Foreign Policy Roundup #6: Sept. 2-15, 2013

Posted on September 15, 2013 by miliate

Missed something in Mongolian foreign policy news over the past two weeks or just need to review the headlines? Below you will find brief summaries of news in foreign affairs, translated from Mongolian-language news sources, and organized by region.

 

Central Asia

The Director of the Mongolian Parliament, Z. Enkhbold, received Kazakhstan’s Ambassador to Mongolia, K. I. Koblandin. The ambassador noted Kazakhstan’s intention to further engage with Mongolia and that he hoped both countries would support each other in international organizations, ahead of Kazakhstan’s membership on the UN Security Council in 2017-2018.

President Elbegdorj attended the meeting of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization in Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan.

 

Europe

Z. Enkhbold met with the President of the European Development Bank, on his official visit to Ulaanbaatar. Since joining the organization in 2006, the Bank has arranged over $1 billion in direct investment and loans to the country.

The first meeting of the French-Mongolian Governmental Cooperation Group was declared a success. Among other things, they discussed the fact that a French company had won the contract for the development of a new power station.

The Prime Minister of Belarus made an official visit to Mongolia. Mongolia’s relations with Belarus have been making headlines lately with visa liberalization and a technology agreement between the two countries coming to light recently. During the visit a new agreement on cooperation on military-technology was signed.

Mongolian diplomatic passport holders will now be allowed to stay in Italy up to 90 days without a visa.

Tony Blair visited Mongolia to consult with government on policy issues ranging from education and health to foreign direct investment.

G. Tsogtsaihan, of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, met with Spain’s Minster of Foreign Affairs in Madrid, where they discussed their bilateral relations in the context of Mongolia’s security cooperation with the European Union.

Mongolia’s Ambassador to Serbia presented her credentials to the Serbian President. During the meeting, she expressed Mongolia’s wish for increased societal and economic relations with the country.

A meeting on EU-Mongolian cooperation was held in the Government Palace.

 

Asia-Pacific

PM N. Altanhuyag began his first official international tour in Japan. During his trip, he met with representatives of the Mongolian-Japanese Economic Commission. Following the meeting, the Japanese Cooperation Bank announced that it would be extending an 8 billion yen loan to Mongolia. In the final days of the visit, he met with representatives of the Japanese Parliament, and the Japanese Emperor. He also met with Mongolian citizens working and studying in Japan. Finally, he signed a new official agreement between the countries outlining their strategic partnership for the next five years.

 

Middle East and Africa

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs circulated an internal memo condemning the use of chemical weapons in Syria, and expressed a hope that fighting would be stopped and solution between all sides be found.

As part of Mongolia’s goal to establish diplomatic relations with all members of the UN, relations with Togo were formally established on September 6 in New York.

 

Multinational/Multiregional

Minister of Foreign Affairs, L. Bold, met with a series of new ambassadors, including those from Spain, Argentina, Greece, Brazil, Australia, Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Columbia.

Director of Parliament, Z. Enkhbold, met with representatives from 14 countries to exchange opinions on various facets of Mongolian policy, including domestic matters.

The World Economic Forum hosted a Strategic Dialogue on the Future of Mongolia in Ulaanbaatar on Sept 15.

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Back in the UB

Posted on September 14, 2013 by Julian Dierkes

By Julian Dierkes

It’s become a bit of a tradition for me to post about my first impressions back in Ulaanbaatar after an absence.

This time, my absence was not very long, i.e. from the presidential election in late June until mid-September.

First impressions have recently been a mix of exhaustion as transfer through Beijing are NEVER smooth [this time I ended up waiting for a hotel shuttle bus for 1 3/4 hrs missing a meeting], and elation at being back in Mongolia.

The flight from PEK was the emptiest flight I’ve ever been on into ULN, and that includes several trips in the winter. Only about 25 people on the plane I would guess. I am not sure whether that means anything, but it was especially surprising to see so few Mongolians travelling on the plane. I don’t think I’ve been to Mongolia in mid-September before, so perhaps it was just a matter of the time of year.

The only disappointment about the small crowd was that there was a reception committee from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs for visitors who were coming for the World Economic Forum Strategic Dialogue on the Future of Mongolia – like myself. There offer of VIP (me, hah!) treatment through immigration was somewhat less useful given that it took longer to check my name on their list than for the other passengers to clear through immigration. Also, I had arranged a pick-up through ACMS, so didn’t need a ride.

One of the great joys of my arrival this time (in addition to that, ah, I’m back in Mongolia feeling) was that as of Sept 1 Germans no longer need a visa to travel to Mongolia. It was with great delight that I presented my visa-less passport, received a smallish stamp, and went on my way.

Were the five huge apartment blocks right next to the airport already under construction in June? I can’t recall.

The airport road close to the airport has disintegrated into a sandy mess. Fortunately, I didn’t care at all as the driver started singing along to radio folksongs which always makes me very happy.

The airport road has now disappeared and been replace by a temporary road that lies to the right (heading into town) which the real new airport highway is being constructed in place of the old road. Anyone who has arrived into Ulaanbaatar especially late at night will have a definite image in front of their eyes, of the bumpy road into town where drivers were especially fond of passing on the right, i.e. on the gravely shoulder of the road.

Just before you cross the Tuul, the “Hunnu Mall” is being constructed. It advertises 50,000sqm of retail space. Is that big for a mall? It certainly looks awful with some gaudy neo-classical elements.

Tragically, the police booth that oversaw the intersection just past power plant #3 on the other side of the Tuul seems to have fallen victim to the construction. For me, this police booth was always the clear marker that a) I was in a post-socialist country, and b) we were almost in town. Is this a metaphor signalling the end of the post-socialist period?

