Export peacekeeping training to Central and East Asia

This op-ed is first appeared in The Embassy, Canada’s foreign policy newsweekly (12/19/2013)

Canada, a co-creator of United Nations peacekeeping, has a substantial comparative advantage in transferring peacekeeping knowledge to Central and East Asian countries, including former communist states, as it has done for generations of peacekeepers from Africa, Latin America, and Central and Eastern Europe.

The transfer of peacekeeping knowledge is a unique Canadian addition to the Canada-United States Asia-Pacific Defense Policy Cooperation Framework that both countries’ defence ministers signed in November.

Although the operational map of the Department of National Defence has not changed much since the end of the Cold War, formerly socialist Mongolia, unexpectedly, has appeared on the DND map. Canadian military assistance there has been repeatedly highlighted by political leaders of both nations, most recently by Governor General David Johnston during his state visit to Ulaanbaatar in October.

In March 2001, DND hosted four Mongolian delegates. Presentations at the Pearson Centre and the Peace Support Training Centre in Kingston, Ont. opened the eyes of Mongolian officials to peacekeeping.

It was knowledge offered at just the right moment when the Mongolian military was trying to explain its vision to political leaders and the public.

In 2003, Mongolian artillery trainers were stationed at the Canadian-run Camp Julien just outside Kabul. Here, the Mongolian military became familiar with the rules of engagement, organization, structure, equipment and even culture of Canadian forces serving in Afghanistan.

From 2006 on, Mongolian military personnel officially began participating in Canada’s foreign military help initiative, the Military Training Assistance Program. It was recently renamed Military Training & Cooperation.

Since 2006, almost 100 Mongolian military members have participated in peacekeeping training courses, including those of the Pearson Centre, and other professional and language courses.

The foreign military help program provides an excellent environment for Mongolian military personnel to learn the complexity of contemporary peace support operations, and a venue for understanding Canadian culture and civil-military relations.

Mongolian forces now offer their unique experiences of coalition operations in Iraq, Afghanistan and Kosovo as well as UN peacekeeping operations in Africa. The Canadian model and experience are more applicable than the US model for states like Mongolia.

Diplomacy of knowledge

This help has prompted Mongolian political and military leaders in encounters at regional events (like the Shangri-La Dialogue, and the Chiefs of Defense Conference) to request more slots in the Canadian military co-operation program, to organize a workshop on peacekeeping strategy and plans, and to invite Canadian forces to attend the annual Mongolian-hosted peacekeeping exercise Khaan Quest.

With support from the US and other NATO members, especially Germany and Canada, Mongolia is now one of the largest contributors for UN peacekeeping operations from Central and East Asia (with 1,200 to 1,500 deployments per year) and operates the only peacekeeping training centre with annual multinational and bilateral exercises. Canada has played an important role to help Mongolia overcome challenges in embarking on this new peacekeeping journey.

Governor General and Commander-in-Chief David Johnston has used the term “diplomacy of knowledge,” which he says is “our ability and willingness to work together and share our learning across disciplines and borders.” Even DND’s limited engagements with Mongolia have proven Canada’s ability to transfer knowledge to a newly found friend in Asia.

The Canadian defence attaché office in Beijing has administrated Canadian military training assistance for Mongolia and participation in multilateral exercises. The results were visible and applauded by the Mongolian military. And they didn’t even require Canada to set up new defence attaché posts. The Canadian experience with the Mongolian military could be extended to other states in the region like Cambodia, China, Laos and Vietnam, some of which have communist-style political and defence structures but are open to new ideas.

Despite the increasing peacekeeping contribution of the People’s Republic of China and Cambodia, both are encountering numerous challenges, including training (from individuals to contingents), organizing logistics of deployments, sustainment, and redeployment, dealing with international and host nations’ laws and culture, and educating politicians, military personnel and the public.

Vietnam has declared its intention to participate in peacekeeping operations starting in 2014. Laos is attending all US-hosted events toward peacekeeping, while North Korea is not objecting to any UN peacekeeping operations. All Central Asian states, especially Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, are inclined to participate in peacekeeping operations.

Canada seems to be in a better position to disseminate its peacekeeping knowledge in Central and East Asia, because its contender, Australia, appears to be focused on Southeast Asia.

The peacekeeping knowledge transfer would enable countries like Mongolia to become active members of the international community and open more constructive political channels for Canada with these prospective friends. While Canada would not do the UN peacekeeping, Canada would help others become peacekeepers, not troublemakers.

The well-targeted, efficient peacekeeping knowledge of the Canadian Armed Forces will contribute to changing the mindsets of Asian military personnel and help them internalize the norms of professionalism, multilateralism, and most importantly help them become contributors to the global peacekeeping endeavour.

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Visas, Medicine, Education: Feeling Chinese Soft Power in Mongolia

China has been gradually increasing its soft power in neighbouring Mongolia, from offers of visa-free travel to access to its medical facilities, and most recently, growing educational opportunities in China for Mongolians. These policies have gone far in diminishing deep-seated anti-Chinese sentiment among Mongolians, feelings hardened during the era of Sino-Soviet tensions between 1960 and 1986, even as they have contributed to growing Chinese influence over its neighbor.

The travel patterns of Mongolians have changed dramatically since the Sino-Soviet and Sino-Mongolia rapprochements of the late 1980s, following which the Soviet Union imposed visa requirements on Mongolians (which have persisted under the Russian government), while China offered Mongolians 30-day visa-free travel.  In comparison to 5  -7 days train ride and about 7 hours flight to Moscow, Beijing is approached by train within 12 hours and by air in 2 hours.

In addition to shorter travel hours, visa-free travel arrangements have benefitted Mongolians in a number of tangible ways, including allowing Mongolians to access foreign embassies not represented in Ulaanbaatar and facilitating the import of scarce goods from China.  Like the Chinese traders currently shuttling goods to Pyongyang, Mongolian shuttle traders operating in China have helped meet consumer needs in Ulaanbaatar and even operated along the trans-Siberian routes up to Poland during the economic hardships of 1990s.

