
CHAPTER 6: Why Teaching Class Matters (with Gregg Queen).
CHAPTER 7: Education for Class Consciousness (with Rich Gibson).
CHAPTER 8: How Do I Keep My Ideals and Still Teach (with Rich Gibson, Greg Queen, and Kevin D. Vinson).
CHAPTER 9: Teaching for Change: Social Education and Critical Knowledge for Everyday Life.
PART III: BEYOND THE CLASSROOM
CHAPTER 10: Social Studies as Public Pedagogy: Engaging Social Issues in the Media. CHAPTER 11: A Sense of Where You Are.
CHAPTER 12: Critical Education and Insurgent Pedagogies: An Interview With E. Wayne Ross.
About the Author.

Rouge Forum 2016 – Teaching for Democracy & Justice in an Age of Inequality

THE ROUGE FORUM CONFERENCE 2016

Teaching for Democracy and Justice in an Age of Inequality

May 27-28, 2016
Calgary, AB, Canada

#RougeForum16

Keynote Speaker: E. Wayne Ross, Professor, University of British Columbia
Location: St. Mary’s University [map]
Registration information and form
Submit Proposal
Housing Information
Program and schedule
Session abstracts
Conference web site

The Rouge Forum holds meetings on a regular basis at both local and national levels. The national conferences have been held on a more or less annual basis; all meetings are action-oriented and the national conferences usually include workshops for teachers and students; panel discussions; community-building and cultural events; as well as academic presentations. Many prominent voices for democracy and critical pedagogy have participated in Rouge Forum meetings. On this site you’ll find the latest information about upcoming Rouge Forum meetings and conferences as well information on past conferences, including abstracts, papers, and videos.

New Book: Working for Social Justice Inside and Outside the Classroom

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I am pleased to announce a new book just published by Peter Lang, Working for Social Justice Inside and Outside the Classroom: A Community of Students, Teachers, Researchers, and Activistswhich I co-edited.

Working for Social Justice Inside and Outside the Classroom delivers critical counter-narratives aimed at resisting the insatiable greed of a few and supporting a common good for most. The book reflects the efforts of a hopeful community, the Rouge Forum, which has been working against perpetual war, corporate education reform, the destruction of our natural environment, increasing poverty, and social inequalities as they fight to preserve democratic ideals in a just and sustainable world. Written teachers, researchers, and activists, this collection is a tapestry of social justice issues woven in and out of formal and informal education.

The Rouge Forum has endured for two decades, a group of educators, students, parents, organizers, and activists who persist in working for social justice, democratic education and a common good. Founded by social education teachers, scholars, and activists, the Rouge Forum moves like waves that, once set in motion, are unstoppable. This remarkably inclusive community has been sustained with hundreds of thousands of visitors to the Rouge Forum website, annual conferences held throughout the United States and Canada, and many of the original founders continuing to ride the waves of change.

The Rouge Forum is uniquely inclusive. Educators, scholars, students, writers, union organizers, artists, and many more gather each year for dialogic interaction and learning together. Membership crosses cultural, national, racial, and class boundaries in the struggle for a just and sustainable world.

Rouge Forum conferences aim to foster dialogue among participants rather than stand-and-deliver speeches. Panel and roundtable discussions are encouraged. As one student said after presenting on a panel at the 2014 Denver Conference, “As we went one by one, you could tell that our confidence continued to rise. When we completed our panel, the crowd kept the conversation going with questions …about our ideas…on how to have dialogic discussions and [build] communities….” She continued saying that the participants were not asking questions about what they knew, how much they had prepared for their panel presentation, instead they wanted to know what those students thought. She ended by saying “…this experience was one for the books.”

This book was written for those who fight for democratic ideals and work against perpetual war, the destruction of our natural environment, and increasing poverty and social inequalities. As the world watches the skewed mass media portrayal of the 99%, the people of the Rouge Forum stand together to delivering a counter-narrative.

Contents:

Nancye McCrary & E. Wayne Ross: Working for Social Justice Inside and Outside the Classroom: A Community of Teachers, Researchers, and Activists

Nancye McCrary: The Last Teacher

Staughton Lynd: What Is to Be done?