 

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Mongolia Buffeted by Global Winds

Posted on September 11, 2013 by Julian Dierkes

[For another version of  observations of the current situation in Mongolia, see my piece in the Wall Street Journal Asia on September 13. This piece has been  posted on the World Economic Forum blog as well.]

For most of the past 100 years, Mongolia has existed in somewhat splendid isolation from global forces of politics and capitalism. Over the past two years it has been buffeted by the winds of global capitalism, jumping from the triumph of the issuance of oversubscribed Chinggis Bonds in late 2012 to its current crisis of a sputtering mining project that growth is almost entirely dependent on. More than ever before, Mongolia’s development path will depend on its decision-makers’ understanding of global dynamics and reaction to these dynamics.

Since gaining independence from Qing China in 1911 and then carrying out the world’s second socialist revolution in 1921, Mongolia existed under the Soviet Union’s economic and political wing until 1990. Even after its democratic revolution in that year and an increasing focus on its “third neighbours” beyond Russia and China, the world found little reason to take notice of Mongolia until 2011. Yes, well-connected Tibetan politicians and activities introduced their Mongolian co-religionists to policy-makers around the world in the 1990s and Mongolia’s success in establishing itself as Asia’s only post-state socialist democracy caught the attention of some international relations officials, but this attention remained quite limited in scope. The 2000s were a decade of mineral exploration in Mongolia that culminated in an Investment Agreement between Anglo-Australian mining giant Rio Tinto and the government of Mongolia in 2009 as a framework for production at the immense Oyu Tolgoi gold and copper deposit in the Gobi desert. Construction investment related to that and other mines pushed economic activities to such heights in 2011 that the country was declared the fastest-growing economy in the world. And the world took notice!

In 2012, as Oyu Tolgoi construction was fueling this rapid economic growth, Mongolian coal exports were generating income, tax revenue and employment. In the Fall, the issue of a first US$-dominated sovereign “Chinggis Bond” was massively oversubscribed. All this good economic news gave a boomtown feel to Ulaanbaatar. Riding on the elevators of new commercial buildings were 20-something Mongolians oozing confidence. Mongolia seemed poised to conquer the world – once again.

Then China’s manufacturing industry sneezed and Moncoalia caught a major cold. Just before catching this cold defenses were already weakened by the hasty passage of a foreign investment law that clarified little and created a lot uncertainty. Now, coal sales to China have tumbled, the giant Tavan Tolgoi coal project is no longer the object of transnational investment desires, and direct investment in Mongolian ventures other than Oyu Tolgoi seems to have evaporated. To add to these woes, Mongolian politicians have been wrestling with cost-overruns in the construction of Oyu Tolgoi and how they are to understand themselves as ⅓ part owners of that mine.These doubts have cast a pallor over this mighty project and financing for its on-going construction. Construction of underground portions of the mine has been suspended and at the end of August 1,700 workers were let go. The Tugrik lost approximately 10% of its value against major currencies in August. Confidence has been shattered and parliament will be meeting in an emergency session in the coming week.

While the government budget has expanded to a volume where such a downturn can be buffered, these measures require the mortgaging of future mining revenues. Mongolia’s ability to rely on foreign donors is disappearing quickly. As the country transitions from a developing country to an emergent resource nation numerous donors will reduce their activities or shift gears from grants to long-term loans.

International investment interest has been a boon to Mongolia’s aspirations and economic development. But it is also introducing pressures and an urgency that decision-makers and the public have been challenged by. Policy analysis capacity in government, but also in civil society, remains low. The press is free and active, but has struggled in adopting professional practices that inform public debates rather than fanning flames, all in the context of widespread political ownership of media.

Rather than developing long-term strategic visions Mongolian political leaders have been reacting to developments outside their own control. The recent presidential election campaign that saw the current president, Ts Elbegdorj, win re-election in late June, was devoid of alternative conceptualizations of Mongolia’s economic development and the impact this will have on social and political development.

The choices that Mongolia faces require much more domestic research and policy analysis capacity. Ideally, this could be built in a non-partisan fashion over the coming decade, possibly in lockstep with the need for capacity building in such areas as financial administration, mining regulation, and vocational education.

But Mongolia’s integration into regional and global dynamics of investment and economic integration also necessitate the consideration of scenarios for the country’s future. Next week, World Economic Forum Strategic Foresight will host a discussion of such scenarios just before parliament convenes in an extraordinary session to consider responses to the current crisis. Discussions of scenarios as well as consideration of changes to investment laws might lay the groundwork for less tumultuous development in coming years that could bring equitable and sustainable growth to this landlocked nation with its extraordinary nature and people.

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UBC Job in Asian Public Policy

Posted on September 5, 2013 by Julian Dierkes

The Institute of Asian Research is hiring an assistant professor (tenure-track) in Asian Public Policy. I would personally be thrilled to see applications of junior scholars who focus some or all of their work on Mongolia.

Here’s the job ad:

New Position in Public Policy / Asia at Assistant Professor level 

The Institute of Asian Research (IAR) and the Department of Political Science, University of British Columbia (Vancouver campus), invite applications for a tenure-track appointment at the assistant professor level, effective July 1, 2014, in Asian public policy.  All policy specializations will be considered relevant (for example, governance and policy-making, economic policy, environmental policy, social and gender policy, urban policy, transportation, water, development).

The appointment is a joint position between IAR (75%) and Political Science (25%). Candidates must have a Ph.D. or be nearing completion.  Experience in teaching public policy related to Asia will be an asset. The successful candidate will be expected to maintain a program of scholarly research leading to publication, effective teaching, graduate supervision, and service.

The successful candidate will teach and supervise at the graduate and undergraduate levels in the area of public policy in Asia at the IAR and in Political Science. In addition, the successful candidate will be expected to play a role in the ongoing development of a public policy degree program focused on Asia at the IAR.