Another effective use of Chinese soft power has been the preferential access granted Mongolians to Chinese medical facilities.  As the public health system continues to struggle in Mongolia, Chinese medical facilities have become very beneficial for those Mongolians with urgent medical needs.  Because of cost, distance, visa hurdles, and linguistic challenges, very few Mongolians can seek medical services in South Korea, Japan, Thailand, and the United States, making Chinese medical facilities very attractive.

Chinese educational assistance to Mongolia is also on the rise.  During the Mongolian Prime Minister’s visit to Beijing this October, China promised to increase annual scholarship numbers for Mongolians from 400 to 1000 over the next five years.  Despite historical anti-Chinese sentiments among Mongolians, Chinese schools are becoming the choice of many young Mongolians. As such, the number of Chinese private schools in Ulaanbaatar is also on the rise.  With China’s imminent rise as an economic powerhouse and its proximity to Mongolia, education may become the most effective form of Chinese soft power in the coming years.

On one hand, Chinese visa exemption policies, access to its medical facilities, and educational assistance are contributing to mutual understanding and good neighbourly relations between Mongolia and China, but on the other, Mongolians may find themselves increasingly dependent on Chinese infrastructure and lured into a China-centred orbit. However, Mongolia is still being considered politically and culturally less welcoming environment for Chinese investment, businesses, labor (esp., construction workers), and travellers.

A shorter version was published as the Asia Pacific Memo (#256) on December 13, 2013.

Posted in Asia Pacific Memo, China, International Relations, Publications | Tagged | 1 Comment

Subscribing to Mongolia Focus Updates

We’ve posted over 250 updates to this blog in the past 2 1/2 years. Any volunteers out there to edit a compilation? 😉

You’ve asked frequently about notifications for new posts recently. All along, I’ve tweeted about new posts @jdierkes and will continue to do so.

We’ve now created some new mechanisms for you to receive notifications:

I hope these are useful to our readers, please let us know if there are other notification services that we should add.

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Foreign Policy Roundup #12: November 25-December 8, 2013

Highlights for the last two weeks include the 17th meeting of the Russia-Mongolian Joint Governmental Commission, meetings with the Japanese Ministry of Defense, and new relations with Rwanda and Micronesia.

 

 

Neighbors

The Russia-Mongolia Joint Governmental Commission met for the 17th time to discuss cooperation in trade, transportation, science and technology, as well as joint ventures such as the Erdenet cooper mine. They also discussed regional and border issues.

 

Asia-Pacific

Political Secretary of the Mongolian Ministry of Defense, Z. Boldbaatar, traveled to Japan to meet with his counterpart in the Japanese Defense Ministry. Following the meeting, they announced a new initiatitve to increase cooperation in military engineering and hospitals.

Dr. Julian Dierkes published a very informative chart comparing Mongolia and Myanmar. Following which, Brandon Miliate released an article on the potential for Mongolia-Myanmar relations in The Diplomat.

Mongolia attended the Asia Cooperation Dialogue held in Bahrain.

Diplomatic relations between Mongolia and the Federated States of Micronesia were established.

President Elbegdorj continued his tour of Southeast Asia, meeting with the PM of Singapore, before departing for Hong Kong. In Hong Kong, he attended the Hong Kong-Mongolian Business Forum.

 

Central Asia, South Asia, and the Middle East

PM Altankhuyag met with the outgoing Indian Ambassador to Mongolia, thanking the ambassador for his work in furthering Indian-Mongolian relations. Following this meeting, he received the incoming Turkish Ambassador to the country. 

Mongolia’s newly assigned ambassador to Uzbekistan, B. Batkhishig, presented his credentials to the Uzbekistani Minister for Foreign Affairs.

Europe

Mongolia’s new ambassador to Ireland, N. Tulga, presented his credentials to the Irish President.

L. Bold attended the OSCE Ministerial Council in Kiev, Ukraine.

 

Latin America

The Mongolian Embassy in Brazil opened last week.

 

Africa

Mongolia established diplomatic relations with Rwanda.

 

Multilateral

Minister of Foreign Affairs, L. Bold, attended the NATO ISAF meeting.

 

For previous postings of the Foreign Policy Roundup in 2013 CLICK HERE

 

 

 

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Results from the Corruption Perception Index 2013

On Dec 3, Transparency International released its annual Corruption Perception Index.

Previous Posts

Last year, I wrote two blog posts that specifically focused on the CPI score for Mongolia:

Last weekend, I wrote a post that looked ahead to the release of the 2013 CPI.

2013

In 2013, Mongolia’s score came in as 38. That puts Mongolia at 83rd least corrupt among the 177 countries that are included in the CPI.

Elements in the CPI

Some hours after the initial release of the CPI, TI also provided the complete data set of component scores on its website.

For the 2013 CPI, the following sources are listed as sources:

  • Bertelsmann Foundation Transformation Index 2014
  • Economist Intelligence Unit Country Risk Ratings (no date)
  • Global Insight Country Risk Ratings (n.d.)
  • Political Risk Services International Country Risk Guide (n.d.)
  • World Bank – Country Policy and Institutional Assessment 2012
  • World Economic Forum Executive Opinion Survey (EOS) 2013
  • World Justice Project Rule of Law Index 2013

Here is a summary of the CPI scoring for Mongolia:

Rank Score Surveys Used S.E. Lower 90% CI Upper 90% CI Min Score Max Score
2012 94 36 7 2.6 32 40 26 47
2013 83 38 7 2.2 34 42 31 47

Here are the individual component scores on a normalized scale out of 100 as calculated by TI:

BTI ICRG WB WEF WJP EIU GI
2012 32 31 47 26 37 38 42
2013 40 31 47 32 33 38 42

The WEF’s Executive Opinion Survey contributed by far the lowest score to the overall CPI in 2012. This score has moved up significantly to 32 this year. Given that this score reflects an annual opinion survey, movement in the score seems plausible and may well reflect some of the perceptions of corruption that I discussed previously. Likewise the Bertelsmann Transformation Index has moved up significantly to 40. These two increases are somewhat balanced by the drop in the score from the World Justice Project. Though even if the WJP score had remained the same, the overall score would not have changed, so the 2-point increase for the score is driven by the rise in the BTI and WEF scores.

