Archive for the ‘Political Parties’ Category
Foreign Press Coverage of the Peruvian Election
Peruvian Election Primer
Heather Murphy at the Washington Post has prepared a helpful primer on the election in Peru.
Pagina/12 Examines the Rise of Ollanta Humala
In this very interesting article, Carlos Noriega discusses with Carlos Reyna, Nelson Manrique and Carlos Tapia who Ollanta Humala is. The three analysts explore the rise of Humala, the campaign against him, and the type of government he may pursue in Peru.
Interview with Romeo Grompone
Interview with Jürgen Schuldt
In this interview Jurge Schuldt examines the economic platforms of the leading candidates.
The Meeting between Genaro Delgado Parker and Carlos Torres Caro
El broadcaster Genaro Delgado Parker y Carlos Torres Caro, candidato a la segunda vicepresidencia de Ollanta Humala, fueron descubiertos por la prensa almorzando juntos el pasado viernes 31 de marzo en el restaurante “La Gloria” de Miraflores.
El Quijote en los Andes
Jorge Zavaleta*
Voltairenet.org
2 de abril de 2006
Potential Linkages between Vladimiro Montesinos & Ollanta Humala
Source: La República, 1 de abril del 2006
Interview with Lourdes Flores
Ollanta Humala: Dealing with the Unknown
Rosa Maria Palacios, Juan Carlos Tafur and fari Kahhat analyze how little we know about the candidate leading the polls.
Ollanta Humala Speaks with the Foreign Press
Ollanta Humala met with the association of the foreign press in Peru on Friday, March 31. He answered questions on a wide range of topics. Here are the highlights:
Re-Election
Re-election is not necessarily bad; it can be good under certain conditions. However, the current congress should not be re-elected. When some members of congress make as much as $18,000 dollars while teachers earn 250 Soles, re-election is not positive. Humala declined to state categorically that he would not seek presidential re-election. “Ask me this after April 9” he said. “In principle I am opposed to re-election, starting with me.” Humala also intimated that he favors recall, saying he wants to look at “democratic mechanisms by which they people can remove those who have defrauded their voters.”
Constituent Assembly
Peru needs a new constitution, said Humala, one that does not limit the role of the state in the economy but rather allows it to play a developmental role. The 1993 constitution is a spurious document, one that was created after the congress was closed in 1992. On April 9, the composition of the new congress will be seen. Humala said he would dialogue with all sides and search for the way to create a new constitution. He refused to go into any detail with respect to the mechanics of constitutional change, and denied that he would use Venezuela under Chavez as a model for Peru. He did talk about a popular referendum and said whether this would involve suspending the congress elected on April 9 would not depend on him and that he did not believe this was necessary. At the same time, he did not rule it out.
Democracy
Humala called Peruvian democracy “virtual, electoralist democracy,” in which there are “electors but not citizens.” Politics has become a “dictatorship of political operators of economic groups.” There is a re-composition of political systems occurring in the region. Ecuador has had three changes of president recently, and throughout the Andean region there have been golpes which have brought presidents down, but none that have succeeded in imposing new leaders. New leaders have entered democratically. There is a new family of democratic forces emerging. The common denominator is that they are progressive forces seeking alternatives to neoliberalism.
Left vs. Right
The distinction between left and right has less and less important, said Humala when asked where he locates himself on the left-right spectrum. “I am neither left nor right but rather below” he said. He argued that the terms left and right made sense in the context of the confrontation of two empires during Cold War. When that ended, capitalist globalization won out and from that point on the new confrontation has been between globalizers and globalized. That is, globalization is perforating sovereignty giving rise to a new force–nationalism. Humala also argued that his conservative adversary does not represent an ideological option for Peru. Rather, Peru’s right is composed of political operators who work on behalf of powerful economic groups.
The Military
Humala argued that military officers who committed crimes under the Fujimori regime should be punished with expulsion from the armed forces. He denied that military are over-privileged, however, saying that some of the benefits they are given (such as free gasoline or travel expenses) compensate for low salaries. He denied that there is anyone in his entourage with links to Vladimiro Montesinos and he characterized the “Vladivideos” as as important as Mariategui’s Seven Essays because they exposed the reality of corruption in Peru, which afflicts not just the armed forces but also the media and entrepreneurial groups. The military needs to restore its legitimacy in the eyes of the citizenry, said Humala, but he also stressed that the military is a popular institution. He said one can search in vain the the barracks for people with last names like Kuscynski, Diez Canseco, Ferrero, or Belaunde.