The programs, faculty research interests, and general activities of the Institute of Asian Research are found at www.iar.ubc.ca and those of the Department of Political Science are found at www.politics.ubc.ca.

Applicants should apply through the UBC faculty careers website,  and be prepared to upload a C.V., a description of current and future research interests, evidence of teaching effectiveness, and a sample of their ongoing research, preferably in the form of published material. Applicants should also arrange to have three confidential letters of reference sent by email to m.lao@ubc.ca.  Materials should be received by October 15, 2013.

The position is subject to final budgetary approval.  Salary will be commensurate with qualifications and experience.

UBC hires on the basis of merit and is strongly committed to equity and diversity within its community.  We especially welcome applications from visible minority group members, women, Aboriginal persons, persons with disabilities, persons of minority sexual orientations and gender identities, and others with the skills and knowledge to productively engage with diverse communities.  All qualified candidates are encouraged to apply; however Canadians and permanent residents will be given priority.

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Review of “Mongolia’s State Policy on the Minerals Sector (2013-2024)”

Posted on September 2, 2013 by D.Byambajav

“State Policy on the Minerals Sector (2013-2024),” a document defining the policy framework for the Mongolian minerals sector in the next decade is expected to be discussed at the upcoming autumn session of the State Great Khural. President Elbegdorj decided earlier this year that Mongolia needs a comprehensive policy framework that would define the country’s priorities and strategies in the minerals sector before discussing a new Minerals Law. The decision was a result of the discussion on the proposed law held at the Citizen’s Hall in February 2013. Mining Minister Gankhuyag introduced a draft of the document to parliament in July 2013. At present, a working group that is preparing the document for parliamentary discussion is receiving comments from interested Parties. The following is a short review of the policy document.

The document has four main sections: rationale, key principles, policy priorities and implementation. In brief, the rationale is defined as developing a mutually beneficial, transparent and responsible mining and mineral processing industry that supports Mongolia’s sustainable economic growth.

The main principles in developing the Mongolian minerals sector are defined as:

  • open and responsible government;
  • rule of law and transparent corporate governance;
  • non-discrimination of investors;
  • open access to geology and geo-science information;
  • better operational and health safety regulations;
  • research and stakeholder consultation based decision-making;

The document defines the main priorities of different phases or segments of the mining industry: legal and policy framework, geological research and geo-science information, mineral extraction, mineral processing, environmental protection and rehabilitation, and mineral resources management.

In the legal and policy framework section two priorities are particularly notable:

  • Supporting artisanal and small-scale miners’ efforts to work legally under cooperative work arrangements;
  • Supporting Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI) and Responsible Mining Initiative, and improving regulations on social, economic and environmental assessment.

According to the document, developing a national system of comprehensive and up-do-date geological and geo-scientific information and resources that is capable to provide the opportunity to systematically assess and increase Mongolia’s mineral reserve is a top priority. Private sector-led geological surveys and investment will be encouraged along with government-funded geological surveys and exploration.

As for the extractive sector, the following priorities can be highlighted among others:

  • Incorporation of radioactive elements (U, Th), rare earth elements, underground water, and some large deposits of gold, coal, iron and copper that have the potential to compete in the global and regional markets into the Strategically Important Deposits and government involvement in exploration, extraction and processing of such deposits;
  • Supporting companies that use technologies not harmful to the environment and human health, operate in accordance with the principles of transparent and responsible mining, and pay a significant amount of tax to national and local governments;
  • Development of large-scale mineral deposits by creating investor-friendly regulations and infrastructures.

Regarding mineral processing, government will promote mineral processing through tax and fiscal policies and directly supporting enterprises producing value-added products such copper cathode, ironwork, uranium concentrate powder, distilled gold and rare earth concentrations. Projects on coal enriching, coking and chemical plants, power plants at coking coal deposits, Eco-fuel from brown coal, liquefied fuel from coal and shale, and gaseous fuel from coal are also defined as key priorities.

Regarding environmental protection and rehabilitation, among other priorities, Mongolia will change standards for mine development, rehabilitation and closure, and will create mechanisms for engaging local community representatives in mine closure control and monitoring activities.

On the mineral resources management, a number of specific priorities were stated:

  • Selecting managers of state-owned and state-shared mining companies with the involvement of professional associations and civil society;
  • Supporting domestic businesses in the supply chains and procurement of large-scale projects;
  • Establishing “Wealth Fund” as a fiscal stabilization fund and a sovereign wealth fund;
  • Establishing the Mongolian Minerals Exchange;
  • Promoting civil society monitoring;
  • Establishing a national geological agency;
  • Increasing national human resource for the minerals sector;
  • Creating a unified registration directory of entrepreneurs in the mineral sector.

The policy document explains the structure and institutions for its implementation along with potential risks. It mentions the following national programs to be developed as part of policy implementation: “Geological Mapping,” “Coal,” “Iron,” “Fluorspar,” Rare Earth Elements,” “Copper,” “Construction Minerals” and “Legal Framework for the Minerals Sector.”

The document defines the following as the policy outcomes which can be interpreted as a broad projection of the development of the minerals sector:

  • Geological survey and exploration will be conducted in accordance with the policy priorities, increasing the country’s mineral reserves;
  • Mineral reserves will be extracted in a complex and environment-friendly ways
  • The amount and types of value-added, internationally competitive mineral products will be increased;
  • Mineral revenue will be invested in the non-minerals sectors, minimizing Mongolia’s dependence on the minerals sector;
  • Occupational and technological accidents will be decreased;
  • Opportunities for infrastructure development (road networks, power plants, city, and settlements) will be expanded, allowing long-term development planning;
  • As a result of the development of large-scale industrial centres, population migration will be stabilized;
  • An adequate number of professional personnel of the minerals sector will be prepared;
  • Environmental protection, land rehabilitation and long-term monitoring will be implemented in a responsible and planned way;
  • Mineral extraction and processing will be restricted in water catchment areas, river basins, forest zones, agricultural lands, highly nutritious pastures, Gobi oases, and areas near lakes and ponds;
  • A legal framework for ensuring transparency in the mineral sector, and public consultation in developing laws, regulations and large-scale projects will be developed;
  • Minerals will be traded at the Mongolian Minerals Exchange.