Susan Ohanian: Against Obedience

Alan Singer & Eustace Thompson: Pearson, Inc.: Slashing Away at Hercules’ Hydra

Faith Agostinone-Wilson: Relation of Theory and Research to Practice in Social Justice Education – On the Urgency and Relevance of Research for Marxists

Four Arrows & Darcia Narvaez: Reclaiming Our Indigenous Worldview: A More Authentic Baseline for Social/Ecological Justice Work in Education

Rich Gibson: Why It Is Possible and Imperative to Teach Capital, Empire, and Revolution – and How.

Dave Hill: Class Struggle and Education: Neoliberalism, (Neo)conservatism, and the Capitalist Assault on Public Education

Doug Selwyn: Social Justice in the Classroom? It Would Be a Good Idea

Patrick Shannon: Poverty, Politics, and Reading Education in the United States.

Glenabah Martinez: Counter-Narratives in State History: The 100 Years of State and Federal Policy Curriculum Project

E. Wayne Ross: Broadening the Circle of Critical Pedagogy

Leah Bayens: Social Justice Education Outside the Classroom: «Putting First Things First»: Obligation and Affection in Ecological Agrarian Education.

Tara M. Tuttle: «Barely in the Front Door» but Beyond the Ivory Tower: Women’s and Gender Studies Pedagogy Outside the Classroom

Paul Street: Our Pass-Fail Moment: Livable Ecology, Capitalism, Occupy, and What Is to Be Done

Brad J. Porfilio & Michael Watz: Youth-Led Organizations, the Arts, and the 411 Initiative for Change in Canada: Critical Pedagogy for the 21st Century.

Working for Social Justice Inside and Outside the Classroom, is the second book published in the Peter Lang book series Social Justice Across Contexts in Education.

Read the read the preface and introduction here.

Rouge Forum 2014 – The Struggle for Social Justice Inside and Outside the Classroom [Program]

THE ROUGE FORUM CONFERENCE 2014

The Struggle for Social Justice Inside and Outside the Classroom

 JUNE 5-7, 2014

Denver, Colorado

Metropolitan State University of Denver

 

Program

All sessions at MSUD, Auraria Campus, Downtown Denver, West Classroom Building. Map:http://goo.gl/hvIWiH

 

THURSDAY JUNE 5

Conference dinner, location TBA

FRIDAY JUNE 6

8:00-8:30am
Outside West Classroom (WC) 164
Registration/Coffee

8:30-9:00am
WC 155
Opening Session
Chair: C. Gregg Jorgensen (Western Illinois University)

9:00-10:00am
WC 155
Plenary Session
Chair: E. Wayne Ross (University of British Columbia)
Featured Speaker:
Hacking Away at Pearson and the Education-Foundation-Industrial Complex
Alan J. Singer (Hofstra University)

10:00 – 10:15am
WC 164
Coffee & Tea Break

10:15 – 11:30am
Breakout Sessions 1

 Breakout 1A – Children and the Social Justice Conversation
WC 259 Presenters:

  • Secret City Secret Scourge, Nancye McCrary (St. Catherine College)
  • Imagining Ourselves in Children’s Literature:  Power Dynamics and Epistemologies amid the Pages and in the Classroom, Mia Sosa-Provencio, University of New Mexico

Breakout 1B – Panel: Engaging Foucault: Rethinking Our Questions
WC 261
Panelists: David Gabbard, Angela Crawford, Marilena “Lenny” Martello, Kelli Kinkela, Sarah Ritter, Mike Boyer, Jennie Moyett, Gregory Martinez, YuWen Chen (Boise State University)

Breakout 1C –  Panel: Mapping Knowledge Wealth and Resources in Diverse School Communities
WC 257
Panelists: Kelli Woodrow, Todd Bell, Melanie Bruce, Cathi Brents, Shana Mondaragon (Regis University)