Taxes and Royalties in the Natural Resource Sector
An Humala government would review all contracts in the mining sector to determine: (1) whether companies are paying their taxes; (2) whether they are paying royalties; and (3) whether they are damaging the environment. Companies that are paying taxes and royalties and are not hurting the environment have nothing to worry about said Humala.
Drug-trafficking and the United States
According to Humala, he is not anti-anyone. His assessment of policies with respect to drug trafficking is negative. There are 300,000 families living off the production of the coca leaf, and they need profitable alternatives. He opposes the forceful eradication of coca production. Peru as a sovereign country has the right to end interdiction flights and to insist that the only military forces on Peruvian territory are the armed forces of Peru.
Corruption and Tax Evasion
Humala calls corruption “the strongest institution in Peru.” Crossing a red light costs 5 Soles. With the right bribes you can move through the Palace of Justice like you were on ice skates. Humala called for the owners of television stations who have not paid back taxes to pay up. “What does it matter is the macroeconomic figures put the country in black when there is no development?” The people, he claimed, are fed up with corruption and laws that are enforced in a discriminatory way.
Homophobia
This should not matter in the 21st century, said Humala. There should not be discrimination against people for choosing a different option. The only thing that he would demand of people in his government is that they be committed to the project and it is unimportant whether they are male or female, black, white or copper-tone, homosexual or not. “I am not homophobic” he said.
The Campaign
Asked what he has learned from 5 months of campaigning, Humala said that he has confirmed that Peruvian politics is a sewer. The people do not believe the candidates anymore, and they realize that in Peru there are divisions, that Peru is a fractured society. At the same time, and on a more positive note, Humala said he has been touched by gifts he has been given by people on the campaign trail. He said he has received notes, poems, small donations and even a crucifix. He also mentioned that at one point he saw woman in a crowd looking at him with eyes filled with hatred and he said this gave him pause to think and then to state in a campaign speech that he does not want to sow hatred in the country.
Fraud
Humala said that, with all humility, his party is seeking a victory in the first round. The law has given the vote to the armed forces. But mechanisms are being created so that this vote will be impossible. 80 percent of the military will be tied up on election day so that those who will actually be able to vote will be 20 percent or less. It is not enough that soldiers and police have been exonerated from the fine for not voting. The point is they can’t vote. This disturbs the electoral panorama. When something like this happens, it is always “for the benefit of someone” said Humala. The political class thinks it is not convenient for the military to vote. “My perception,” said Humala, “is that the armed forces are highly nationalistic.” The National Election Board has not allowed the UPP to use the word nationalism (in the party label), complained Humala. The authorities have not been impartial in their treatment of his movement, he said. “But in their field, with their umpire, we are going to score big.”
Coup veteran closes in on Peru’s left flank
According to Marina Jimenez of The Globe and Mail, “Mr. Humala, 43, is riding a wave of regional discontent with the neo-liberal policies of privatization and free trade. While the Andean country of 27 million has experienced solid economic growth for five consecutive years — 7 per cent last year — the benefits have not filtered down to the poor majority living in the shantytowns and the highlands.”
Primeros resultados de la investigación a Ollanta Humala por violación a los DDHH se verían en julio
Interview with Ollanta Humala by Financial Times
Peru nationalist targets global mining groups
By Hal Weitzman in Tacna, southern Peru
Financial Times.com, March 30 2006 03:00
“Ollanta Humala, the frontrunner in Peru’s presidential elections, has vowed to alter contracts with foreign investors that are currently ex-empt from paying royalties, a move that would affect global miners such as Newmont, BHP Billiton, Phelps Dodge, Falconbridge and Barrick. In an interview with the Financial Times, Mr Humala also pledged to introduce “21st-century nationalisation” and said he would refuse to sign the trade deal Peru has agreed with Washington. In addition, he promised to restrict imports from China, limit Chilean investment in Peru and end US-sponsored eradication of coca, the raw material for cocaine.”
Altos oficiales del ejército opinan de Ollanta Humala
There is strong resistance to the candidacy of Ollanta Humala in the upper ranks of Peru’s Armed Forces.
Fernando Olivera Shows Video Linking Humala Brothers
Fernando Olivera Vega, head of the Frente Independiente Moralizador, played a video to the press, complete with gruesome images and spine-chilling music, which purported to show that the brothers Ollanta and Antauro Humala are two sides of the same coin. Notwithstanding the theatrics, some commentators were nonplused by the lack of new information.
Álvaro and Mario Vargas Llosa on Ollanta Humala
Mario Vargas Llosa and son Alvaro have commented on the candidacy of Ollanta Humala. They warn that Humala represents a threat to Peru’s fragile democracy.