In sum, the document provides a broader understanding of the key priorities of the Mongolian minerals sector. It also clarifies some specific priority areas of mineral development and strategies aimed at consolidating and reforming existing policies and regulations. There are, however, several important issues that are not adequately addressed in the document such as ensuring policy stability, clarifying deposits or minerals of strategic importance and the role of government, understanding the cumulative environmental and social impact of mines on mining zones, developing measures to prevent land use or water-related conflicts between formal and informal mining, promoting non-judicial grievance mechanisms in the minerals sector, and requiring the social and economic empowerment of local communities affected by mining. Especially, the document does not mention about prior consultation with and consent from local communities in the area of mineral exploration and extraction, and agreements and formal negotiations with local communities and their representatives. A clear commitment on ensuring community consultation and broad support for any exploration and mining projects needs to be included in the document.

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Foreign Policy Roundup #5: August 18-September 1

Posted on September 1, 2013 by miliate

[The last two weeks of foreign affairs news from Mongolia. Most articles directly translated from Mongolian news sources.]

 

Asia

Mongolia’s Ambassador to Pakistan, Ts. Sukhbaatar, presented his credentials to President Asif Ali Zardari. Among other things, they discussed Mongolian-Pakistani cooperation in the ADB’s Central Asia Regional Economic Cooperation (CAREC) program.

Mongolia’s director of Parliament, Z. Enkhbold, met with a group of Thai representatives in Ulaanbaatar, expressing that Thailand is a key partner for Mongolia in Southeast Asia. This year, Mongolia and Thailand mark 40 years of diplomatic relations.

Mongolia’s ambassador to Thailand presented his credentials to the Thai Prince Maha Vajiralongkorn.

On official invitation from the Mongolian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the New Zealand Minister of Foreign Affairs visited Mongolia, and met with L. Bold. They discussed ways to increase mutual cooperation, and signed a Memorandum of Understanding on furthering cooperation.

L. Bold attended a meeting in Japan on Oita-Mongolian Friendship and Cooperation.

Leader of Parliament, Z. Enkhbold, received Mr. M. Xayashi, head of the Mongolian-Japanese Friendship Forum. The meeting of the Forum focused on societal and economic cooperation as well as student exchanges.

The Secretary of Administration of the Mongolian Parliament, B. Boldbaatar, received Sultanov Marat Abdrazokovich, a member of Kyrgyzstan’s Parliament current on an official trip to Mongolia.

The Diplomat and East Asia Forum ran an article on Mongolian-Kazakhstani relations proposing 3 reasons for the limited ties between the two countries: historical political boundaries, Kazakhstani-Russian relations, and the democratic-authoritarian restrictions.

Europe

Mongolia’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, L. Bold, met with Ireland’s Ambassador to Mongolia, where they discussed relations in the broader context of Mongolian-European affairs.

The Mongolian Embassy in Stockholm opened a “Citizen’s Room” where Mongolians can come together to discuss a variety of issues and seek council as needed.

Consultations were held between the German and Mongolian Ministries of Foreign Affairs, during which they discussed opportunities for cultural and governmental cooperation in the area of education. They also took the time to mark 40 years of diplomatic relations.

The Mongolian-Czech Governmental Commission held their 5th meeting.

Mongolia’s ambassador to the Czech Republic, D. Zumberellham, met with the Czech Vice President, to discuss economic affairs ahead of a meeting of the Mongolia-Czech business forum.

The director of the Russian Federation’s Election Commission visited Mongolia an expressed interest in Mongolia’s experience with new electoral technologies.

On the invitation of vice Minister of Foreign Affairs, D. Gankhuyag,  Russia’s undersecretary of foreign affairs I. V. Morgulov made an official visit to Mongolia. During his trip, he met with the Mongolian Prime Minister and head of the Mongolian-Russian Governmental Commission. They also held official consultations between their respective Foreign Affairs Ministries.

Mongolian passport holders can now travel to Belarus visa-free for up to 90 days. Mongolia and Belarus are also preparing to conclude an agreement on cooperation in science and technology.

 

North America

Minister of Defense, D. Bat-Erdene, met with U.S. Senator John MacCain and Sheldon Whitehouse in Ulaanbaatar to discuss US-Mongolian defense cooperation.

Middle East

Mongolian appointed a new consulate in the Kingdom of Jordan, which will operate out of Mongolia’s Embassy in Cairo. The consulate will not only handle issues of trade of investment, but also provide protection for Mongolian citizens’ interests in the country.

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Guest Post: Documenting Buddhist Past

Posted on August 29, 2013 by Julian Dierkes

There has been a very worthwhile project aiming to document Mongolia’s Buddhist history going on for some years. This is an effort led by scholars, but with a very impressive cultural footprint and organized under the auspices of the competent and active Mongolia Arts Council. See also the Facebook Page for this project. The project is now looking for support to publish their findings.

Help bring Mongolia’s Buddhist past to life online

By Konchog Norbu

Published on Buddhadharma August 10th 2013

At the height of Mongolia’s Buddhist culture, there were well over a thousand monasteries and temples spread across its deserts, steppelands, and forested mountains. After the ruthlessly efficient Stalinist religious purges of the late 1930s, however, there were exactly three left standing. Now enjoying religious freedom under a democratic system, the Mongolian people, in partnership with international friends, are determined to preserve the memory of their spiritual heritage before it’s too late — and you can help.