Countries with an Identical Score to Mongolia

Burkina Faso, El Salvador, Jamaica, Liberia, Peru, Trinidad and Tobago, Zambia

Scores for Select Post-State Socialist Countries

Estonia (68), Poland (60), Armenia (36), Vietnam (31), Russia (28), Tajikistan (22), Uzbekistan (17)

Select Scores in Mongolia’s Neighbourhood

Singapore (86), Japan (74), Taiwan (61), S Korea (55), China (40), Indonesia (32), Kazakhstan (26), Kyrgyzstan (24), Myanmar (21)

The average score for the Asia Pacific region (TI includes Mongolia in this region, though I have simply picked countries in some geographic proximity to Mongolia for the listing above) is 43. While below the average, Mongolia comes in above the median score for the region (36).

 

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Corruption in 2013

The imminent release of Transparency International’s Corruption Perception Index (Dec 3) is as good an occasion to think/write about corruption in Mongolia as any.

Of course, it is especially important in the context of the CPI to emphasize that this is an attempt at measuring perception of corruption, not corruption itself. Likewise, much of what I can comment on is my perception of corruption, not acts of corruption.

Hopes for the DP

With the parliamentary election victory in 2012 and the re-election of President Elbegdorj in 2013, there was some reasonably hope that corruption would be addressed in a more serious way. Most importantly, the DP’s campaign emphasis on “clean government” promised an attack on corruption “at the top”, rather than the petty corruption that may be a feature of daily life. Simply out of the hope that corruption would be addressed and a (perhaps gullible) belief in DP campaign rhetoric, I had high hopes for the DP government in this regard.

The greatest achievements in the fight against corruption have been the persecution of former president Enkhbayar (to whatever extent this may have been politically motivated in its timing, Enkhbayar has been pardoned since then, of course), and some of the greater specificity and enforcement of conflict-of-interest legislation and judicial reforms that have been pushed by Minister of Justice Temuujin with the apparent strong support of Pres Elbegdorj.

A number of foreign and domestic companies (South Gobi, MIAT, etc.) have been or under investigation, suggesting that there’s some “cleaning of house” in this regard as well.

However, it is also noticeable, that the current government has not been particularly active in investigating or stamping out corruption in its own ranks. Most prominent is the case of S Bayartsogt here who was revealed to hold funds off-shore by an international investigation conducted under the auspices of the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists. The context of this case suggests that it may have been naiveté more than anything that led to these off-shore accounts, but the fact that Bayartsogt has clung to his seat in parliament with the apparent support of the DP leadership certainly doesn’t send a strong signal.

Enforcement vs. Perception

When it comes to the perception of corruption in Mongolia then, one of the main questions is whether the public sees stepped-up enforcement of anti-corruption and conflict-of-interest measures (even when it appears to be somewhat one-sided) as a positive step that is likely to reduce corruption, or as evidence for the endemic nature of corruption. The sensationalistic reporting of corruption-related rumours in Mongolia is likely to stoke the flames of perceptions of the endemic nature of corruption further.

I do not have a strong sense of which direction perceptions might be moving in this regard.

CPI Methodology and Likely Implications for the 2013 Ranking

The Corruption Perception Index is calculated as an index of a number of (standardized) other indicators coupled with survey information produced by Transparency International itself. It involves neither any expert judgement, nor a measure of portrayals of corruption in the media.

To think about Mongolia’s 2013 score, I looked at the component indicators to get a sense of whether the score might go up and down. More than a sense is not possible as the exact weighting of different scores is not known (as far as I can tell). Also, note that any prediction would hold (if at all) for the score, not for the ranking which is obviously relative to other countries’ ranking.

For the 2012 CPI, the following sources are listed as sources:

  1. African Development Bank Governance Ratings 2011
  2. Bertelsmann Foundation Sustainable Governance Indicators 2011
  3. Bertelsmann Foundation Transformation Index 2012
  4. Economist Intelligence Unit Country Risk Ratings
  5. Freedom House Nations in Transit 2012
  6. Global Insight Country Risk Ratings
  7. IMD World Competitiveness Yearbook 2012
  8. Political and Economic Risk Consultancy Asian Intelligence 2012
  9. Political Risk Services International Country Risk Guide
  10. Transparency International Bribe Payers Survey 2011
  11. World Bank – Country Policy and Institutional Assessment 2011
  12. World Economic Forum Executive Opinion Survey (EOS) 2012
  13. World Justice Project Rule of Law Index 2012 

Obviously, only some of these are relevant to/available for Mongolia: 3 BF (BTI), 9 ICRG, 11 WB, 12 WEF , 13 WJP,  4 EIU, 6 GI. Presumably, updated versions of these will be used for the 2013 index.

BTI: steady (there were 2008, 2012 rankings, not sure which would have been used for 2012 CPI)

ICRG: As far as I can tell the results are proprietary, so I have no information on the trend for Mongolia.

WB: For 2011, the CPR for Mongolia was 3.49. This was up significantly from 2.84 in 2010. I imagine that it is Mongolia’s Economic Management scores that are driving these shifts. Prominently, this includes macroecon mgt, fiscal, and debt policy. Mongolia’s recent struggles in this regard are unlikely to have entered any new ratings if such ratings are available (2011 remains the most recent on the WB website).