Ollanta Humala & Nadine Heredia in Magaly Tve
Source: Magaly Tve
Last night Ollanta Humala and Nadine Heredia showed audiences their personal side during an interview in Magaly Medina’s show Magaly Tve. They talked about how they met, their children, their relationship. Ms. Heredia sang and was very lively. Humala showed a softer, less confrontational image.
Interview with Susana Villarán
Carlos Tapia sobre Ollanta Humala y la libertad de prensa
On Martin Tanaka’s Analysis of the Prospects for a Second Round
Maxwell A. Cameron
March 28, 2006
The final weeks of this campaign may define whether Lourdes Flores or Alan Garcia enter the second round against Ollanta Humala. As Fernando Tuesta said last night on Prensa Libre with Rosa Maria Palacios, two things seem almost certain: there will be a second round and Humala will be in the second round.
In an interview in La Republica, Martin Tanaka notes that Alan Garcia has grown very slowly in the polls, while Lourdes Flores continues to have lower negatives. This could be the decisive. He attributes the slow decline of Lourdes Flores to her choice of running mates (both vice presidential and congressional). When asked by the interviewer whether the problems facing Flores might be more structural, Tanaka says that the frustration of the popular sectors does not express itself in a single attitude of rejection, some sectors are more aggressive than others. However, the impression that has developed is that Flores is the candidate of Lima and Humala the candidate of the provinces. Finally, Tanaka says that the alliances in the second round are unlikely to be decisive. The leaders of the parties have little say over how their followers will vote.
I would add a couple of things to Tanaka’s analysis. First, Flores has failed to give a face to popular frustration with the conditions of everyday life for the majority of people in this country. In an interview with Flores on Dos Dedos de Frente on Saturday, Augusto Alvarez Rodrich and Juan Carlos Tafur hammered away at the lack of an emotional connection between Flores and the electorate. One of the points they made was that Flores has not reacted to the attacks against her, even vile personal attacks. She has chosen to take the high road and to run a campaign based on optimism and a renewal of hope. I think that the weakness of such a strategy is that it does not allow her to tap into popular sentiment of outrage against the status quo. When Eliane Karp attacked Flores for not knowing what it is like to give birth in the unsafe and unsanitary conditions in which indigenous women live, Flores had the opportunity to attack the frivolity, inefficacy, and indifference of the Toledo government. Yet she did not. Instead, she has allowed Humala and Garcia to monopolize the outrage against Toledo.
The second point I would make is to agree that even APRA’s leaders are unlikely to be able to direct their voters in a second round. That said, one factor that could be important, if not decisive, is the search for governing coalitions. An APRA-UN alliance could well hold a working majority in congress. This could enable the leader of either of those groups to offer the electorate the promise that, if elected to the executive, she or he would be able to command a majority in congress. Jorge del Castillo has already said that he APRA will not make the mistake it made in 1990 when it supported Fujimori in a second round.*
A majority coalition could be helpful to the runner-up because it seems unlikely that the leader of UPP will be able to construct a governing majority. First, he is highly confrontational. Second, he is already talking about a constituent congress or constituent assembly that open the door to a period of serious constitutional crisis. Humala is more likely to want to follow the path of Chavez and to use the process of constitutional reform to centralize executive power and attack the traditional political class.
* “Apra promete estar al lado de la democracia si no pasa a segunda vuelta,” Gestión, 24 de marzo del 2006, p. 6. Del Castillo said: “ha pasado hace 15 años y el outsider (Alberto Fujimori) no resultó ser tan outsider, por el contrario, creo que gobernó con el establishment, con los grupos del poder económico…” He went on to say “Yo creo que es real el peligro antidemocrático, el peligro totalitario es real, no es un invento, entonces, obviamente creo que hay que esperar el desenvolvimiento de la primera vuelta y en la segunda evaluar y sentarse a conversar.”
Would the Left Support Ollanta Humala in a Second Round? Not Until He Clarifies his Role in Madre Mia
Maxwell A. Cameron
March 28, 2006
Ollanta Humala is seeking second round support from parties of the left, especially the Partido Socialista and the Movimiento Nuevo Izquierda. These parties are reluctant, primarily because of the doubts about Humala’s human rights record. Susana Villaran travelled to Madre Mia to hear the testimony of victims of human rights abuses. Humala continues to insist that the judiciary will determine his guilt or innocence. Humala’s human rights sigma will cost him left-wing votes that could matter in a second round.