Since 2008, Mongolia’s Buddhist Monasteries Project has already sent teams to visit more than 1,300 sites of old and revived temples (mapping them using GPS coordinates), and to collect images, religious artifacts, and the priceless memories and stories of elders, many of whom were young monks before the purge. Now the project aims to organize and publish this vast data trove on an interactive website so that Mongolians — and people worldwide — can delve into the details of Mongolia’s rich Buddhist past.

The Arts Council of Mongolia has created an Indiegogo page to raise the $8,000 needed to complete the task of bringing Mongolia’s Buddhist history to life online. If you’d care for more information, or would like to make a contribution, http://www.indiegogo.com/projects/mongolia-s-buddhist-monasteries-project

For video and photographs see http://www.indiegogo.com/projects/mongolia-s-buddhist-monasteries-project?c=gallery

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Guest Post: Christopher Carter on the Role of Bag Governors

Posted on August 27, 2013 by Julian Dierkes

This post features a new community character from Bag 4, Abu the bag governor. This summer alongside this community I experimented with a participatory planning tool that I hope to refine over the upcoming years at UBC.  Participating clans were given a GPS enabled point and shoot camera with a prompt to capture the things that they value about a nomadic lifestyle in addition to where and how they use surface water resources during their summer at high mountain pastures or Jailao. Abu’s family was one of the participating clans.

Responsible for organizing decision making at the bag level as interim governor, Abu lassoes mares for Kumis (fermented horse milk) production

In a qualitative sense we learned that a majority of participants worry little about the quality of unprotected point sources and seldom discuss water resource development at bag meetings. However they retain a strong sense of ownership about protecting the water quality and using water efficiently. In a quantitative sense we learned the exact location and number of bastao (springs) accessed by the community at pasture and are now able to now fashion maps that merge the location and illustration of community water use alongside climate and LANDSAT data. This can illustrate a changing human resource relationship with surface water and be used by the community leaders to represent themselves in the policy arena.

My personal hope at the ground level is that participants gained a critical sense of their water resource capital and the potential for participation in the development in an era of emerging mineral resource extraction, desertification and glacial recession.In this transcribed interview I sat down with Abu to discuss his role as interim governor and the photos he and his family took over three weeks.

What’s happening in this photo Abu? 

Here we see traditional Kazakh culture, traditions, habits, our relatives and our neighbors  Dairy products and fresh mares milk (Kumis) too. Only in the summer do Kazakh people milk horses and share tea once a year do we have this gathering. Also, this photo will be a memory of Cj and Emilie, our guests from Montana, and a memory of that day. I really like this photo.

Can you explain what you like about being the acting bag governor? 

I enjoy working as bag governor because I get to communicate with many people in bag 4 everyday and then there is the salary. 

How does nomadic bag 4 make decisions?

When I organize a bag meetings (4 times a year) we make decisions about the movement of this bag between pastures and the soum center and we ask the suggestions of the people. After hearing suggestions, we make a choice on the dates to move. We also vote then on decisions regarding foreign NGO projects as well as local development funding that is mostly used for livestock care.

What would you change about this organization of government?

I think the system is good because we are able to hear all of the people’s ideas and address the problems that way at a small scale.  

How many meetings do you hold a year? 

Usually four times a year, but if there is a special problem, we meet.

What are your hopes for the future of this Jailao? Concerns? 

A rock protected spring in the centre of nomadic bag 4.

I don’t exactly know the future of this Jailao because the weather changes very quickly and it is sometimes very difficult with animals. However there is less water in the bastao (springs) some summers and I am worried that in the future they may run dry.  If we fence around the bastao, or build a house to protect the source in all seasons, that that will protect it for future use. The families that are closest would have the responsibility to maintain it.

Christopher J. Carter is a Masters Candidate in Comparative Development Planning at the School of Regional and Urban Planning (SCARP) at the University of British Columbia. His 2013 participatory research on water development policy in Olgii Province is supported by a fellowship from BioRegions International. 

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Introducing ‘Mongolia Research Hub’ at the University of Queensland

Posted on August 20, 2013 by D.Byambajav

Today, more than ever before, research and informed discussion is required to successfully negotiate Mongolia’s rapid development in the face of interrelated political, economic, social and environmental challenges.

The Centre for Social Responsibility in Mining (CSRM) part of the University of Queensland’s Sustainable Minerals Institute (SMI), has launched Mongolia Research Hub as an initiative to promote collaborative research and discussion on the opportunities and challenges for sustainable development presented by the rapid growth of Mongolia’s resource industry.

CSRM’s research is committed to improving the environmental and social performance of the resources sector globally. In Mongolia, CSRM has engaged with mining related issues at the national, regional and community level with a diverse range of partners and is rapidly expanding its expertise in the field.

Current Research focus

In 2013, CSRM won an AusAID Development Research Award Scheme (ADRAS). The ADRAS is AusAID’s flagship competitive research program, funding primary research projects to improve the quality and effectiveness of Australian aid in developing countries. The project, titled ‘Managing the impacts of minerals development on women and men and their traditional livelihoods in Mongolia‘ will be conducted from June 2013 until June 2015. The project is collaboration between interdisciplinary team of researchers based in Australia and a range of partners in Mongolia, including NGOs, universities and government agencies. As the first output, the research team has produced two videos that show the dramatic change of two mine sites, Tavan Tolgoi coal mine and Sharyn Gol mine, over the past four decades, using Landsat satellite imagery.