11:30am-1:00pm
LUNCH

1:00 – 2:15 pm
WC 155
Plenary Session
Chair: Doug Morris (Eastern New Mexico University)
Keynote / Adam Renner Memorial Lecture
Saving The Future
David Barsamian (Alternative Radio)

2:15 – 3:00pm
WC 164
Coffee & Tea Break

3:00 – 4:15pm
Breakout Session 2

Breakout 2A – Creating Counter-narratives to Mainstream 
WC 259
Presenters:

  • The Neoliberal Agenda for Public Education: An Obituary, John Elmore (West Chester University)
  • Push It Real Good: Challenging Dominant Discourses on Race in Teacher Education, Madhavi Tandon & Kara M. Viesca (University of Colorado, Denver)

Breakout 2B – Dialogue Session 
WC 261
Presenter:

  • Changing minds: Teachers’ Perspectives Towards Issues of Diversity and Power, Kelli Woodrow (Regis University) & Victoria Caruana (Regis University)

Breakout 2C –  Panel: Angels for AP Excellence: Increasing Students of Color Enrollment and Success in AP Classes
WC 257
Panelists: Kate Greeley, Amanda West, Nathan Merenstein, Niesha Smith, Joey Halik, Ray Pryor, Janae Brown, Rheadawn Chiles, Christine Miller (Denver Public Schools)

 

4:15 – 4:30pm
WC 164
Coffee & Tea Break

4:30 – 5:45pm
Plenary Session: Performance & Discussion
 WC155
Celebrating Pete Seeger
Doug Morris (Eastern New Mexico University)

   [End of Day 1. Dinner location TBA]  

SATURDAY JUNE 7

8:00-8:30am
Outside WC 164
Registration/Coffee

8:30-10:00am
Openning Plenary Session
WC 155
Chair:  Greg Queen (Detroit, MI)
Featured Speaker:
Why it is Possible and Imperative to Teach Revolution—and How!
Rich Gibson (San Diego State University)

10:00 – 10:15am
WC 164
Coffee & Tea Break

10:15 – 11:30am
Breakout Session 3

Breakout 3A – Models of Resistance and Activism
WC 164
Presenters:

  • Art, Alienation, and Resistance in the Classroom, Chris Steele (Regis University)
  • Faculty Unites with Student Activists to Redesign Education Policy, C. Gregg Jorgensen (Western Illinois University)

Breakout 3B – Responding to Educational Exclusion
WC 259
Presenters:

  • Praxis: The Exclusion of Native American Teachers, Richard M. Jones  & Terry Albers (Oglala Lakota CollegRe)
  • Increasing Options for the Equality of Returning Veterans in the Classroom, Ashley O’Connor (University of Denver)

Breakout 3C – Virtual and For-Profit Higher Education: Implications of Critical Education
WC 257
Presenters:

  • Destabilizing Post-secondary Education for Profit, Yvette Powe
  • Keeping the Techne in the Classroom: What Marcuse Can Tell Us About MOOCs and the Status of Higher Education, Tyler Suggs (University of Vermont)

Breakout 3D – Voices (Panel)
WC 143
Chair: Lauren Johnston (St. Catharine College)
Panelists: Nancye McCrary, Casey Baryla, Rebecca Just, Rebekah Sams, Amanda Conrad (St. Catharine College)

 

11:30am-1:00pm
LUNCH

1:00 – 2:15 pm
Breakout Session 4

Breakout 4A – Critical and Revolutionary Pedagogy
WC 259
Presenters:

  • Coming to Critical Pedagogy: A Marxist Autobiography in the History of Higher Education, Curry Stephenson Malott (West Chester University)
  • What Then Must We Do?. Doug Morris (Eastern New Mexico University)

Breakout 4B Counter-narratives and Critical Consciousness
WC 261
Presenters:

  • Teaching Counter-Narratives: Indigenous Peoples, History, and Critical Consciousness, Glenabah Martinez (University of New Mexico)