WEF: Details of the Global Competitiveness Report, including results of the Executive Survey, do not seem to be publicly available.

WJP: Data is really difficult to compare across different years.

EIU: These ratings are proprietary.

GI: These ratings are proprietary.

Bottom line: I find it very difficult to figure out what data exactly may be flowing into the score ahead of time, and therefore am unable to offer a prediction of what Mongolia’s score is likely to be.

Posted in Corruption, Governance, Media and Press, Politics, Public Service, Social Issues | Tagged | 1 Comment

Mongolia – Myanmar Comparison

We are currently enjoying a visit by Dr. Aung Tun Thet to our Institute of Asian Research. Dr. Thet has worked in the UN system for a long time and is now centrally involved in policy-making in Myanmar as the chief economic advisor to the president among a number of other roles.

His discussion of the “Paths and Challenges” for reform in Myanmar had me jotting down a table that compares Mongolia and Myanmar in a number of different ways.

This follows on a number of discussions I’ve had with Mendee and Brandon who have been interested in this comparison as well as with Otogonbaatar who is currently visiting from Waseda Univ and is focused on Myanmar in his dissertation work. Brandon in particular wrote an Asia Pacific Memo on “The Politics of Mining in Mongolia and Myanmar” earlier this year. Also, President Elbegdorj was just on a state visit to Myanmar earlier in November.

After publication of this post, Brandon also wrote on Mongolia-Myamar relations for The Diplomat.

The table below is more stream-of-consciousness than a thought-out classification, so I would be delighted to hear comments/additions/disagreements about this.

 

 

Mongolia

Myanmar

Similar?

History

Post-colonial: China resentment, neutral/amity with Russia

Post-colonial: Britain

Defeat of Japanese military (1939), but planned for inclusion in Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere

Invasion by Japan (1942) and battleground

Brief period of some post-colonial hints at democratic prospects (1911-24)

Post-colonial democracy (1948-61)

+

Democratic revolution

Particular state socialism then military authoritarianism and democracy out of enlightened self-interest

Democratic institutions established before resource boom

Resource boom during uncertain transition to democracy

Population

3 mio

60 mio

High literacy

High literacy

+

Mongols and Kazakhs

Multi-ethnic

Ethnic and civic peace

Ethnic and civic strife

Buddhism and shamanism

Buddhism, Islam and Christianity

Location

Landlocked

Bordering on Indian Ocean and active shipping routes

Transcontinental train lines

Train, road, and shipping networks

Isolated between China and Russia

Many direct neighbours: Bangladesh, India, China, Laos, Thailand

Extreme cold

Susceptible to extreme weather (floods, tsunami, cyclones)

International relations

No threats

Security threats primarily domestic

+

Two large neighbours (CHN & RUS)

Not only two large neighbours (IND & CHN)

No regional context/NE Asia not an active regional context

ASEAN

Significant Japanese involvement (aid, some investment)

Significant Japanese involvement (aid, investment)

+

Pres Elbegdorj becoming visible internationally

U Thant very prominent as UN Gen Sec (1961-71)

+

WTO member since 1997

International sanctions until recently

3rd neighbour policy

“Keeping the same distance”, playing various neighbours off against each other

+

Politics

Charismatic democrats in polity (Elbegdorj, Bat-Uul, etc.)

Aung Suu Kyi, Thein Sein, U Nu

+

Military thoroughly democratized

Future role for military still unclear

Centralized

Importance of regions/federalism

Economy

Mineral wealth

Mineral wealth

+

Ivanhoe Mines as early pivotal investor

Ivanhoe Mines as early investor

+

Manufacturing unlikely

Export-driven manufacturing, low cost

Food production: meat domestic, other food imported (mostly from China)

Food production: strong focus on rice

 

Posted in Economics, Foreign Investment, Mongolia and ..., Myanmar | Tagged | 2 Comments

Foreign Policy Roundup #11: November 11-24, 2013

Highlights in this edition of the Foreign Policy Roundup: President Elbegdorj’s trip to Southeast Asia, new ambassadorial appointments, and meetings with the Queen of England.

 

 

Neighbors 

Mongolia’s Deputy Minister of Parliament and Director of the Mongolian-Russian Parliamentary Group attended the International Parliamentary Forum hosted by Moscow.

 

Asia Pacific

A new society-organization has been created to highlight Mongolia’s good relations with Japan: The Japan-Mongolia International Friendship Society. The organization is focused on culture and the arts and was established by Japanese morin huur/horse-head fiddle players and students.

Mongolian President Elbegdorj is traveling in Southeast Asia from November 18-29. The focus would seem to be on improving relations with Myanmar, Vietnam, and Singapore. His visit to Myanmar was particularly productive, with the release of a joint statement (in English), delivered a speech at the University of Yangon, and met with a number of officials in Naypyidaw. A detailed account of the itinerary can be found here.

The 5th Mongolian Investment Forum was held in Hong Kong. With pending major investment reform in the country, investors are eager to (re)enter the Mongolian market.

 

Central Asia

The General Secretary for Administration of the Mongolian Parliament, B. Boldbaatar met with the organizer for the Eurasian division of the Revenue Watch Institute to exchange views on the implementation of transparency initiatives from natural resource investments.

Europe

The political secretary of the Polish Ministry of Defense made an official visit to Mongolia. Poland is looking to increase defense cooperation with Mongolia as part of NATO outreach activities. During the meeting with L. Bold, Poland was cited as a key third neighbor for Mongolia in Europe.

Mongolia’s Ambassador to Great Britain, N. Tulga, was invited to an audience with the Queen.

President of the European Commission, Jose Manuel Barrozo, made an official visit to Mongolia. This is the highest-ranking visit from the E.U. to visit Mongolia. During the visit, he officially extended an invitation for Mongolia to join the GSP+ process, which would allow Mongolia to pay lower duties on exports to the E.U.