CSRM has also launched a research project, titled ‘Tracking the Negotiation and Implementation of the South Gobi Cooperation Agreement (SGCA)’ that seeks to better understand the effectiveness of negotiated agreements in developing country settings as a key mechanism for managing community impacts and benefits through structuring mutually beneficial relationships between resource companies and host communities. The main focus of the research is Rio Tinto`s ongoing agreement making with host communities and local government authorities around the Oyu Tolgoi mine in the South Gobi Province (Umnugovi Aimag) of Mongolia. More information on the agreement can be found here: www.goviin-erin.mn

CSRM’s researchers are also involved in a number of research projects focusing on specific themes identified in the Mongolian context, including a research project on understanding the dynamics of interaction between recent extreme climatic disasters and the current resources boom, a project on potential Gender Based Violence (GBV) in mining communities, and finally a project on enterprise development in mining zones in Mongolia.

These various projects highlighted in the Mongolia Research Hub, seek to contribute and inform debates concerning sustainable minerals development globally, while assisting Mongolia map its specific mining and development trajectory.

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A Network Approach to NGO Development: Women’s NGOs in Mongolia

Posted on August 19, 2013 by D.Byambajav

This article presents results of a social network survey of women’s NGOs in Mongolia, which was conducted during the spring of 2010. The main objective of the survey was to understand the structural properties of collaborative interactions among women’s NGOs. Among Mongolian NGOs, women’s organizations have been most active to form and join networks among NGOs, which have taken different forms, such as umbrella organizations and issue-specific coalitions, since the 1990s. It presents the main findings of social network analysis (SNA) and discuss its broader implications for NGO development.

(The International Journal of Not-for-Profit Law Volume 15, Issue 1, March 2013).

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The Limitations of Mongolian-Kazakhstani Relations

Posted on August 18, 2013 by miliate

I have recently had an article published on The Diplomat, in which I explore Mongolian-Kazakhstani relations. I argue that despite geographical and cultural proximity, relations between these two post-communist states are limited by three factors:

  1. Historical Political Boundaries
  2. Kazakhstan’s continued close relationship with the Russian Federation
  3. Mongolia’s unwillingness to pursue relations with authoritarian states
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Does Presidential Pardon Bring End to Enkhbayar Saga?

Posted on August 15, 2013 by Julian Dierkes

Mongolian President Ts Elbegdorj was narrowly re-elected to a second term in the June 26 presidential election. He is embarking on this second and final term with expectations of personnel continuity and policy stability. He is setting out on this path with a bit of a bang, the announcement of a pardon for former President N Enkhbayar who has been released into civilian hospital care earlier in August 2013.

Enkhbayar’s pardon is not unexpected and a political gamble to remove one of the thorns in Elbegdorj’s side as he embarks on his next four years in office.

Recapping the Enkhbayar Saga

Enkhbayar rose through the then-Mongolian People’s Revolutionary Party (MPRP) and was elected to the Ikh Khural (parliament) for this first time in 1992. He became the first person to hold all three highest elected offices in the country: prime minister (2000-04), chairman of parliament (2004-05), and president (2005-09).

Despite Enkhbayar’s powerful positions and central role in the party, he is rarely associated with any particular policy initiatives or directions. The most momentous decision for Mongolia that should have come during his watch was the signing of an Investment Agreement covering Anglo-Australian mining giant Rio Tinto’s investment in the massive Oyu Togloi gold and copper project. Yet, Enkhbayar was relatively un-inolved in this decision and the Agreement was ultimately only possible after Enkhbayar had lost the 2009 election, during Elbegdorj’s first term in the context of a “grand coalition” of the MPRP and DP under Prime Minister S Bayar.

His power waned during his term as president and he was defeated in his bid for re-election by Elbegdorj in 2009 in part because his own party no longer stood behind him. He became further alienated from his party when then-Prime Minister S Bayar announced Enkhbayar’s defeat to Elbegdorj very quickly after the election. This decision to force Enkhbayar to concede quickly was driven more by a desire for a speedy result following the violent unrest that had come with allegations of irregularities in the 2008 parliamentary election.

Enkhbayar’s alienation from the MPRP intensified when S Batbold became party leader. Batbold asserted his leadership by pushing a name-change for the party which reverted to its pre-1924 name of Mongolian People’s Party (MPP) in 2010.

While this name change was widely supported within the party, Enkhbayar gathered the opposition to the change and formed a splinter party which was ultimately allowed to assume the name of Mongolian People’s Revolutionary Party, even though the MPP was the organization that continued the existence of the socialist era-MPRP and retained its organization and assets.

As leader of the MPRP, Enkhbayar has taken a significant populist turn through the members of parliament that form the “Justice Coalition” together with the Mongolian National Democratic Party.

Allegations of Corruption

Allegations of corruption followed Enkhbayar throughout his political career. Most of these allegations focused on the business activities of his wife and the privatizations of public companies, but also pointed to the very sudden paying off of Mongolia’s legacy debt to Russia during Enkhbayar’s term as prime minister in 2003 by U.S.-Canadian mining entrepreneur Robert Friedland.

These allegations led to calls for investigations as soon as Enkhabayar’s electoral defeat lifted his immunity. Enkhbayar’s was arrested in April 2012, just as he was preparing for parliamentary elections at the end of June of that year. While some of the allegations were ultimately borne out by his trial and conviction, the timing of his arrest during the election campaign was seen by many as politically motivated and possibly orchestrated by Elbegdorj. This impression was reinforced by a public relations effort with sometimes downright silly blog posts, paid advertisements disguised as articles, and messages of support from foreign officials that seemed to be coordinated internationally by Enkhbayar supporters.

The campaign supporting Enkhbayar intensified when he went on hunger strike and was placed under hospital care during his pre-trial arrest. Despite various legal shenanigans and the international campaign, Enkhbayar was convicted of relatively minor corruption charges in August 2012 and sentenced to seven years in prison which was later reduced to three years.

Enkhbayar’s Pardon and Its Implications

The fact that Elbegdorj has pardoned Enkhbayar has not come as a surprise. It deflects accusations against Elbegdorj and the DP that they are partisan in their pursuit of anti-corruption measures and makes the president look more like a head of state above the political fray.