In an interview in Cuarto Poder on Sunday night, Humala appeared evasive on the issue of his actions as commander of the Madre Mia base. He refused to respond directly to questions about his involvement in specific cases of abuse that form the basis for charges that have been brought against him. He said that Argentine President Néstor Kirchner told him he would not have met with him had there been any doubt about his involvement in human rights abuses. This suggests that Kirchner knows more about what happened in Madre Mia than just about everyone in Peru, or that Humala has misconstrued what Kirchner said. One could imagine Kirchner saying in very diplomatic language that if Humala had committed human rights abuses he would not meet with him. One has to wonder what kind of diplomatic relations Peru will have with neighboring countries if this issue is not clarified before an eventual electoral victory.
In another context, Humala apparently suggested that the judicial investigations into his actions in Madre Mia have found no evidence of wrong-doing. This was reported yesterday night in Cecilia Valenzuela’s Ventana Indiscreta. In fact, the investigations are ongoing and the principals are guarding their silence.
As Rosa Maria Palacios suggested in Prensa Libre last night, Humala has much to gain from telling a credible story about his role in Madre Mia, one that no doubt would cast him in a patriotic light. The continuing evasiveness, however, makes him look guilty.
The reticence of the left has infuriated Humala, who has called its leaders “old cacique” (or bosses) who sabotaged the United Left in the 1980s and were not of the stature of Alfonso Barrantes (mayor of Lima in the 1980s). While the Partido Socialist has been reluctant to ally itself with Humala, there has been some talk of an alliance with Paniagua’s Frente de Centro. Susana Villaran has rejected this possibility.
Court Statements by Alberto and Keiko Fujimori
Last week Alberto Fujimori, former president of Peru, declared to the Chilean judicial authorities that he met Vladimiro Montesinos after he was elected president. The statement is odd, as it is common knowledge that they met after the first round of the presidential election in 1990.
Journalist Angel Paez claims Keiko Fujimori lied about how she paid for her studies in the United States. She is currently a front-running candidate for congress.
UPDATED – Unwelcome Political Advertising during “Clásico”
Source: La Primera, 26 de marzo del 2006
Source: La Primera, 27 de marzo del 2006
A publicity stunt backfired when a motorized parachute bearing the name OIlanta landed in the middle of the “classic” football game between rivals Alianza and Universitario, causing a brief suspension of the game while the paramotor driver was booed off the field.
Two Different Views on the Current Campaign
Interviews with José Miguel Morales (CONFIEP) and Federico Salazar with different assessments of the current electoral campaign.
Interview with Ollanta Humala
In this interview with Peru 21, Ollanta Humala puts distance between the statements made by his parents and his political project.
IDL & NDI Round Table: Political Parties and Defense Policy
New Political Communicator for National Unity: Juan José Rendón
We have found some background information about Juan José Rendón, the new political communicator for Unidad Nacional.
Woodman: Garcia supported by Mining, Humala by Chavez
Arturo Woodman, vice presidential candidate for National Unity, says Hugo Chavez is supporting the campaign of Ollanta Humala and Garcia has support from mining enterprises.
How Attacking Humala Can be Counter-Productive
Juan Carlos Tafur argues that President Alejandro Toledo’s “subliminal” attacks on Ollanta Humala are counter-productive, since Toledo’s presidency–his lack of leadership, frivolitry, and corruption–is one of the main reasons for the rise of Humala. Enrique Obando also analyzes the over-reaction of some sectors (and embassies) to the rise of Humala, saying that before concluding that the Peruvian people do not know how to choose their leaders, we should consider how the benefits of economic prosperity have not been shared.
In another piece, Obando is quoted saying that Humala would not be able to govern with the armed forces and would be forced to make an alliance with the American Popular Revoltuionary Alliance, APRA, in congress.
Only APRA Can Save Peru–From Humala
According to Augusto Alvarez Rodrich, the American Popular Revolutionary Alliance (APRA) is presenting itself as the only party that can stop Ollanta Humala. Whereas a runoff with Flores would polarize the country between rich and poor, in a runoff between Garcia and Humala the competition would shift to another plane.
However, the recent UNI poll suggests that in a second round Humala beats Garcia but not Flores.
Updated – Elena Tasso de Humala, Mother of Candidate Ollanta Humala, calls for homosexuals to be shot
Ollanta Humala’s mother, Elena Tasso de Humala, has called for homosexuals to be shot. The statement has outraged the GLBT community in Lima. Ollanta Humala has requested his parents not to talk with the media until April 9. More about Peruvian political parties proposals to eliminate sexual discrimination in this posting.