 

North America

The Mongolian Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs, D. Gankhuyag, attended the ninth meeting of the United States-Mongolian consultation process.

 

Middle East and Africa

Mongolia’s secretary for security affairs consultation, Ts. Enkhtuvhsin, traveled to Turkey to meet the Turkish Minister of Internal Affairs, and discuss security cooperation.

Formal diplomatic relations between Mongolia and Uganda were established on November 20.

Multinational

The newly appointed ambassadors to Mongolia from Russia, Kuwait, and Turkey presented their credentials to the Mongolian President.

UNESCO has announced its support for the Mongolian proposed initiative for democratic education.

 

For previous postings of the Foreign Policy Roundup in 2013 CLICK HERE

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Guest Post: Mongolia in the OSCE – One Year On

Paul Bryce

Further Expansion of the OSCE

In the years immediately following the collapse of the Soviet Union and the dissolution of Yugoslavia, the membership of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) appeared to have expanded as far as it could. If this, the world’s largest regional organization, were to grow beyond its 56 participating States, the assumption was that any new members would come from the secession of a sub-national unit within the existing boundaries of the OSCE. When Montenegro broke off from Serbia in 2006 and joined the OSCE the same year, the regional limits of the organization certainly seemed well-entrenched. Yet, on 21 November 2012, Mongolia defied these expectations and became the 57th participating State.

This announcement did not entirely ‘come out of the blue’. Mongolia has been a kind of observer state in the OSCE since 2004, becoming one of the Asian Partners for Cooperation together with Japan, South Korea, Thailand, and Afghanistan. In addition, a formal letter was sent by the Mongolian authorities to the Lithuanian Chairmanship in October 2011, indicating Mongolia’s desire to join the OSCE and the country’s willingness to comply fully with the terms of the OSCE’s foundational agreements: the Helsinki Final Act, the Charter of Paris for a New Europe, and others.

But nearly a year after the accession, how has Mongolia met its obligations as a new member? How active has Mongolian participation been in the months following the country’s admission?

Mongolia and OSCE Obligations: Elections

One of the chief obligations OSCE participating States is to hold ‘free and fair’ elections. To this end, countries are also generally expected to invite relevant bodies – namely the Parliamentary Assembly, and the Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR) – to observe and report on the election activities. Not all of the founding members comply with these expectations, however; Russian authorities have frequently interfered with the conduct of OSCE election observer missions, while Canada has not invited observers since 2006. But Mongolia complied by inviting OSCE institutions to observe the June 2013 presidential election. In its final report, OSCE/ODIHR positively assessed the election, but noted that there were some administrative shortcomings which advantaged the Democratic Party candidate and victor, Tsakhiagiin Elbegdorj. The report sets out a series of interesting legislative remedies which could further enhance Mongolia’s democratic process. Fortunately, Mongolia will have plenty of time to consider these proposals prior to the next parliamentary elections in 2016.

Mongolia and OSCE Obligations: Human Rights

Mongolia has also demonstrated a strong commitment to upholding OSCE obligations regarding the protection of human rights. In 2011, months prior to the formal application for OSCE membership, Mongolia adopted a ‘Law on the Promotion of Gender Equality’. This legislation prohibits gender-based discrimination in the workplace, but goes further by setting out clear incentives for political parties and other government institutions to actively involve women in decision-making processes. For example, Article 8 specifies that “representation of any one sex in any central or local body of a political party shall not be lower than 25%.” The country also enjoys an independent National Human Rights Commission, which was originally established in 2001 and fulfills the role of an ombudsman in multiple fields. The Constitution, which was amended in 2007 with input from the aforementioned Commission, also extends protection for human rights in line with OSCE standards.

Mongolia and OSCE Security Cooperation

However, with regard to security cooperation, Mongolian participation is (understandably) limited. For example, Mongolia does not seem to be engaging in the exchange of military information mandated under the Conventional Armed Forces in Europe (CFE) Treaty. But the only OSCE participating State which Mongolia shares a border with is the Russian Federation, which suspended its participation in the CFE Treaty in 2007. The capacity for Mongolia to project its military power elsewhere in the region is also limited; demonstrative of this point, the Mongolian Air Force currently consists solely of one squadron of attack helicopters and one squadron of transport helicopters. In April 2013, the Air Force expressed interest in acquiring three C-130J transport planes from Lockheed Martin, mainly to support the deployment of Mongolian troops as part of international peacekeeping missions. As such, the CFE Treaty has limited applicability for Mongolia.

As has been outlined here, Mongolia is meeting the obligations of OSCE membership with enthusiasm. The invitation to observe the presidential election just seven months after joining is a clear demonstration of Mongolia’s commitment to the values and principles on which the OSCE was founded. If the recommendations of the OSCE/ODIHR observers can be implemented gradually before the 2016 parliamentary elections, Mongolia will have entrenched itself as an example to the region and a reinvigorating force for the wider OSCE.

About Paul Pryce

Paul Pryce is a Research Fellow at the Atlantic Council of Canada. With degrees from the University of Calgary and Tallinn University, he has previously worked at the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly.

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Foreign Policy Roundup #10: October 28-November 10, 2013

Here are the highlights from the last two weeks in Mongolian foreign policy news, including: Elbegdorj’s trip to North Korea and L. Bold’s attendance at the recent UNESCO forum.