Breakout 4C Transformative Social Studies Teaching and Learning
WC 257
Chair: E. Wayne Ross
Panelists: Abraham DeLeon (University of Texas, San Antonio), Four Arrows (Fielding Graduate University), C. Gregg Jorgensen (Western Illinois University), Curry Stephenson Malott (West Chester University), Greg Queen (Teacher, Detroit, MI), E. Wayne Ross (University of British Columbia), Doug Selwyn (SUNY Plattsburgh)

 

2:15 – 3:00pm
WC 164
Coffee/tea Break

3:00 – 4:15pm
Breakout Session 5

Breakout 5A – Planning Lessons to Combat Capitalism
WC 259
Presenters:

  • Class as the Organizing Principle of History Education, Greg Queen (Teacher, Detroit, MI)
  • What Does Lesson Planning Have to do with Capitalism?, Kathryn Young (Metropolitan State University of Denver)

Breakout 5B Social Justice vs. The Psychosis of Success
WC 261
Presenters:

  • The Psychosis of Success, Mike Sliwa
  • Narrow Focus Classroom Affection, Heightened Social Injustice, Perception of Nigerian Educators, Aladegbola Adebusayo

Breakout 5C Public Memory and Revolutionary Pedagogy 
WC 257
Presenters:

  • Hip-Hop as Revolutionary Pedagogy, Brad J. Porfilio (Lewis University)
  • Distance Makes the Heart Grow Stronger: The Legacy of 9/11, Martin Haber

 

4:15 – 4:30pm
WC 164
Coffee/tea Break

 

4:30 – 5:45pm
Plenary Session: Performance & Discussion
WC 155
Chair: Gina Stiens
Sex, Death and Other Deviations from the Common Core
William R. Boyer

  Sunday JUNE 8

9:30am – 11:30am
WC 155
Conference Debriefing & Reflections

Steering Committee brunch (location TBA)
[Anyone interested in participating in the RF Steering Committee is invited to attend this meeting]

Adam Renner Education for Social Justice Lecture at Rouge Forum 2014

renner-adam

Rouge Forum 2014 runs from June 5-7 at Metropolitan State University of Denver. Check out the details here.

Every year the Rouge Forum honors the life and work of Adam Renner (August 18, 1970 – December 19, 2010) by inviting a critical scholar, educator, or activist to deliver the Adam Renner Education for Social Justice Lecture.

Adam was a teacher, scholar, musician, revolutionary activist, martial artist, and lover of life. His courage took remarkable forms, from being willing to sacrifice to help others, to always learning, and altering his views, on the path to discover what is true in order to make the world a little better. What could be a more powerful legacy?

He received his BA in Mathematics from Thomas More College. While teaching mathematics at Seton High School in Cincinnati, OH, he completed his MEd at Northern Kentucky University. In 2002, Adam received his PhD in Cultural Studies at the University of Tennessee, Knoxville and subsequently worked as a professor at Bellarmine University in Louisville, KY.

His scholarship focused on service learning, social difference, social justice, and pedagogy and he published in numerous journals including Educational Studies, EcoJustice Review, High School Journal, Journal of Curriculum Theorizing, Rethinking Schools and more. (Many of Adam’s publications are available to read here.)

Along with his life partner, Gina Stiens, he created a service partnership with schools and social service organizations in Jamaica and taught an ongoing course, “Education for Liberation or Domination: A Critical Encounter in Jamaica.” He was a key leader and organizer in the Rouge Forum serving as Community Coordinator and as editor of the Rouge Forum News.

In the fall of 2010, Adam left his professorship at Bellarmine University and returned to the school classroom, as a math teacher at June Jordan School for Social Equity in San Francisco.

In an article for Substance News, published just weeks before he died, Adam wrote,

“For me and my K-12 classroom, for instance, I have been searching for the intersection of liberation, curriculum, and student experience (comprised of individual traumas, structural oppression, nine years of mis-schooling, varying levels of confidence and skill, etc.). How can I shape the revolutionary subjects necessary to help tip the inflexion point toward the necessary qualitative changes?