The implications of this pardon will only become clear in the coming months as the fate of the MPRP under Enhkbayar and his and the party’s role in cabinet and parliament become clearer. Since his arrest, the MPRP has largely been an Enkhbayar-proxy party.

Party representatives may have tried to negotiate with the DP over an Enkhbayar pardon at various moments, including when the MPRP was debating whether to field a presidential candidate or not. In the end, the party did nominate N Udval, so the current pardon does not appear part of a political bargain to prolong the cabinet under current Prime Minister N Altankhuyag. On the other hand, the MPRP members do have a fair bit of leverage as the DP-led cabinet is dependent on them for a majority.

Enkhbayar himself could conceivably be aiming for a return to active politics through a run for parliament in 2016, or, possibly even for the presidential election in 2017 when he would be 59 years old assuming that his health problems are not as severe as they may have appeared at times.

If the MPRP remains in the governing coalition this will present the challenge of how to distinguish itself from other coalition members in 2016. If they decide to leave the coalition, on the other hand, this may doom them to irrelevancy unless Enkhbayar’s visibility remains high.

The party landscape in Mongolia will continue to change in coming years as the Mongolian People’s Party tries to reclaim its dominant position and as the DP has its hands on all levers of power for the coming three years. If Enkhbayar does re-emerge as an active politician, this will have an impact on other DP officials, but probably not on Elbegdorj who has granted him this pardon.

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Guest Post: Christopher Carter on Kazakh Mongolians in Far West

Posted on August 13, 2013 by Julian Dierkes

For the past month I have been living at the mountain pastures of the fourth bag of Saqai Soum in Olgii province Mongolia working on researching participatory planning and water resource development.

Olgii province is home to Mongolia’s largest ethnicity, a Kazakh and Sunni Muslim people who have lived a nomadic lifestyle in the Altai mountains of Mongolia for at least 200 years. Following the Mongolian Revolution in 1921 a permanent border was drawn between Mongolia, Russia and China, ethnic Kazakhs living nomadically in Mongolia were effectively cut off from freely moving  to their homeland.

Today they remain the aimag’s majority and taking a majority of political seats at the bag, soum and aimag level. In the next few posts here on Mongolia Focus I hope to share some first-hand accounts of development and social change amongst Kazakh Mongolians living nomadically in the nation’s westernmost province.

I first met Baelkhan and his extended family two years ago and today he is 83 years old, which makes him the oldest man in the Bag. I had the chance to sit down with him last week at his summer pasture (Jailao) to hear about the changes he has seen in society and landscape of  Central Olgii province.

Baelkhan and the youngest addition to his clan, Tilik, observe the rounding up of horses for the annual Kumis (Fermented Mares Milk) celebration.

What is your history of Jailao (Summer Pasture) here in Bag 4? When I was young, I began to work with animals and did not attend any formal education.  I instead learned all of the aspects of being a good herder and have done this my whole life.

What is the most important change you have witnessed in Bag 4? Ten years ago, at the end of the Soviet era, livestock became private property and the govenment started to work in a new way supporting herding/animals. From this time on, I noticed that the animals health, breeding and populations increased in quality.

You have lived in Mongolia as a Soviet Satellite and now as a Democratic state, what are your observations of this transition? Life before, life after? In the Soviet age there were good things like free universal education, today in a democratic Mongolia, higher education can be expensive. Under Soviet control when you would graduate from high school there where many government opportunities for employment and even some light industry jobs here in Olgii. Today, alot of countryside people here see little opportunity for regional employment after university (high school) and cannot afford higher education. Because they are not qualified for the few jobs here and can produce their own food/ sell cashmere to support a family, many choose to be Malchin (herders)in the countryside. I also think the health of our animal populations have gotten higher in quality today.

How has the landscape of the Muztao valley changed in the past 50 years? Life on this landscape 50 years ago was very difficult, low precipitation for many years, very dry with cold winters and many Dzuds (Severe cold events).  Today I have noticed recently here that we are getting more rains and that the grass is getting better. Muztao mountain had much more ice on the glacier and received more snow in the past, in the spring the runoff was sometimes hard to deal with, some flooding . Today there is less fresh water melting off in the spring but it is higher quality (less sediment) and more managable. I don’t worry that Muztao has less water runoff because some years it recieves alot of snow. It is always changing.

What are your hopes for this Jailao (Summer Pasture)? Over time the climate and pasture quality in this Jailao has varied alot. But in the past 5 years i have noticed the grass has been much better, also there have been fewer Dzuds. The climate here is changing so it is very unpredictable .My worries are about the Dzuds, I always pray that they will not come. My hope for the future is that our families animals remain healthy and that the natural resources in this place remain healthy.

What is your highlight of your life as a Kazakh herder? I think that working with animals, living off their products and living in the fresh air my whole life is the highlight.

 About Christopher Carter

Christopher J. Carter is a Masters Candidate in Comparative Development Planning at the School of Regional and Urban Planning (SCARP) at the University of British Columbia. His 2013 participatory research on water development policy in Olgii Province is supported by a fellowship from BioRegions International.

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Foreign Policy Roundup #4: July 28-August 4, 2013

Posted on August 11, 2013 by miliate

The Foreign Policy Roundup returns, after a 2 month hiatus! As a reminder, in these bi-weekly posts I provide a brief summary of Mongolia’s international affairs developments over the past two weeks. (Most of the stories are from Mongolian-language sources, that I have translated on my own; therefore, any misspelled names of people or organizations are simple transliteration issues. If you do find any errors, please let me know.)

 

 

Multilateral Diplomacy

Minister L. Bold met with the UN Population Fund’s Mongolia Resident Representative Kitihara Naomii, at which he was handed the UNFPA’s recommendations for Mongolia.