 

 

Asia Pacific

President Elbegdorj made an official visit to North Korea, where he was met by the head of the People’s Parliament, Kim Young Nam and Mongolia’s Ambassador to North Korea, M. Ganbold. Official talks were later held between Kim Young Nam and President Elbegdorj. In the second day of the visit, Elbegdorj was invited to a number of non-military locations and paid his respects to the mausoleum of Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong Il. Later in the trip he had an audience with the North Korean Prime Minister, and with the head of North Korea’s Upper House of the People’s Parliament. He concluded his trip by giving a lecture at Kim Il Sung University. During his lecture, he spoke about Mongolia’s commitments to human rights and multilateral engagement with the international community. During the trip, an agreement on increased economic cooperation was signed. For Bloomberg’s analysis on this agreement, click here. The Diplomat also offered analysis of the visit, here. Foreign Policy noted the oddity that President Elbegdorj was not able to meet with Kim Jong Un during the first visit by a foreign head of state to North Korea since he took over command. Finally, Julian Dierkes and Otgonbaatar Byambaa published a piece in East Asia Forum of the possibility of Mongolia mediating on the issue of North Korean abductions of Japanese citizens.

Mongolia became an official member of the Asia Pacific Trade Agreement Negotiations.

Deputy Director of the Mongolian Parliament R. Gonchigdorj participated in the Bali Democracy Forum VI.

 

Central Asia

Z. Enkhbold met with a the director of the Kazakhstan-Mongolian Parliamentary Forum and his accompanying delegation in Ulaanbaatar, to mark the 20 year anniversary of the Agreement on Friendly Relations and Cooperation between Mongolia and Kazakhstan.

 

Europe

Z. Enkhbold along with the director of the Mongolian-German Parliamentary Forum received the German Ambassador to Mongolia. During the meeting, Z. Enkhbold congratulated the Ambassador on Germany’s successful parliamentary elections.

A.Ganbaatar, Mongolia’s newly appointed Ambassador to Latvia, presented his credentials to the Latvian President.

On the invitation of the Mongolian Ministry of Defense, Hungary’s Minister of Defense made an official visit to Mongolia. The brief trip finished with the signing of an MoU on mutual cooperation between the two ministries.

At UNESCO, L. Bold presented on the importance of literacy education.While attending the UNESCO meeting, L. Bold met with the French Minister of Foreign Affairs. He also marked the 851st birthday of Chinngis Khaan with Mongolian expats in France.

L. Bold visited Serbia, where he was received by Serbian PM Ivitsa Dacic. During the visit he participated in the Mongolian-Serbian Business Council and discussed ways to refresh the traditional friendship between Mongolia and Serbia.

 

Middle East

Z. Enkhbold received Turkey’s Ambassador to Mongolia to express his appreciation for the historical and cultural connections between their two countries. Later in the meeting they turned to joint development projects and economic relations.

Africa

The Vice President of South Africa made an official visit to Mongolia, where he met with the Deputy Director of the Mongolian Parliament, R. Gonchigdorj. The primary purpose of the visit seems to have been to discuss how to strengthen cooperation in the mining sector.

 

 

 

For previous postings of the Foreign Policy Roundup in 2013 CLICK HERE

 

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November 22 Event in Vancouver: Canada-Mongolia Relations

Celebrating 40 Years of Diplomatic Relations between Canada and MongoliaProgram on Inner Asia
Institute of Asian Research
UBC

Friday, November 22, 2013
17:30-19h
UBC Robson Square, Room C400

On the occasion of the 40th anniversary of Canada-Mongolia Diplomatic Relations

Canada-Mongolia Relations and Mongolian Foreign Policy

Introduction

Tobin ROBBINS
Honorary Consul for Mongolia

Keynote Address

“The Next 40 Years: Why Mongolia Should and Will Matter for Canada”

Gregory GOLDHAWK
Canadian Ambassador to Mongolia

Panel Presentations

1. “The State of the Mongolian Economy and Future Paths”

Charles KRUSEKOPF
Faculty of Management
Royal Roads University

2. “Key Drivers of Mongolian Foreign Policy”

MENDEE Jargalsaikhan
Political Science
UBC

3. “Diplomacy of Knowledge – The Future of Canada-Mongolia Relations”

Julian DIERKES
Institute of Asian Research
UBC

As always, the event is free and open to the public, but please register to help us in the planning.

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The Political Theatre of a State Visit to Mongolia

October 25 was the first day of a two-day State Visit by Canadian Governor General David Johnston to Mongolia. Ahead of the visit, I offered some background. For me, this was the first state visit by anyone anywhere that I was able to observe somewhat up close. It is impressive to see how much threatre is involved in such a state visit. I do not mean to suggest that such visits are entirely theatrical, but that some of the ceremony and protocol observed certainly is elaborate from up close.

Day 1 of the State Visit

The first day of the visit, October 25, was full of the theatre that comes with the protocol for a state visit, but also full of some substantive themes that reiterate the case for an on-going and – ideally – expanded relationship between Canada and Mongolia.

When I arrived about an hour after Canada One had landed on Thursday evening there was evidence of a state visit in that from Peace Bridge on into the downtown core, every third lamppost is adorned with a Canadian (and Mongolian) flag.

Friday unfolded roughly as it is described in the official itinerary or at least that marked a number of the events that I was able to participate in/observe.

The day started on a beautiful clear morning on Sukhbaatar (now Chinggis Khaan) Square for the official welcome of the Governor General by President Elbegdorj and the inspection of the honour guard. After the arrival of the Governor General and the President, the band with the military honour guard played the national anthems. Here’s my iPod video of “O Canada”:

After the national anthems, the Governor General and the President inspected the honour guard to then enter Government House together with their entourage and official delegation.

There are many more (and much better quality) photos of the subsequent events available on the Governor General’s website.

Motorcades as Political Spectacle

Residents of Ulaanbaatar would certainly have been well-aware of something going on. Every time the official motorcade of the Governor General moved, it was quite a production with a whole column of cars, including a substantial security detail. Even more impressively, police officers always lined the streets for these movements, not only blocking cross-traffic and ensuring that there was no traffic anywhere on the actual route, but also providing a facade of officialdom and political theatre to the movements of the visitors.