“When we teach math, social studies, language arts, and science, can we credibly do so in a way that is separate from the growing militarization of our schools and society, gang and drug infestations in our communities, rampant unemployment, a school to prisons pipeline, the assurance of our students’ ignorance through standardization and a teach-to-the-test mafia-like pressure on teachers?

“So, if we shouldn’t teach our classes that way, can we organize in such a way that militates against such explorations?”

Theses are powerful questions that challenge us to embodied the interaction of critical, ethical theory and determined practice, just as Adam did everyday of his life.

Adam Renner Education for Social Justice Memorial Lecturers

2011
Peter McLaren, Professor at the Graduate School of Education and Information Sciences, UCLA, world renowned critical pedagogue and author of over 40 books, including Life in Schools and Revolutionizing Pedagogy.

2012
Susan Ohanian, public school teacher, author, and winner of the National Council of Teachers’ of English “George Orwell Award,” for her outstanding contributions to the critical analysis of public discourse.

2013
Patrick Shannon, Professor of Language and Literacy at Penn State University, former primary grade teacher and author of over 16 books, including Reading Wide Awake and Reading Against Democracy.

2014
David Barsamian, founder and director of Alternative Radio and author of Occupy The Economy: Challenging Capitalism and Targeting Iran. He is best known for his interview books with Noam Chomsky, including What We Say Goes.

 

 

Mapping the Rouge Forum from 1998-2014

Join us in June 5-7, 2014 in Denver, CO on the campus of Metropolitan State University of Denver for Rouge Forum 2014.

Rouge Forum meetings and conferences
The Rouge Forum holds meetings on a regular basis at both local and national levels. The national conferences have been held on a more or less annual basis; all meetings are action-oriented and the national conferences usually include workshops for teachers and students; panel discussions; community-building and cultural events; as well as academic presentations. Many prominent voices for democracy and critical pedagogy have participated in Rouge Forum meetings.

  • Detroit, MI (June 1998) International Social Studies Conference of the Rouge Forum
  • Detroit, MI (January 1999) International Social Studies Conference of the Rouge Forum
  • Rochester, NY (February 1999) Developing Democratic Citizens: Teaching Social Education K-16 (with Whole Schooling Consortium)
  • Detroit, MI (June 1999) Whole Schooling Consortium and The Rouge Forum Summer Institute
  • Albany, NY (June 2000) Standardized Testing in K-12 Schooling: Tool of Reform or Tool of Tyranny? (with Whole Schooling Consortium)
  • Detroit, MI (June 2000) International Education Summit for a Democratic Society (with Whole Schooling Consortium and Whole Language Umbrella)
  • Chicago, IL (June 2001) Freedom to Teach, Freedom to Learn: Critical Literacy for Caring Democratic Classrooms (with Whole Schooling Consortium and Whole Language Umbrella)
  • Bethesda, MD (July 2002) Restoring the Passion: Thriving in a Standards Environment (with Whole Schooling Consortium and Whole Language Umbrella)
  • Louisville, KY (June 2003) Rouge Forum Summer Institute on Education and Society
  • Detroit, MI (November 2003) Lessons of War Teach-in for a Democratic Society
  • Sryacuse, NY (June 2004) Rouge Forum Summer Institute on Education and Society
  • Detroit, MI (March 2007) Their Wars Left Behind: Education for Action
  • Louisville, KY (March 2008) Education: Reform or Revolution?
  • Ypsilanti, MI (May 2009) Education, Empire, Economy & Ethics at a Crossroads
  • Williams Bay, WI (August 2010) Education in the Public Interest
  • Chicago (Romeoville) IL (May 20-22, 2011) Education and the State: A Critical Antidote to the Commercialized, Racist, and Militaristic Order
  • Vancouver, BC, Canada (April 13, 2012) The Rouge Forum at the American Educational Research Association
  • Oxford, OH (June 22-24, 2012) Occupy Education! Class Conscious Pedagogies for Social Change
  • Detroit, MI, (May 16-19, 2013) Winning the Class Struggle Against Corporate Education Reform
  • Denver, CO (June 5-7, 2014) The Struggle for Social Justice Inside and Outside the Classroom