Secretary for Foreign Affairs, G. Tsogtsaikhan, met with the Director of the Mongolian Division of the ILO, Liljert Perry, during which they exchanged opinions and ideas on the issues of strengthening Mongolia’s ability to manage migration (particularly to control emigration) and human trafficking.

D. Erdenbaatar was appointed director of the International Federation of Aeronautical Information Management Associations in charge of Asia-Pacific Affairs.

 

Bilateral Diplomacy

Luxembourg’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, Jean Asselborn, made an official visit to Mongolia, where he met with Minister L. Bold and Deputy Minister D. Terbishdagva.

U.S. President Barak Obama sent an official letter of congratulations to President Elbegdorj. In the letter, he praised Elbegdorj’s role in strengthening Mongolia’s democracy and mentioned the success of their last meeting in 2011 at the White House.

Mongolia’s Ambassador to Kazakhstan, J. Sukhee, presented his credentials to Kazakhstan’s vice Minister of Foreign Affairs, Saribay Kairat, and discussed Kazakhstan-Mongolian ties.

Mongolia’s Ambassador to Great Britain meet with British Parliament members to discuss security, political, and cultural cooperation and celebrate 50 years of diplomatic relations. To further support educational and cultural relations, Britain announced that it would increase the number of government scholarships offered to Mongolian students.

L. Durgerjav, Mongolia’s Ambassador to Bulgaria, presented his credentials to the President of Bulgaria. The President made specific note of the ancient traditional ties between Bulgarians and Mongolians, and expressed his hope that modern relations would bring their respective peoples peacefully together.

The Mongolian Ministry of Foreign Affairs hosted a senior delegation from the PRC.

Mongolia discussed cooperation with Japan in the medical sector.

Mongolia’s ambassador to Turkey, B. Bathishig, met with Turkish officials to discuss bilateral relations and ways to increase regular consultations between the two countries.

Economics

Minister Ch. Saihanbileg went to Hong Kong, meeting with the Hong Kong Financial Minister, Jon Tsan, and Director of Economic Development, Andrew Von. They discussed Mongolian plans for foreign investment, infrastructure, and finance.

Minister of Economic Development, N. Batbayar, traveled to Japan to discuss how to strengthen the Mongolian-Japanese strategic partnership, intensify bilateral economic relations, and develop new areas of cooperation.

Luxemburg and Mongolia have started negotiations for a Tax Treaty to avoid double taxation.

Defense/Security

Minister L. Bold met with the Commander of the U.S. Pacific Fleet, Admiral Samuel J. Locklear to discuss cooperation between their respective defense departments and exchange ideas on future developments, especially after the U.S. withdraw from Afghanistan.

Mongolia participated for the first time in The Royal Edinburg Military Tattoo, an annual international military festival. Mongolian traditional dancers performed during the festival.

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Failed States Index

Posted on July 26, 2013 by Julian Dierkes

The Fund for Peace released its 2013 Failed States Index (FSI) earlier in July 2013 and I’ve included the ranking in our Mongolia Scorecard.

Methodology

The Failed States Index aims to identify ” pressures [that] are pushing a state towards the brink of failure” and is issued by the U.S.-based Fund for Peace. Over 75% of its funding comes from foundations and “Government Contracts and Grants”.

The index is constructed through a combination of data triangulation and “critical review”, “scores are apportioned for every country based on twelve key political, social and economic indicators (which in turn include over 100 sub-indicators) that are the result of years of painstaking expert social science research”. As is the case with many of these indices, this explanation leaves much to be desired, though the website also offers links to a number of reviews of the index.

Mongolia in the Failed States Index

As I would have expected, Mongolia does not exhibit any indication of becoming a failed state and it is thus in the “stable” category of the FSI, ranked at 129 (out of 179, Rank 1 is a failed state) with a score of 57.8 (out of 120, lower = more stable).

There are 12 subindicators to the overall score with a maximum score of 10 on each of these subscores to add up to the overall possible total of 120 that would mark an utterly failed state.

Mongolia receives the lowest (= most stable) scores on “massive movement of refugees” (2.2) and “chronic human flight” (2.5) and is least stable as regards to “uneven development” (6.3) and “deterioration of public services” (5.7).

In terms of the movement of refugees, Mongolia’s score is the 23rd-lowest in the world and very close to Canada’s (2.1). This indicator mainly seems to rely on the presence of refugees in country.

For human flight Mongolia ranks even higher (20) and is preceded by New Zealand and follower by Italy with this ranking. This  indicator mainly seems to rely on outmigration from the country.

The uneven development indicator largely measures levels of income inequality (Gini coefficient) and shares of income by population segments. Here, Mongolia ranks 77th and is close in score to Thailand, for example.

The “deterioration of public services” indicator is least clear to me and includes “pressures and measures related to: policing, criminality, educational provision, literacy, water & sanitation, infrastructure, quality healthcare, telephony, internet access, energy reliability, roads”. Here Mongolia ranks at 87th just ahead of Vietnam.

This indicator is a bit puzzling, but I would imagine that Mongolia may do poorly in water & sanitation, roads while it should score quite well (in comparison to other countries with a similar subindicator score) on literacy, internet access.

Mongolia’s ranking is virtually unchanged from 2012. In looking at the subindicators, it seems to me that the “public service” score may increase in the future as this includes a number of areas that are being addressed actively by government policy, while the uneven development indicator may be unlikely to budge. Poverty and economic decline may also change from its current, fairly positive position (56th, 4.7) if there was a long-term downturn in commodity prices that would undermine Mongolia’s tax revenues and growth from natural resource projects. Many of the other subindicators also seem like they are likely to be stable for the foreseeable future.

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Posted in Democracy, Development, Global Indices, Governance, Inequality, JD Democratization, Politics, Population, Security Apparatus, Social Issues, Social Movements | Tagged | Leave a comment