As a layperson, I would suspect that a) there are few immediate threats to the Governor General’s security, and b) the police officers lining the streets might actually provide fairly limited security. However, I also have to admit that travelling in such a motorcade is a most efficient way of moving about anywhere. I certainly have never and will never again go from downtown Ulaanbaatar to the presidential palace in Zaisan with such speed.

The Cavalry of the Mongolian Honour Guard

The Mongolian honour guard is certainly always a fine spectacle. This spectacle was enhanced during a state visit by the cavalry of the honour guard. As anachronistic as this seems, soldiers on horses are an impressive sight and thus add to the theatre of the occasion. The sight is nicely captured in this official photo from the GG’s website:

Honour guard in front of Government House in Ulaanbaatar.

The honour guard also lined the driveway into the presidential resident at Ikh Tsenger before the State Visit on the evening of the 1st day. Here’s my snapshot out of the moving bus in the motorcade:

One of the fellow passengers quipped that this was the Righteous Mongolian Mounted Police (RMMP), reminded of the red-clad RCMP omnipresent at Canadian ceremonial events. While the RCMP seems to supply the security for the Governor General, they were in plain clothes, unfortunately, not in their dress uniform to match the Mongolian “look”.

Official Events

I plan to write separate blog posts for some of the other events in the course of the State Visit.

Travelling on the Fringes of the Official Delegation

I was not officially part of the delegation that accompanied the Governor General. However, my UBC colleague, Bern Klein, was, as were four Canadian MPs and a number of other prominent Canadians, though few of them had any links to or knowledge of Mongolia specifically.

Since I was able to rely on Mongolian contacts to find my way into a number of events, it was only practical to hang around on the fringes of the Delegation, so I had a chance to observe other aspects of political theatre. Security around the Mongolian president is tighter and more theatrical than it is for the Governor General. President Elbegdorj is usually surrounded by a phalanx of security officers (yes, recognizable by that universal curly wire to their left ear [however did they recognize each other before the invention of that wire and the wrist-radio?]). This moving phalanx is often proceeded by other officers and officials who hurry any innocent by-standers out of the way of the incoming human island. While hanging around the fringes of a delegation thus offers many opportunities to catch glances of these public figures, there are very few opportunities for any direct interaction, at least in these public moments.

By contrast, there are ample opportunities to meet and speak with other officials in this context. At the State Dinner, I was thus able to chat with a number of well-placed Mongolian foreign policy officials as they were sometimes also waiting for the movements of their excellencies to dictate the flow of an event.

I generally found the Canadian delegation to be relatively relaxed and approachable, except for two aspects: timing and photos.

Clearly, a state visit is highly scripted in terms of the movement of the visitors, and subject to a very tight schedule. Inevitably, some of that movement is delayed, leading to some frantic attempts to catch up and a bit of running, particularly for those on the fringes of a visit.

Look Ma, no Hands! The GG on a Camel at Ikh Tenger

Many people want to capture the theatre of a state visit, including members of the delegation and others on the fringes. While the Governor General travels with a photographer and videographer and some of the results of their very professional work is made available, there seem to be moments of great concern over the photo-taking habits of the camera-enabled cell phone, while other moments turn into a bit of a touristy free-for-all. Very few participants could thus resist the camel-riding Governor General at the president’s residence.

This was my second time to visit the presidential palace and the second time to observe some of the living culture that is included in these events in the park behind the residence. Ikh Tenger is situated south of downtown Ulaanbaatar and the entrance to a fairly pristine valley, and serves as the residence as well as for ceremonial events like the State Dinner.

In the park, living culture is on display in the form of animals, their handlers/riders, and bow-and-arrow as well as horseback acrobatics. There is also a ger set up where the President and whoever the visiting dignitary is, disappear for a bit of ceremony and a chat.

During dinner (very tasty and very elegant porcelain and silverware) there was a brief show of folk music (horse head fiddles, including the base which is always a treat, throat singing, long song, the shoulder twitching dance [apologies, I’m sure there’s a technical term for that, but if you’ve seen it, you know what I mean]). It turned out that it was a great blessing that I was sitting at the “kiddie table” furthest removed from their excellencies, since this was the table closest to the music.

Being close to the music also made me do a double-take on one of the performers. How did I know him? When I was chauffeur to the president and general secretary of the National Olympic Committee of Mongolia during the Vancouver Olympics, Tsagaan Sar was celebrated at a Mongolian lama’s house in Coquitlam (of all places). This musician was performing with the wonderful Tono show that was a collaboration with the Canadian Red Sky troupe. I ended up driving him and a colleague from New Westminster to Coquitlam and they were warming up in the car. Throat singing on “my” Olympic back seat? I thought I died and went to heaven! I didn’t have a chance to speak to him that evening, but met him again on Saturday.

More on the GG’s State Visit

Other posts that discuss the visit

For the Canadian International Council, I wrote about the wider implications of the visit and a ‘Diplomacy of Knowledge’.

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Visible Manifestations of Social Change in Ulaanbaatar

By Julian Dierkes

It seems to me that social change has accelerated in Mongolia, or at least in Ulaanbaatar, or at least in central Ulaanbaatar in the past two years. I’ve had the food fortune to have visited Mongolia three times in the last half year. Here, I’m listing things and behaviours that are manifestations of such changes. Not terribly deep, but telling, I think.

What has arrived?

  • sadly, Louis Vuitton and KFC
  • Mini, Bentley
  • child seats
  • sidewalks
  • parks [these are closely linked to Bat-Uul’s election win in 2012]
  • farmers’ markets

What has disappeared, or at least nearly?

Note that some of these may be due to seasonal changes, as I hadn’t been in Ulaanbaatar in September before my last winter, really only in summer or winter.