LGBT activists supporting candidates of the Movimiento Nueva Izquierda have distributed an electronic communique accusing the local media of distorting the purpose of a public meeting that took place yesterday, March 22. The Activists denie that the purpose of the meeting was to protest against presidential candidate Ollanta Humala. The protest was against repressive measures taken by the Major of Lima against the LGBT community.
Financial Times: Peru Elite Braces for Possible Humala Victory
Peru elite braces for possible Humala victory
By Richard Lapper and Hal Weitzman in Lima
Financial Times Americas, March 21 2006 17:39
“The outcome of the country’s general election on April 9 may be uncertain, but many within Lima’s political and business elite are planning for a Humala victory” says the Financial Times. “A proponent of higher taxes and greater state involvement in the economy, Mr Humala is not a natural friend of business. But while some businessmen cling to hopes of a more traditional candidate winning, others are jockeying for position and trying to shape the policies of the next government.”
Scenarios for a Second Round
Mirko Lauer examines two scenarios. First, a second round between Ollanta Humala and Lourdes Flores that would polarize the race and exacerbate ethnic and class divisions along with the feeling of exclusion most people have. The polarization would be between A&B sector voters and the rest, especially given the 71% support in sector A for Flores and only 1% for Humala. Lauer predicts that Humala would win in this case. A second scenario would be a second round between Humala and Valentin Paniagua or Humala and Alan Garcia. The presence of Garcia or Paniagua, both candidates representing a centre option, would dimish the polarization and would permit democracy to remain as the central theme in the election.
In an interview with La Republica, Enrique Zileri expressed his concern with how much is unknown about Ollanta Humala. Zileri is concerned with a government led by Humala, how Humala would relate with the media, would he continue calling himself “Comandante”? For Zileri, if there were a second round between Garcia and Humala or Garcia and Flores, Garcia would win given that APRA is at the centre of the political spectrum, while Humala and Flores are at opposite ends.
Finally, Milagros Salazar explores the anger and frustration of the Peruvian voter outside Lima and the “political correctness” of Lourdes Flores in dealing with such deep resentment.
Lima Stock Market & UPP’s Economic Plan
Source: La República, 21 de marzo del 2006
Valentín Paniagua y su relanzamiento de campaña
Interview with Isaac Humala & Elena Tasso
Ollanta Humala: There Is No Recording with Vladimiro Montesinos
Responding to Fernando Olivera’s allegations yesterday, Ollanta Humala has denied the existence of recordings of conversations between him and Vladimiro Montesinos. Humala’s party may take legal action after April 9 against Olivera for defamation. For Mauricio Mulder, the allegation may become a boomerang for Olivera.
Frente de Centro, Partido Socialista & Concertación Descentralista Began Talks
Representatives from the three political parties are considering to form a left-center coalition to challenge the three leading candidates. This initiative follows the cyber-campaign a for a Moral Election.
Electoral Scenarios
Juan Carlos Tafur, Enrique Bernales, Fernado Tuesta and Antonio Zapata outline possible scenarios for April 9th and the second round.
Challenges and Choices for the Peruvian Voter
The polarization of the election campaign raises questions about the implications of the outcome for the political regime. Gustavo Gorriti defines the movement behind Ollanta Humala as fascist and more dangerous to democracy than Fujimorismo, while El Comercio editorializes that Peruvians are facing a breaking point for democracy. Finally, for Fernando Rospigliosi, Alan Garcia has adopted some of Alberto Fujimori´s traits by proposing to dissolve congress, to have faceless judges, and to impose the death penalty for sexual crimes.
Fernando Olivera: Existen grabaciones entre Humala y Montesinos
Ollanta Humala pide que supuesto testigo de los hechos de Madre Mía de la cara
Ante la noticia publicada por el diario Perú 21 sobre un oficial del Ejército dispuesto a corroborar las denuncias por crímenes de lesa humanidad que habría cometido Ollanta Humala cuando se desempeñó como jefe de la base Madre Mía, en Tingo María, el candidato presidencial de Unión Por el Perú (UPP) les responde.
Interview with Carlos Ferrero
Interview with Valentín Paniagua
Lourdes Flores agredida por humalistas en Huancavelica
Interview with Ollanta Humala
Interview with Carlos Tapia
In this interview Carlos Tapia assesses the Peruvian left. He also argues that Ollanta Humala has captured the protest vote given the lack of unity in the Left.
Interview with Alan Garcia
Biography: Javier Diez Canseco
Biography: Javier Diez Canseco