  • stationary 80s-office-phone-looking old-granny cell phone booth
  • for-pay scales
  • free WiFi on Sukhbaatar, er Chinggis Khaan Square
  • Sukhbaatar Square
  • open gullys/missing manholes
  • street kids
  • packs of dogs
  • smoking
  • the sixth-floor souvenir shop at the State Department Store (though perhaps seasonal)

What will appear in the future

  • navigation systems
  • wheelchair accessibility
  • bike lanes
  • city park along the Tuul
  • new airport (apparently)
  • subway (really, I wish they had selected light rail instead)
  • sports cars
  • Harley-Davidson
  • urban renewal and historical restorations embracing district north of government house (National University of Mongolia, German embassy, etc.)
  • road signs in the countryside
  • street names and signs in the city
  • network of cross-country riding trails

What will disappear in the near future

I’m going out on a predictive limb here… 2-3 years is what I mean by “near future”.

  • stray dogs
  • stretched-out hand to signal for a car ride

What will disappear in the medium-term future

I mean around 5 years or so.

  • new (to Mongolia) cars that are right-hand drive
  • the neo-classical Ministry of Foreign Affairs building, with its Stalinist (if that’s an architectural style) spire
  • deels in the city
  • some of the downtown university campuses
  • buildings of 4 floors or less in the urban core.

Please feel free to nominate additions to the list via the comments function!

Posted in Change, Curios, Social Change, Ulaanbaatar | Tagged | 2 Comments

My Governor General’s Medallion

It is a bit embarrassing to toot my own horn in this way, but the Rt Hon David Johnston awarded me a Governor General’s Medallion at the Friends of Canada reception on Oct 26 2013.

October 26, 2013
Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia
Credit: Cpl Mathieu St-Amour, Rideau Hall, OSGG

During the award, the following citation was read by Greg Goldhawk, the terrific Canadian ambassador to Mongolia:

Professor Dierkes is arguably Canada’s pre-eminent Mongolist. Working with his graduate students at UBC’s Institute of Asian Research, he concentrates on Mongolian economic and political issues. He is the co-author of the blog Mongolia Focus, which has a wide following that includes readers from the Mongolian parliament. He served as an observer in the most recent parliamentary and presidential elections, and took part in the World Economic Forum Strategic Dialogue on the Future of Mongolia held this September.

Obviously, I was very pleased and proud. It was especially nice that the citation also mentioned the graduate students with whom I have been collaborating, in some cases for years now, on brining more Mongolia expertise to UBC and offering that expertise to the interested world: NARANZUL B, MENDEE J, BYAMBAJAV D, Brandon Miliate, and most recently, OTGONBAATAR B.

Along with the medallion, I received a very elegant folder that included a letter from the Governor General.

I was also thrilled that the Governor General mentioned that he had been reading this blog in preparation for the trip as he handed me the Medallion.

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Governor General’s Speech to the Mongolian Parliament

Clearly, a parliament, a democratically-elected parliament no less, deserves much respect as an institution and in its proceedings. How appropriate then, that a visiting Governor General would address the Mongolian parliament.

As I was not a part of the official Canadian delegation, I had to rely on contacts in Mongolia to procure an invitation to the event, but was certainly delighted to be able to attend.

I learned during this visit that the Governor General’s role is not only limited to a largely symbolic one, but that this limitation extends to his visits abroad as well. I was therefore somewhat disappointed that David Johnston did not announce the bilateral aid program for Mongolia during the visit. This program has existed in stealth mode for some time now with a CIDA officer posted in Mongolia for over a year and even a reference to such a program on the CIDA webpages. As a program, it has yet to be announced officially and thus continues to exist in some kind of limbo where some projects appear to be underway.

So, the bilateral aid program did not make it into the speech to parliament or any other announcements.

The parliamentary session was naturally presided over by Enkhbold Z, chairman of the Ikh Khural, who sits at the centre of the back wall. Seats for the 76 MPs are arranged in a horseshoe formation facing each other and the chairman. President Elbegdorj sat to the right of the chairman and an additional chair was placed ahead of him for the Governor General. Official members of the Canadian delegation were sitting in a line behind MPs to the right of the chairman while another row of chairs was behind the MPs to the left of the chairman where Mongolian officials, such as H.E. Zalaa-Uul, the current ambassador to Canada, were seated.

The Rt Hon David Johnston addressing the Ikh Khural

The incoming ambassador to Canada, R Altangerel, was quite involved in this event as in other events, since his current position is as chief of protocol at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Mongolia.

David Johnston crossed the floor (literally, not metaphorically) to his chair together with Enkhbold.

After Enkhbold formally opened the session, everyone stood as the Mongolian anthem was played. The Governor General was then invited to deliver his speech. As always, the text for the speech was carried and then placed for him on the lectern by a military attendant who provides a mobile aura of political theatre for the Governor General everywhere.

I was able to observe the proceedings together with Canadian officials and members of the delegation and members of the foreign diplomatic corps from the balcony.

The speech was attended by over 50 of the 76 members. It only lasted 12 minutes or so, in part because David Johnston may be one of the fastest talkers in the history of his office.

The speech quite naturally focused on the 40th anniversary of diplomatic relations between Canada and Mongolia and discussed a number of similarities and common interests between the two countries. While there was no explicit mention of a bilateral CIDA program, the rational for and focus of such a program was summarized in the following paragraphs,

We are working together for improvements in public service management, better policing practice, legal and judicial reform, and enhanced local government capacity.

We are also working to develop the administrative and legislative strengths of this critical institution, the State Great Khural.

Canada is partnering with Mongolia in these endeavours because we believe that building strong, transparent and efficient judicial, public service and legislative institutions is both the “smart” thing to do and the “right” thing to do.

Given that there has been some sustained Canadian involvement in training the Mongolian military for peacekeeping missions, this aspect of the relationship also received specific mention.

The full text of the speech can be accessed on the Governor General’s website.

For an overview of the main themes of the state visit, see my piece for the Canadian International Council.

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